Northeast Historical Archaeology

Volume 19 Article 1

1990 Building a Framework for Research: Delaware's Management Plan for Historical Archaeological Resources Lu Ann De Cunzo

Wade P. Catts

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Recommended Citation De Cunzo, Lu Ann and Catts, aW de P. (1990) "Building a Framework for Research: Delaware's Management Plan for Historical Archaeological Resources," Northeast Historical Archaeology: Vol. 19 19, Article 1. https://doi.org/10.22191/neha/vol19/iss1/1 Available at: http://orb.binghamton.edu/neha/vol19/iss1/1

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Northeast Historical Archaeology by an authorized editor of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. Building a Framework for Research: Delaware's Management Plan for Historical Archaeological Resources

Cover Page Footnote The aN tional Park Service provided funding to prepare the Management Plan for Delaware's Historical Archaeological Resources. The nivU ersity of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research, Department of Anthropology, provided matching funding. The uthora s thank Jay F. Custer, Director of the Center for Archaeological Research, for supporting this project, and Center staff for their assistance. Special thanks are due Kimberly Hood, Paul McCullough, and Robert Schultz for preparing the graphics included in this article. Joan Larrivee and the staff of the tS ate Historic Preservation Office, especially Alice Guerrant, and Charles Fithian of the Delaware State Museums, offered important insights and recommendations throughout the project. The eD laware Department of Transportation funded the investigations of most of the archaeological sites mentioned in this article. The ongoing support of the Department and its archaeologist, Kevin Cunningham, in developing an ongoing program of historical archaeological research in the state is greatly appreciated. Mary C. Beaudry and Northeast Historical Archaeology editorial staff as ew ll as the two anonymous reviewers contributed suggestions which improved the manuscript in many ways. Copies of the Management Plan are available from the State Historic Preservation Office, P. 0. Box 1401, Dover, Delaware 19903.

This article is available in Northeast Historical Archaeology: http://orb.binghamton.edu/neha/vol19/iss1/1 Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 19, 1990 1

BUILDING A FRAMEWORK FOR RESEARCH: DELAWARE'S MANAGEMENT PLAN FOR HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESOURCES

Lu Ann De Cunzo and Wade P. Catts

In 1990 the authors completed a Management Plan for Delaware's Historical Archaeological Resources. This article outlines the Management Plan's objectives and components, and presents the core of the research pro­ gram for historical archaeology deveioped in the Plan. The Delaware Plan may suggest ideas to historical archae­ ologists developing plans for other states, provinces, counties, and even cities or other municipalities. At the same time, Delaware histori~al archaeology can benefit from the responses to this Plan offered by our colleagues across the Northeast and beyond.

En 1990, les auteurs ant etabli un Plan de gestion des ressources archeologiques historiques du Delaware. L' article indique les objectifs et les elements du Plan et presente /'essen tiel du programme de recherches en archeologie historique qu'il comprend. Le Plan du Delaware peut apporter des idees aux archeologues qui ant il preparer de tels documents pour d'autres Etats, des provinces, des comtes et meme des villes au autres municipalites. D'autre part, /'archeologie historique du Delaware peut beneficier des commentaires relatifs au Plan provenant de. nos collegues du Nord-Est et d'ailleurs.

Introduction motes integration and synthesis of disparate studies undertaken across each state, spanning In the United States, the federal historic over three centuries, and addressing innumer­ preservation program has enumerated a set of able topics from several theoretical and basic goals (National Park Service 1983). They methodological perspectives. guide the historic preservation planning pro­ In Management Plans in each state, then, a cess in each state, and consist of: 1) identifying historic context framework is developed, and the state's cultural resources; 2) establishing strategic plans presented for meeting the his­ criteria by which to determine the significance toric preservation program goals. Built on the of the resources; 3) applying the criteria in historic context framework, these strategic evaluating identified resources; and 4) devel­ plans are, by definition, oriented toward re­ oping means to assure preservation of signifi­ search as the basis of management. cant resources and/or the significant informa­ Over the past several years, the State tion contained therein (Ames et a!. 1989: 1). Historic Preservation Office in Delaware has This planning process is closely tied to the sponsored preparation of a series of National Register of Historic Places created by Management Plans. The first, in 1986, was A the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966. Management Plan for Delaware's Prehistoric The historic context forms the "cornerstone Cultural Resources (Custer 1986). Three years of historic preservation planning" (Ames et a!. later, the Delaware Comprehensive Historic 1989: 20). The historic context framework of Preservation Plaf! was completed (Ames et a!. time, space, and research themes provides a 1989). It principally addresses the state's sur­ mechanism for evaluating historic resources in viving historic architecture and landscapes and relation to broader cultural and historical pat­ only touches on researching and preserving terns (Ames et a!. 1989: 20; National Park Delaware's historical archaeological re­ Service 1983). It allows consideration of there­ sources. Archaeological resource management lationships between archaeological and other and preservation plans prepared for historic resources. At the same time, it pro- Wilmington and New Castle (Goodwin 1986; 2 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo and Calls

Table 1. Historic context framework for historical Delaware. All the state's cultural resources archaeological resources in Delaware. dating to the historic period (defined as begin­ ning with the first permanent European settle­ ment, in the first third of the 17th century, in TEMPORAL PERIODS what was to become the state of Delaware) are 1630-1730+ I- Exploration and Frontier Settlement to be evaluated with reference to this frame­ 1730-1770+ I- Intensified and Durable Occupation work. The state is divided into five geographi­ 1770-1830+1- Early Industrialization cal regions, five temporal periods are utilized 1830-1880+ I- Industrialization and Early to organize the state's history, and 18 historic Urbanization themes are identified (Ames eta!. 1989: 1, 20- 1880-1940+ I- Urbanization and Early 37; Herman and Siders 1989). Suburbanization In the Management Plan for the state's his­ torical archaeological resources, the historic GEOGRAPHICAL ZONES context framework presented in the Piedmont Comprehensive Plan was somewhat modified Upper Peninsula (TAB. 1). The temporal component of the Lower Peninsula framework was adopted unaltered. Coastal Geographically, the Comprehensive Plan di­ vides the state into five zones: the Piedmont, RESEARCH DOMAINS the Upper Peninsula, the Lower Peninsula and Domestic Economy Cypress Swamp, the Coastal, and the Urban Landscape (Wilmington). As Wilmington is treated in its Manufacturing and Trade own historical archaeological management Social Group Identity, Behavior, and Interaction plan (Goodwin 1986), only four geographic zones are distinguished in the Management Sources: Ames eta!. 1989; De Cunzo and Catts 1990. Plan (FIG. 1). The most significant modification is the conflation of the Comprehensive Plan's 18 his­ toric themes into four research domains. The purpose was not to confound integration of the Heite and Heite 1989) established frameworks study and management of Delaware's histori­ and priorities for the cultural resource man­ cal archaeological and other historic resources. agement projects undertaken in those cities, but Rather, as pointed out in the Comprehensive no statewide plan existed to guide manageme·nt Plan, flexibility is a key component of the his­ of Delaware's archaeological resources of the toric context concept. Within the historic con­ historic period. In 1989 the State Historic text framework, themes can be developed across Preservation Office (then the Bureau of time and space, chronological periods can be Archaeology and Historic Preservation) developed as individual contexts, or contexts awarded a Survey and Planning Grant to the can even be constructed from a combination of University of Delaware Center for themes and chronological periods at a variety Archaeological Research to support prepara­ of geographical scales (Ames eta!. 1989: 20). tion of a historical archaeological resources For the Management Plan's purpose of pro­ management plan. Monies from the National viding general guidance in planning for, identi­ Park Service's Historic Preservation Fund, sub­ fying, evaluating, registering, and treating granted to the state of Delaware, thus partly Delaware's historical archaeological re­ funded the plan. The University of Delaware sources, the research domains both relate better and the Center for Archaeological Research to the trends and directions in historical ar­ provided matching funds. The Management chaeological research today and serve to link Plan for Delaware's Historical Archaeological and interrelate the various themes. The Resources (De Cunzo and Catts 1990) was com­ Comprehensive Plan also points out that de­ pleted and accepted by the State Historic velopment of historic contexts should comprise Preservation Office in 1990. one of the first elements of the preservation The 1989 Comprehensive Plan presented a planning process (Ames eta!. 1989: 7). No his­ preliminary historic context framework for toric contexts have as yet been developed for Northeast Historical Archaeology/Vo/. 19, 1990 3

1 - Pied'nonl 2 • Upper peninaula 3 - Lower peninsula I cypress swamp 4- Coaatal 5- Urban

SUSSEX COUNTY

Figure 1. A map of Delaware showing the state's three counties, the principal urban settlements, and the geographical zones employed in the state's Historic Context framework. (Reproduced courtesy of the University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research.)

Delaware's historical archaeological re­ logical property types, their nature and dis­ sources, nor was it the purpose of the tribution, and evaluate current knowledge Management Plan to do so. Rather, beginning to of each; construct these contexts is an important compo­ 3) Review the status of historical archaeo­ nent of what comes next in managing these re­ logical research (in Delaware and across sources. the United States) and the research of other With the historic context framework estab­ scholars studying the historic period in lished as the Management Plan's basis, the fol­ Delaware; this would aid in identifying lowing objectives remained: those research themes, geographic areas, and time periods to which historical ar­ 1) Develop an overview of the physical, chaeological research can best contribute; material correlates of Delaware history in order to define historic contexts with asso­ 4) Elaborate research themes and ques­ ciated historical archaeological resources; tions proposed to guide historical archaeo­ logical research in Delaware for the next 2) Identify Delaware's historical archaeo- five years; 4 Delaware's Management Plan/De Crmzo and Catts

5) Prepare a five-year plan for historical merates a few overarching research questions to archaeological research and preservation in integrate study of all of the state's historical Delaware by establishing and prioritizing archaeological resources. The remainder of the goals for the following preservation activi­ questions derive from the historic themes and ties: planning; identification; evaluation; archaeological research domains. registration; and treatment. Each of the Management Plan's five objec­ tives became a component of the final plan. To While it replicates neither, two other identify the trends and facets of Delaware cul­ Management Plans especially inspired the tural history relevant to historical archaeolog­ Delaware Management Plan. The Historic ical research (Objective 1), those historical Context for Historic Archaeology in Kentucky overviews already prepared as background for identified nine "cross-temporal topics" as re­ archaeological research in the state were first search foci for historical archaeological re­ reviewed. These overviews were then supple­ search in the state: Consumerism; Settlement mented through additional secondary research Patterns; Trade Networks; Foodways; and reworked to fit more closely the temporal, Ethnicity; Archaeology of Households; geographic, and thematic historic context Farmstead Archaeology; Urban Archaeology; framework developed in the Comprehensive and Industrial Archaeology (McBride and Plan. McBride 1989). The Pinelands Cultural Identifying historical archaeological Resource Management Plan for Historic Period property types (Objective 2) similarly built on Sites addresses all historic-period cultural re­ previous historical, geographical, architec­ sources in the New Jersey Pinelands. Nine tural, and archaeological research. Secondary "resource groups" form the basis of its organiza­ research and the state's cultural resource files tion: Agricultural Sites and Gristmills; and archaeological and architectural survey Glasshouses; Iron Forges and Furnaces; and data recovery reports provided information Maritime Activities; Minor Industries; on identified site types, their distribution and Sawmills; Settlements; Transportation Routes content. A data base of the state's inventoried and Railroads; and Vernacular Residential historical archaeological sites was created and Architecture. Research priorities and questions a revised categorization scheme for historical are identified for each "resource group." archaeological property types proposed. Resources' significance lie in their potential to Additional secondary research aided defi­ address these research priorities and questions nition of the themes, time periods, and geo­ (New Jersey Pinelands Commission 1986). graphic regions to which historical archaeo­ A research plan comprising a series of re­ logical research can best contribute in Delaware search questions and issues outlined for each of (Objectives 3 and 4). The literature of histori­ the four research domains, for each time pe­ ans, architectural and landscape historians, riod, forms the core of Delaware's Management decorative arts historians, scholars of folk cul­ Plan. This structure was considered critical, as ture, historians of technology, cultural geogra­ it linked the Plan with the process of evaluat­ phers, and material culture scholars working in ing the significance of archaeological resources. Delaware was surveyed. Review of their·work The National Register of Historic Places crite­ emphasized their research approaches, themes rion of significance applied most frequently to and questions, the resources they study, and archaeological resources is Criterion D. To be their substantive contributions. This research eligible for listing on the National Register un­ was coupled with a review of the themes, time der Criterion D, an archaeological resource periods, and geographic areas on which must contain "information, or potential infor­ Delaware historical archaeologists have fo­ mation, important to history or prehistory" cused up to the present, and with a general re­ (U.S. Congress 1966: Section 106). The research view of the themes and interests current in the domains, issues, and questions thus provide the discipline of historical archaeology today. framework within which resources are evalu­ Preparing a plan to manage Delaware's ated for significance. Significant resources are historical archaeological resources over the those that provide researchers information next five years (Objective 5) involved looking relating to at least one of the research issues or beyond the ideals of disciplinary research in­ questions. Delaware's Management Plan enu- terests. Goals and needs were to be identified Northeast Historical Archaeology(Vol. 19, 1990 5

~ - llV'eatened areaa

Figure 2. Portions of Delaware in which archaeological sites are currently subject to severe threats from erosion and development. (Redrawn from De Cunzo and Catts 1990: 183; reproduced courtesy of the University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research.) for each management activity composing the Research Contexts, Domains, and state's preservation program. This involved Questions in Delaware Historical first identifying the nature and extent of his­ Archaeology toric settlement in Delaware during each study time period, thus defining the areas of poten­ Management of historical archaeological tial historical archaeological site concentra­ resources revolves around determining signifi­ tions. Next the threats to the historical ar­ cance. As discussed above, this most often in­ chaeological resource base were defined, and volves evaluating resources' potential contribu~ their geographic impact zones delineated (FIG. tion to our understanding of American history. 2). Finally, general goals for the planning, Thus the components of the Delaware identification, evaluation, registration, and Management Plan deemed most broadly appli­ treatment of Delaware's historical archaeolog­ cable to historical archaeologists working in ical resources were identified and prioritized other areas are the research domains and the with an emphasis on the state's threatened re­ research plan. The balance of this article first sources. introduces the four research domains of the 6 Delaware's Mmzagcme11l Pla11/Dc Cu11zo a11d Calls

Management Plan's historic context framework Research Domains and then presents the core of the histdrical ar­ Domestic Economy chaeological research plan. The latter consists Historical archaeological investigations of the proposed research questions and foci for have focused over the years on the domestic each temporal-geographic-thematic/ domain residential site for several reasons. Domestic node of the historic context framework. Brief sites are ubiquitous, archaeologically visible, historical overviews introducing each temporal and in fact usually quite rich. More important, period provide a context for those unfamiliar archaeologists, anthropologists, and historians with Delaware history. Historical archaeo­ have become increasingly cognizant of the cen­ logical sites currently being investigated trality of the family /household as the basic within the plan's framework are identified for social unit of production, reproduction, and con­ each time period. One, the John Darrach Store sumption (cf. Beaudry 1984; Deetz 1982; Site (De Cunzo et al. 1992), is presented in the Mrozowski 1984). Furthermore, the household next section as an example of the research represents the minimal social and economic unit plan's application. generally visible archaeologically. Domestic The research questions generated for economy studies form an essential basic compo­ Delaware and presented below are of course not nent of both historical ethnographic research comprehensive, but are intended to guide plan­ and investigations of the international capital­ ning, research, and decision-making in ist system's development, the broadest subject Delaware historical archaeology over the next of historical archaeological inquiry (Deagan five years. All are archaeological questions, 1988; Schuyler 1988; South 1988). Finally, do­ rooted in the study of historical archaeological mestic economy as a research domain interests resources, yet not constrained by the require­ historical archaeologists of all theoretical ori­ ment they be answered solely through archaeo­ entations. logically recovered data. Rather, numerous Domestic economy encompasses the whole factors influenced their selection: 1) current re­ range of means (which include production, re­ search interests, approaches, and techniques in production, and consumption) employed by the the field of historical archaeology; 2) current family /household to achieve its goals (Rapp knowledge of Delaware cultural history­ 1979: 176). These goals may be mere survival events, trends, economies, social organization, and/or family continuity; they may include belief systems, lifestyles, etc.; 3) the state of geographic, occupational, economic and/or so­ historical archaeological research in cial mobility; and they are inspired by reli­ Delaware-what we know and do not know, gious beliefs and values and/ or other ideolo­ the property types that have been investigated gies. Thus, the family /household's production, and those that have not; 4) the current research reproduction, and consumption may be viewed interests and approaches of other scholars also as a strategy designed to achieve domestic investigating the historical period in goals, a strategy subject to historical archaeo­ Delaware-the goals here being to increase in­ logical investigation. Particular elements that tersection of all our research, increase dialogue, historical archaeologists have explored in­ and increase interdisciplinary research; and 5) clude the household's composition and the roles the practical concern of using these questions to of its individual members (cf. Deagan 1983; De develop research designs and evaluate the sig­ Cunzo 1987; LeeDecker et al. 1987; Yentsch nificance of resources. 1990), home production (of food, shelter, cloth­ ing, and other basic necessities as well as of One obvious omission in the research plan marketable surplus products) (cf. Bowen 1988; requires explanation. Archaeological study of Carlson 1990; Turnbaugh 1985; Yentsch 1988), Delaware's Native Americans, including those and consumer behavior (see especially Spencer­ resident at the time of and subsequent to Wood 1987). This last topic is intended to be European contact and settlement, is addressed broadly defined to encompass investigating the in A Management Plan for Delaware's family /household's participation in a local Prehistoric Cultural Resources (Custer 1986). production and barter economic system and/or in Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 19, 1990 7 a cash-based market economy. Relevant re­ other than residential sites, although overlap search issues include the family /household's occurs in the areas of agriculture, home produc­ investment in, use of, and improvements to land, tion, and. consumer behavior. Several aspects of buildings, tools and equipment, servants and manufacturing can be explored by archaeolo­ slaves, livestock, and domestic furnishings. In gists at production sites. There is, of course, addition, status/ display goods and behaviors first the physical site-location and land use, are subject to archaeological investigation-in alterations made to the landscape, architec­ particular the domestic landscape, architec­ ture, and any other engineering and structural ture, consumer goods, and social behaviors such features (cf. Faulkner 1982; Hardesty 1988; as entertaining in the home. Finally, the roles Starbuck 1986). of fashion, style, and ideology in the domestic Production processes have also proven economy-including religious beliefs, world amenable to archaeological study (cf. Faulkner view, ideas on nature, beauty, the family, 1986; Hardesty 1988; Honerkamp 1987; Light etc.-are also subject to examination. 1984; Pendery 1985; White 1980, 1981, 1983; Once the subject family /household's do­ Worrell 1985). The remains of tools and equip­ mestic goals and strategies have been recon­ ment, raw materials, and finished products are structed, analysis moves to a larger context. often preserved in the archaeological record. The family /household must be understood in These, in conjunction with the physical site ev­ the context of the local and regional economic, idence, allow historical archaeologists to bet­ social, occupational, ethnic, religious, and po­ ter understand technology and manufacturing litical systems. Comparisons can be made processes and their evolution. Finally, all pro­ across three major dimensions: time, space, and duction sites serve also as workplaces. social position. For example, the extent of ur­ Therefore, archaeologists can explore work banization and industrialization, the nature, patterns, practices, and training programs; the efficiency, and extent of the transportation sys­ behavior, activities, and life of the worker out­ tem, and the nature of marketing systems and side the domestic setting; and worker-employer their effects on the availability of goods and relations-in other words, industrial ecology services all vary over time. Spatial compar­ (cf. Beaudry 1989a, 1989b; Beaudry and isons can be made within a single community, Mrozowski 1987a, 1987b, 1988; Deetz 1963; among similar and different communities Gorman, Jones, and Staneko 1985; Ingle 1982; within a geographic region, among rural, small Leary 1979; Levin 1985). town, and urban communities, and among differ­ As with the study of domestic economy, the ent geographic regions. Comparisons across so­ research program ends not with the individual cial position relate families/households of site, but with cultural context and comparison. different ethnic affiliations, religious back­ The site can be placed in a settlement context grounds, occupational structures, points in the through study of the distribution and interrela­ life cycle, household types, income levels, and tionships among not only production sites but socioeconomic statuses. Thus, farm households all the site types comprising the local and re­ and the households of rural, town-based, and gional settlement and economic system urban laborers, craftspeople, merchants, profes­ (Langhorne 1976). At the same time, factors sionals, and business-owners can all be investi­ such as the ethnic and cultural background of gated and compared by the archaeologist for the manufacturer can be considered as they re­ evidence of similarities and differences in their late to the process and technology employed at domestic goals, strategies, and their material the site. Finally, the study of change across correlates. Developing sophisticated means of time and space encompasses not only investigat­ conducting this multivariate comparative ing the evolution of process and technology at analysis and interpretation remains one of his­ any individual site. The archaeologist also torical archaeology's great challenges. seeks explanations for changes in the worker's position as producer and consumer, and explana­ tions for changes in the interrelationships Manufacturing and Trade among workers and their employers and among production, transportation, and marketing. Historical archaeologists study manufac­ The research domain of trade links the turing and trade principally through site types study of production with the study of the do- 8 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo and Calls mestic economy. Site types required for the plex network of factors. Technology and the study of trade include transportation-related manufacturer's cultural/ ethnic background, sites such as the ubiquitous Delaware river and traditional knowledge, economic means, social creek landings, and distribution and redistribu­ status, and aspirations are all played out in the tion sites such as storehouses, warehouses, and physical site. Furthermore, the manufacturer's various merchants' shops and stores. views on his or her relationship to and respon­ Underwater resources also illuminate histori­ sibility for the workers, and his or her "world cal trading systems, the principal examples be­ view" or beliefs concerning nature, human rela­ ing shipwrecks and the remains of wharves and tionships to it and potential dominance over it docks. Trade, however, implies both supply all take material form in the cultural land­ and demand. Domestic sites inform on what scape (cf. Beaudry 1989a; Beaudry and people did in fact acquire and from what Mrozowski 1988). Finally, as with the other sources. Ultimately the research goal is to re­ research domains, the cultural landscape must construct the structure, functioning, and evolu­ be studied as a phenomenon exhibiting stabil­ tion of Delaware's production, distribution, and ity as well as undergoing change across time consumption systems from the 17th through and space. early 20th centuries.

Social Group Identity, Behavior, and Landscape Interaction Studying the cultural landscape involves Archaeological study of social groups inter­ looking at the human settlement system and its sects with the other research domains, yet also relationship to the natural environment. requires investigating site types not identified Analysis may proceed on a number of different with the other domains. Family and kinship, levels, including national, regional, sub-re­ ethnic identity and behavior, religious beliefs gional, local, and site-specific. At all levels and associations, community ties, and political, beyond the site-specific, research focuses on the social, economic, and occupational groups may physical manifestations and interrelationships all be investigated to a certain extent at the among frontier (cf. Lewis 1984), rural (cf. level of the family /household residential site Paynter 1982), town/nucleated (cf. Heite and (cf. Deagan 1983; Faulkner and Faulkner 1987; Heite 1986a; Miller 1988), and urban settlement Geismar 1982; Kelso 1984; Leone 1973; Leone et systems (cf. Cressey and Stephens 1982; a!. 1989; McGuire 1982; Orser 1990; Otto 1984; Rothschild 1987; Wall 1987). At individual Praetzellis, Praetzellis, and Brown 1987; Reitz sites, archaeologists seek to reconstruct the nat­ and Scarry 1985; Schuyler 1980; Singleton 1985; ural and cultural environment (cf. Beaudry and Spencer-Wood 1987; Staski 1987). Similarly, Mrozowski 1987a, 1987b, 1989; Kelso and the social groupings associated with the work­ Beaudry 1990), the division and use of space (cf. place may be explored at the production or dis­ Beaudry 1986; Pogue 1988; Stewart-Abernathy tribution site (cf. Deetz 1963). To reconstruct 1986), and to understand architectural forms the entire social and cultural system, however, and their placement (d. Carson eta!. 1981). social behavior must be understood at places Clearly this research domain intersects the such as churches (cf. Riordan 1989), schools (cf. others identified in the Management Plan. At Catts and Cunningham 1986; Graffam 1982; the domestic site, for example, the use and ma­ Pefta 1992), occupational, ethnic, and other so­ nipulation of the landscape can be explored as cial organization meeting halls (e.g., granges, an aspect of the household's economic strategy lodge halls, and other clubhouses), political in­ as well as in its relationship to ethnic identity, stitutions (e.g., courthouses)(cf. Wise 1976), inns religion, and political, social, economic, and oc­ and taverns (cf. Coleman eta!. 1990; King 1988; cupational status and goals (cf. Adams 1990; Rockman and Rothschild 1984; Wilkins and Beaudry and Mrozowski 1987b; Epperson 1990; Quick 1976), military sites (e.g., battlefields, Leone 1973; Leone et a!. 1989; Stewart­ forts, and military shipwrecks) (cf. Albright Abernathy 1986; Yentsch et a!. 1987). 1987; Arnold 1978, 1989; Braley 1987; Carrell Similarly, the cultural landscape of a produc­ 1990; Cockrell 1979; Cummings 1980, 1983; tion site results from the interaction of a com- Delgado 1988; Faulkner and Faulkner 1987; Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 19, 1990 9

Fisher 1983, 1986; Foster and Smith 1986; Fry by the Dutch West India Company to establish 1984; Johnson 1985; Keith 1982; Miville­ a fishing and agricultural settlement at pres­ Deschenes 1987; Scott et a!. 1989; South 1974; ent-day Lewes, the New Sweden Company Sullivan 1986; Turnbaugh, Turnbaugh, and built Fort Christina, the first permanent Davis 1979; Watts 1981; Watts eta!. 1984), and European settlement in Delaware, in 1638. The even cemeteries (cf. Bachman and Catts 1990; fort, constructed with the support of the Blakely and Beck 1982; Clark 1987; Deetz 1977; Swedish government, was located at the con­ Deetz and Dethlefsen 1967; Farrington 1987). fluence of the Brandywine and Christiana Investigation of social group identity, be­ Creeks in the Upper Peninsula, on the present havior, and interaction can appropriately occur site of the City of Wilmington. It became the within the context of the community. Of nucleus of New Sweden, a scattered settlement course, one can define a community in many of Swedish and Finnish farmers and traders ways and at many demographic and geographi­ (Weslager 1987). cal scales. Nevertheless, communities always The Dutch claimed the identical land, from comprise kin, household, religious, occupa­ the Schuykill River south. In 1651 the West tional, political, and social groups interacting India Company built Fort Casimir at the pres­ within a defined geographic area. Interacting ent site of New Castle, in an attempt to block communities form larger political and cultural Swedish efforts to control commerce on the systems. Thus by utilizing this proposed Delaware River. The Swedes responded by framework, historical archaeologists in capturing this fort in 1654. Rivalry between Delaware can contribute to the study of the the two colonizing governments continued. The family /household, the social group, the com­ Dutch returned to the Delaware Valley in 1655 munity, and ultimately the politico-cultural with a large military force, recapturing Fort system. Casimir and also seizing Fort Christina (Dahlgren and Norman 1988). As a result, New Sweden ceased to exist as a political entity, Research Contexts and Questions although Swedish and Finnish families re­ mained in the region. The broadest, most transcendant questions In 1657, the City of Amsterdam acquired proposed to guide historical archaeological re­ Fort Casimir from the West India Company, search and resource preservation in Delaware and founded New Amstel in the vicinity of the are consonant with the goals of anthropological fort. Two years later, the Dutch erected a and historical research. These goals encompass small fort at Lewes, near the mouth of the not only the description of historical cultures Delaware Bay, for the purpose of blocking and past life, but their explanation and inter­ English incursions. Of particular concern were pretation as well. Their transcendance is tem­ settlers from the Chesapeake Bay and poral, spatial, and thematic. Cultural recon­ Virginia, since Lord Balti,more considered the struction and historical understanding cannot be lands between the Chesapeake Bay and the achieved through research that never reaches Delaware as part of his Proprietorship. beyond topical compartmentalization. Temporal and geographical comparisons are re­ English hegemony of the Delaware River and Bay area began in 1664 with attacks on the quired to investigate stability and continuity, Dutch settlements at New Amstel and Lewes. variability and change-the study of cultural By 1671, 47 Dutch and English persons resided process. The purpose of researching and pre­ in the Lewes area (Gehring 1977: 100). The pre­ serving Delaware's historical archaeological resources is ultimately to generate sufficient ceding year Lord Baltimore had created a new county encompassing much of the present state data and answers to the more specific questions posed below so that synthetic, processual, and of Delaware (Papenfuse and Coale 1982: 11). Between 1670 and 1682, when William Penn be­ yet highly contextualized interpretations be­ came the Proprietor of these lands, Baltimore come possible. issued at least 45 warrants for lands on the west side of Delaware Bay. The granting of propri­ etary rights to William Penn and his represen­ I. 1630-1730 tatives then transferred political and economic Following an unsuccessful attempt in 1631 control of the Delaware region to Philadelphia 10 Ddnwnrc's Mnnngcme~~t Plan/De Clmzo and Catts

(Munroe 1978). few dwellings and service-oriented structures By 1683, only about 400 inhabitants­ (blacksmith shops, taverns, stores). They vir­ Swedish, Finnish, Dutch, and English settlers, tually all bordered a navigable river or stream, and their African slaves-occupied the entire the major transportation routes of the period. settled area from Cape Henlopen to New Few were located Inland because of the almost Castle (Fernow 1877: 522). Slaves may have nonexistent road network. accounted for as much as one-quarter of Archaeological research on Delaware's Delaware's population at this time (Essah earliest historical period can illuminate at 1985). least three basic cultural and historical phe­ Historical archaeologists and geographers nomena: 1) the development of the frontier; 2) in the Middle Atlantic region (Blouet 1972; comparative colonialism; and 3) ethnic rela­ Custer et a!. 1984: 102-113; Earle 1975; Fithian tions. During this period, three European coun­ 1992; Miller 1988; Wise 1980) have recon­ tries established colonies on Delaware soil, an structed the settlement pattern for this early essay in comparative colonialism in microcosm. period as consisting of dispersed farmsteads lo­ Each colonizing nation's goals and motives, cated along the Delaware and its tributaries, means, and cultural traditions left their im­ where the land possessed good agricultural print on the form of the colony. In investigating qualities. Farmers sited their farmsteads in these early frontier colonies, historical ar­ close proximity to waterways and creeks, with chaeological research can address differences small clearings for fields and building sites. and similarities in political and social struc­ The early Swedish, Finnish, Dutch, and ture, economies, technological traditions, and English farmers principally grew tobacco, rye, belief systems. They can be explored as mani­ and barley. By the end of the 17th century, the fested in daily life and in each colony's interac­ Delaware counties had been integrated, tion with the new physical environment, with although to differing extents, into native Americans, and with other colonies, Philadelphia's agricultural and commercial both in Delaware and elsewhere along the hinterland (Lindstrom 1978; Walzer 1972). Atlantic coast. Delaware historians have ap­ Many northern and central Delaware farmers proached the study of this early period along especially shifted from a subsistence-oriented similar lines, thus a historical data base exists to market-oriented agriculture (Hanna 1917; for comparative archaeological inquiry Hoffecker 1977; Loehr 1952; Pursell 1958). (Dahlgren and Norman 1988; Hancock 1976a, These farmers grew wheat, shipping their 1976b; Hoffecker 1977; Loehr 1952; Munroe 1978; crops by water to local milling sites. Flour and Weslager 1961, 1967, 1987). The Penn period bread were then shipped to Philadelphia for also warrants special attention, as the Penn export to the West Indies, other North proprietorship established a new colonial so­ American colonies, and southern European coun­ ciopolitical system. Furthermore, with the rise tries. Seventeenth- and early 18th-century of Philadelphia, the frontier pushed west­ Delaware farmers also raised hogs and cattle. ward, replaced in the Delaware Upper Cattle provided an especially significant Peninsula with a more stable economy based on source of income for the settlers of the Lower commercial agriculture and trade (Lindstrom Peninsula (Jordan 1914; Munroe 1978: 198). 1978; Walzer 1972). By contrast, a more fron­ English settlers also exported lumber from tier-like, subsistence-oriented economy contin­ the three lower counties. Timber products were ued to dominate in the Lower Peninsula until important exports from the Lower Peninsula, Delaware and Maryland settled their bound­ particularly in the coastal region of Sussex ary dispute in the 1760s. County. Here forestry exports formed a Cultural diversity also characterized 17th mainstay of the economy throughout the 17th century Delaware. Ethnicity as socially and and 18th centuries, until the American politically relevant and as a culturally mean­ Revolution disrupted the trade (Clemens 1980; ingful identity may be explored through all Davidson 1982). aspects of life. It may be seen as a body of re­ The port towns of Philadelphia, New tained cultural traditions or as acquired sym­ Castle, and Lewes served as the major commer­ bols of identity, ways of maintaining group cial and social centers by the end of the 17th boundaries and managing relations between century. Scattered small hamlets contained a groups. Research based in the theoretical view Nortl!east Historical Archaeology/Vol. 19, 1990 11 of ethnicity as cultural tradition focuses on ac­ Excavations at two neighboring farm com­ culturation and assimilation. Scholars empha­ plexes near the Leipsic River in Kent County sizing ethnicity's role in group identity see it as are providing our first detailed look at early an adaptive strategy for mediating relations of Delaware farms (FIGS. 3, 4). The University of power. Despite these differences in orienta­ Delaware Center for Archaeological Research tion, both approaches recognize the role of ma­ excavated the sites in 1991. Preliminary re­ terial culture in ethnic identity and group in­ search and analysis indicate their occupations teraction, and hence the appropriateness of ar­ partially overlap, between ca. 1680 and ca. chaeology to the study of ethnicity (cf. Babson 1730, and that one farm was tenanted, the other 1990; Brown and Cooper 1990; Deagan 1983; De owner-occupied (David J. Grettler, personal Cunzo 1987; Deetz 1963; Epperson 1990; Howson communication, 1992). 1990; McGuire 1982; Praetzellis, Praetzellis, and Brown 1987; Schuyler 1980; Stine 1990). While these research issues should guide archaeological study of Delaware's early his­ II. 1730-1770 tory, basic data remain the greatest immediate By the middle of the 18th century, popula­ need. This period is especially incompletely tion increases and commercial and agricultural documented in historical reco.rds and extant ma­ expansion stimulated the growth of towns and terial culture, is associated with the smallest the development of transportation and industry number of archaeological sites (a function of in Delaware. A tremendous influx of immi­ population density), and is the least well grants arrived in the Philadelphia region be­ known archaeologically. Before more specific tween 1725 and 1755, particularly from England questions can be asked of the domestic economy, and Ireland. In the year 1728, for example, a manufacturing and trade systems, landscape, reported 4,500 immigrants, mostly Scots-Irish, and social group identity, behavior, and inter­ arrived in Delaware (Munroe 1978: 161). Most action, more information on the nature of the immigrants arrived as indentured servants, but archaeological record is needed. Only 19 sites many others from Europe could afford the cost occupied prior to 1730 have been identified in of transportation, and a sizable number of Delaware, and only 10 of these have been sub­ Africans were imported as slaves (Bailyn 1986; ject to any archaeological testing and/or surface Galenson 1981; Munroe 1978: 160). Immigration collecting (one burial, a dike, a filled well, the from other colonies, particularly from New Castle County courthouse, one frontier Maryland's Eastern Shore, also contributed to fortification, and five early farmsteads). Thus, the colony's population growth. Scholars have for the 17th and early 18th centuries in placed Delaware's population in 1740 at about Delaware, site distribution, size and organ­ 12,000-6000 in New Castle County, 4200 in ization, the physical environment, and ma­ Kent, and 1800 in Sussex. These figures exclude terial culture patterning remain barely un­ slaves, who probably accounted for one-third to derstood. Settlement pattern, farmstead and one-fifth of the population, bringing the grand other site components and their layout, food­ total to approximately 13,000 (Essah 1985; ways, natural resources and their use and alter­ Pennsylvania Archives 1891: 741-742). ation in production processes, trading patterns, Dissenters such as Presbyterians, Quakers, and domestic and social life-all of these must first Methodists comprised the majority of these in­ be reconstructed. More sophisticated questions habitants, with the balance of the European can then be generated regarding ethnicity, its and European American population primarily role in colonial interaction in Delaware, and Anglicans (Hancock 1962). the development and evolution of the frontier. Internal trade as well as population in­ At the same time, comparisons can be drawn be­ creases spurred town growth during the middle tween Delaware's colonial systems and those of decades of the 18th century (Lemon 1967). the Dutch in New York and New Jersey, the Communities that appeared at prominent cross­ French in the Northeast, Southeast and roads or navigation locations and served as fo­ Midwest, the English in New England, cal points for the local economy and society Maryland, and Virginia, and the Spanish in have been termed "commercial towns" (Heite Florida and the West. and Heite 1986a). These towns usually con 12 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo m1d Calls

1- Leipsic River Sites, ca. 1680-1730 2 - William Str ick.land Plantat ton, c~. ~725-ca. 1755 3- W1111am Patterson House, T~Jg~~b 30 aoat slip 4- Little Creek. Farmer­ S I ack.sm It h Tenancy, ca. 1750-1780 5- Whlte/Darrach Store ~~~ T~9g~T~ss 6- Little Creek Agricultural Tenancy, mid-19th century 7- Little Creek Farm, ca. 1830-ca. 1920 8 - Caz ter Tenants/Gatekeepers, 1880-ca. 1930 9 - Kimmey Farm, near Dover, ca. 1830-ca. 1950s 10 - Buchanan-Sav In Farm, ca. 1840-ca. 1960s 11- Mermaid Blacksmith and ~9~3~ r~ ~ ~h t Shops, .r

SUSSEX COUNTY

Figure 3. Delaware historical archaeological sites recently investigated within the research context of the Management Plm1 and cited as examples in this article. (Reproduced courtesy of the University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research.)

sisted of a tavern, a bridge or fording place, a local and regional farm produce, brought by wa­ grist mill or saw mill, wharves if on a naviga­ ter from the small villages of the Upper ble river, maybe a store, and some dwellings. Peninsula, or overland from southeastern New Castle and Lewes, the colony's princi­ Pennsylvania (Lemon 1967, 1972). Millers pro­ pal 17th-century settlements, remained impor­ cessed the wheat, and merchants shipped the tant throughout this period. Wilmington, flour and other produce up the Delaware to however, grew into the largest urban center in Philadelphia (Lindstrom 1978; Walzer 1972). the Delaware colony. Chartered in 1739, Waterways remained important to trans­ Wilmington soon became a port of entry, a post portation and commerce as roads were still lim­ town, and an important link in the ited in number and of generally poor condition. Philadelphia trading network. The town grew From Wilmington, a nexus of roads radiated rapidly, from about 600 inhabitants in 1739 to west, south, and north, connecting the nearly 1200 by the Revolution (Munroe 1978: Delaware and the rivers draining into it with 160). Wilmington's proximity to the the head of the Chesapeake Bay, Kent and Brandywine mills proved of special signifi­ Sussex counties, and southeastern Pennsylvania. cance. The town served as a receiving center for Between 80 and 90 percent of the colony's Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 19, 1990 13

population during this period engaged princi­ 1978; Wise 1980). · Settlement pattern studies pally in farming (Egnal 1975: 201). Farmers in can compare the older with the newer areas of the Piedmont and Upper Peninsula practiced a occupation, focusing on the relationship be­ system of mixed husbandry, combining the cul­ tween the influences of environmental and cul­ tivation of grains with livestock raising tural variables. Extended and more sophisti­ (Bidwell and Falconer 1941: 84). Wheat re­ cated trading networks were also essential to mained the primary grain produced, followed the new economy and population growth. by rye, corn, barley, oats, and garden vegetables Colonial production and exchange networks, (Bausman and Munroe 1946; Lemon 1967, 1972; wholesale and retail distribution systems all Strickland 1801). These commercial farming await detailed reconstruction. ·'<.' communities sold a high proportion of their !.,f •. \,~ agricultural produce. They required good farm­ land and access to markets. High percentages Domestic Economy of wealthy farmers, artisans, professionals, A program for the archaeological study of and merchants characterized these communi­ domestic economic systems was broadly out­ ties, along with a high proportion of large lined above. To operationalize such a research farms. In contrast, subsistence farms, operated program for .this period, three interrelated by poorer farmers and farm laborers, character­ topics are proposed as foci for archaeological ized the Lower Peninsula (Main 1973: 26-32). research in Delaware over the next five By the middle of the 18th century, home manu­ years-architecture and land use, foodways, facturing also contributed to the economies of and self-sufficiency and market participation. New Castle, Kent, and Sussex counties (Main Research questions include: how do households 1973). utilize architecture and the land to achieve The lumber industry in southern Delaware their goals? How do socioeconomic status and grew in importance, particularly harvest of aspirations, technology, household economy, vast stands of cedar and pine, and the ethnicity, and ideology and values all influ­ shellfish industry was established in the bays ence the construction of domestic buildings and of Sussex. Shipbuilding became a significant the use and improvement of the land? To pursue industry, especially at Lewes, but also at other these questions, archaeological research de­ commercial towns in the Upper and Lower signs must assure data are collected not only on Peninsulas (Crowther 1973). The iron industry buildings and artifacts. Rather, all possible also flourished in the Lower Peninsula. evidence of land use, activity areas, and land­ lronmasters established several iron furnaces scape alteration must be sought. Episodes of · beginning in the 1760s (Heite 1974; Tunnell cutting and filling, the construction, use, recon­ 1954). These iron plantations required large struction, and abandonment of landscape fea­ amounts of charcoal and wood supplies to oper­ tures such as fences, paths, and drains, land use ate, drawn from the extensive tracts of timber. and activity areas identifiable through chemi­ A settlement pattern consisting of a core furnace cal signatures in the soils, and the natural and village surrounded by a dispersed population of cultural vegetation-trees, gardens, and other farmers, woodsmen, and coalers thus character­ plant communities-all must be documented. ized these ironmaking communities. Most of Foodways, the interrelated systems of food these furnaces had ceased production by the be­ procurement, preparation, and consumption ginning of the American Revolution, unable to (Anderson 1971), is a topic of long-standing in­ compete with the superior products of the terest in historical archaeology and one for Pennsylvania furnaces. which much comparative data have been Extending the research initiated on 17th­ amassed. Viewed as the domestic economy writ and early 18th-century archaeological sites in small, foodways derive from complex interrela­ Delaware, the investigation of second-period tionships among technology, natural environ­ sites can illuminate the colony's transition from ment, social and economic variables, trading a frontier to a commercial agricultural hinter­ networks, household occupational structures, land. Expansion inland and away from the cultural traditions, and even religion and be­ early water transportation routes accompanied liefs. Clearly, in order to reconstruct and inter­ this economic growth and reorientation (Heite pret foodways, information is needed on all of and Heite 1986a; Lemon 1967, 1972; Munroe these variables. From archaeological sites, all 14 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo and Catts

- ... Figure 4. Area C of the Pollock Site (7K-C-203C), the archaeological remains of a fann complex along the Leipsic River occupied between ca. 1680 and 1730. Recently excavated by the University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research for the Delaware Department of Transportation, the site contained the post-in-ground house with storage cellars visible in this view. (Reproduced courtesy of the University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research.)

cultural materials associated with food produc­ domestic economy, reconstructing trading net­ tion and procurement, processing and storage, works remains central to the investigation. At preparation, and consumption must be collected the same time, on-site production and self-suf­ and analyzed. Food remains themselves-fau­ ficiency are clearly reflected in land use. Thus nal and ethnobotanical-must also be collected an integrated archaeological as well as docu­ through wet and dry screening and flotation. mentary study of land use, food ways, and mar­ The archaeological investigation of self­ ket participation at pre-Revolutionary sufficiency and market participation seeks to Delaware domestic sites will lead to increased place the household in a local, regional, and understanding of the historical and demo­ international economic context. Here the com­ graphic processes dominating this era: the mercialization of agriculture and the expansion commercialization of the agricultural economy; of trade are approached from the point of view population growth and expansion across the of the individual producer and consumer. landscape; and extension of trade networks. Archaeologically recovered items can be iden­ tified as produced on-site for household con­ sumption, produced for barter or trade, or pro­ Manufacturing and Trade duced elsewhere and acquired for consumption In the decades preceding the Revolution, on-site. Foodways provide one avenue of ap­ Delaware manufacturing related principally to proach to these broader questions. Whether agricultural production and processing, supple­ looking at food ways or other components of the mented in southern Delaware by timber process- Northeast Historical Archaeology/Vol. 19, 1990 15

ing, iron production, shipbuilding, and shell­ As trade expanded in Delaware in the later fish harvesting and processing (Crowther 1973; colonial period, various trade and transport fa­ Heite 1974; Tunnell1954). Questions guiding re­ cilities developed (Heite and Heite 1986a; search into these non-agricultural production Munroe 1978). Physical transport facilities and and processing sites remain basic, as compara­ equipment, storage facilities, and the distribu­ tively little is known archaeologically of colo­ tion networks of this trading system, from pri­ nial Delaware industry (cf. Heite 1974, 1983). vate landing to port city, remain incompletely Thus documentary and archaeological data are documented and understood by historians and needed on production facilities, the use and al­ archaeologists. Thus archaeological investiga­ teration of the landscape, sources of raw mate­ tion of shipwrecks, landings, wharves, docks, rials, production processes, the disposal of pro­ warehouses, overland transshipment points, duction by-products and waste materials, the and wholesale and retail shops and stores of products themselves, work patterns, and prod­ this period is a priority in Delaware for the uct distribution networks. next five years. Agricultural products formed the basis of Delaware's economy during the 18th century, and the archaeological study of agriculture is Landscape proposed as a research focus for the next five In addition to research on land use and the years, as it has been for the past several years landscape of individual sites, as emphasized (cf. Catts and Custer 1990; Hoseth et a!. 1990; under Domestic Economy and Manufacturing and Shaffer et a!. 1988). Perhaps more than with Trade, archaeological investigations must also any other "industry," agricultural production focus on sites as components of larger settlement and domestic economy intersect. Thus the ques­ systems. Settlement system studies must con­ tions outlined here relating to agriculture as sider natural environmental variables such as production are meant to complement and extend topography, soil type, and proximity to a wa­ inquiries into agriculture and domestic life. As ter source, and cultural variables-social, eco­ a result, the foregoing discussion of architecture nomic, technological, and ideological-such as and landscape and of self-sufficiency apply to the availability of land, and distances to near­ the investigation of agricultural production as est neighbor, to kin, to church, to industrial well as to household economic strategies. In power sources, to markets, and to transporta­ analyzing and interpreting agricultural tion. Analysis may proceed at different levels. structures and landscapes, emphasis should be For example, the siting and distribution pat­ placed on building function, on the terns of individual property types such as pri­ identification of discrete activity areas, and on vate river landings, commercial grain farms, or the layout, organization, and spatial Methodist churches may be studied. Similarly, interrelationships among these elements of the larger settlements comprising an assemblage of agricultural complex. Archaeological, individual property types may be the focus of landscape, and documentary research must research, such as the ports of New Castle and therefore address the entire farm and not Wilmington, the commercial river landing merely the immediate vicinity of the towns, the small service nodes that character­ farmhouse and associated outbuildings (cf. ized the overland transportation system, or the Adams 1990; Epperson 1990; Jurney and Moir iron plantations. Ultimately, all these pieces 1987; Stine 1990). Farm products and production together defined a statewide (or in this period processes can be studied through analysis of colony-wide) settlement system, one that can be tools and equipment and faunal and archaeo­ studied as it evolved over time. Settlement botanical remains. Farms across the state must system dynamics are not yet understood, both be investigated so that ultimately comparisons the ways the system responded to and the ways among geographic regions can be made. The it contributed to changes in transportation, re­ relationships among the developing agricul­ gional or national economics, technology, social tural economy and the constraints and advan­ structure and organization, population size, and tages of the natural environment, the larger local and regional ecology (cf. Langhorne 1976; economy, and the social and political systems Leone 1973; Lewis 1984; Lukezic 1990; Paynter will thus be further elucidated. 1982; Singleton 1985; Starbuck 1986; Wall 1987). 16 Delaware's Management Plan/De Czwzo and Calls

Social Group Identity, Behavior, and tially subsistence farmers of the Lower Interaction Peninsula, and among large plantation owners, Beyond the research proposed above, the small-scale farmers, tenants, indentured ser­ study of social group identity, behavior, and in­ vants, and slaves (cf. Baugher and Venables teraction requires 1) investigating other prop­ 1987; Deagan 1983; Deetz 1977; Honerkamp and erty types; 2) investigating the interaction that Zierden 1984; Reitz and Honerkamp 1983; occurs beyond the individual site, at the level Schuyler 1980; South 1977). of the community, for example; and 3) compar­ Three Delaware sites from this period ing sites associated with people of different have recently been the subject of data-recovery groups. Regarding the first, data are needed excavations (FIG. 3). The research questions from sites such as inns and taverns, courthouses, guiding these projects all derive from the and churches. Although historical archaeolo­ Management Plan. The plantation William gists in Delaware have recognized the poten­ Strickland and his family occupied from the tial for community studies (cf. Catts 1986; late 1720s to the mid 1750s near Smyrna, Kent Catts, Shaffer, and Custer 1986; Coleman, County, for example, yielded over 8000 faunal Hoseth, and Custer 1987: 200; Custer, Bachman, specimens plus thousands of oyster, clam, and and Grettler 1986: 198; Heite and Heite 1985, whelk shells, and seeds, nuts, and fruit pits 1986b), they have yet to explore the concept of (Catts, Jamison, and Scholl 1992). Just across community, the nature and range of colonial Eagle Run from the Reads and Dickson's Store communities, and their evolution over time. (Catts, Hodny, and Custer 1989), another im­ The commercial river-landing towns and portant 18th-century Christiana Bridge mer­ smaller overland transportation and industrial cantile family, the Pattersons, had established processing hamlets developing across the themselves. In 1991, archaeologists excavated colony in this period as well as the rural farm the Patterson mansion house, a tenant house, communities offer the opportunity to explore and a boat slip (FIG. 5) (Catts eta!. 1993). A the changing nature of community. Important farmer-blacksmith's tenant house and lot in not only in their own right, these communities Little Creek Hundred, Kent County, occupied also exerted tremendous influence on later set­ from ca. 1750 to ca. 1780, is providing archaeol­ tlement patterning and social, political, and ogists with insight into .Delaware's 18th-cen­ economic life. tury farmer-craftsmen (Grettler eta!. 1993). Comparing individual sites associated with members of different cultural groups will result in better understanding of the nature of III. 1770-1830 group identity and interaction. In this period, ethnic diversity was not as great as during the Corning at the start of this period, the colony's initial settlement, yet by no means was American Revolution had a considerable effect Delaware culturally homogeneous. Native on Delaware's inhabitants. The British block­ Americans, Englishmen, Scots-Irish, native­ ade disrupted the maritime economy along the born Delawareans of Swedish, Dutch, and Delaware River and its tributaries. British English descent, immigrants from other warships landed raiding parties with im­ American colonies, and African and native-born punity and captured or took foodstuffs, live­ slaves all resided together in the colony stock, and slaves from the inhabitants. The (Bailyn 1986; Galenson 1981; Munroe 1978). pro-Loyalist outlook of many Delawareans con­ Occupational and socioeconomic diversity in­ tributed to the social and political unrest in the creased in the middle of the 18th century, as colony (Hancock 1977; Hoffman 1976: 287-290; the population grew and the economy became Kern 1987). In addition, several military cam­ more commercialized and specialized. Farmers paigns crossed Delaware during the war, can be compared with merchants, craftsmen, though most military activity was confined to small-scale industrialists, and the numerous the Piedmont and Upper Peninsula (Cooch Delawareans involved in transporting raw ma­ 1940). terials and goods to markets and to consumers. By 1770, Delaware had settled its century­ Equally important, comparisons can be drawn long boundary disputes with Maryland and between the commercial agriculturalists of the Pennsylvania. As a result, Sussex County be­ Piedmont and Upper Peninsula and the essen- came the largest in Delaware, with a surface Northeast Historical Archaeology/Vol. 19, 1990 17

Figure 5. William Patterson, a successful merchant and mariner, and the Patterson family occupied this house site (7NC-E-99C) on the outskirts of Christiana Bridge between 1730 and 1830. The stone-lined cellar of the original house appears in the left foreground; the cobble foundations of a kitchen and other additions are visible above and below the cellar. A detached brick office-shop, with a well out front, can also be seen in the top center of the view. The University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research investigated this site for the Delaware Department of Transportation. (Reproduced courtesy of the University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research.) area of 940 square miles, nearly the size of New slavery prior to the Civil War (Bausman 1939). Castle and Kent counties combined. The popu­ Delaware remained overwhelmingly agri­ lations of both Kent and Sussex counties grew cultural throughout this period. The rapid also with the addition of these new lands. By population growth of the late 18th and early 1800 Delaware was home to 64,273 inhabitants. 19th centuries forced many new farmers to clear Nearly 40% of the population lived in New and farm lands of poor or marginal quality. Castle County, with the remainder divided Wheat still dominated in the Piedmont and almost evenly ·between Kent and Sussex coun­ Upper Peninsula. Farming methods not empha­ ties. Slightly fewer than one-half of the sizing conservation, erosion, exhausted land, Africans and African Americans in the state in and a decline in wheat prices, however, soon 1790 were free. By 1800 this proportion had in­ meant economic woe for Delaware farmers. creased to over 57%, and in 1810, the federal Many farmers were hard-pressed to turn a census recorded fewer than one-quarter of the profit, and thus migrated to better lands in the Africans and African Americans as slaves (U.S. west during the 1820s and 1830s. Census 1790, 1800, 1810). Free African­ As more and more people left Delaware, American labor played an increasingly the resulting labor shortage made the cultiva­ important role in farm production in Delaware tion of marginal and exhausted lands even less as several factors reduced the profitability of profitable. In the Piedmont and Upper 18 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo and Catts

Peninsula, a reorientation of the Delaware ical bloomery forges replaced them. New in­ landscape occurred, as less productive farms dustries were also established in the Lower were abandoned and incorporated into the Peninsula, such as preparing snuff from tobacco larger holdings of wealthier farmers (Herman and producing salt from brine. 1987). Farmsteads averaged a little over 200 The transportation network and increasing acres, and most farmers had improved about 60- industrial production facilitated urbanization 70% of their acreage by 1820 (Herman 1987: in New Castle County during the first quarter of 113-114). By the middle of the century, im­ the 19th century. However, most of the impor­ proved land had increased to over 90%, with tant towns of the previous period continued as wheat and dairying still dominating agricul­ marketing, milling, and shipping centers for ture in the Piedmont and northern Upper only a brief period into the 19th century. Peninsula (Michel 1985). Methods and routes of transportation in the Corn agriculture continued to predominate Piedmont and Upper Peninsula changed sub­ in the Lower Peninsula, and in the southern stantially, as first turnpikes and then canals part of the region hogs and beef cattle con­ were introduced. New settlements grew along tributed substantially to the economy (Garrison these routes, especially at their intersections, 1988; Macintyre 1986; Michel 1985). eclipsing several earlier commercial centers. Agricultural production, however, remained At the same time, though not as successful as in comparatively low throughout the first quarter the previous period, small transshipment of the 19th century. Compared to other parts of points, such as local landings and villages, re­ the state, farms were smaller in the Lower mained integral to Delaware's economy. Most Peninsula, and considerably smaller percent­ featured small clusters of dwellings, store­ ages of these farms' acreage were in use through houses, mills, taverns, and shops. the middle of the century (Michel 1985). One archaeological research goal in While agriculture suffered, commerce and Delaware is to better understand diachronic manufacturing fared better during this period. historical and cultural processes. To a certain After the Revolution, rapid industrial and ur­ extent, this requires asking comparable ques­ ban growth characterized the Piedmont and tions and collecting comparable data across Upper Peninsula. The development of new time. To this end, the research program out­ sources of income and employment, particularly lined in this Plan should be considered cumula­ in urban and industrial contexts, partly offset tive; the research questions and associated the loss of jobs in agriculture (Lindstrom 1979: data requirements presented for each time pe­ 300; Taylor 1964a: 441). A rudimentary textile riod apply also to all subsequent study periods. industry developed in the Piedmont region, For each period beginning with this one, then, greatly stimulated by the War of 1812 and the (1770-1830, 1830-1880, 1880-1940), discussion Embargo Acts that preceded it (Munroe 1979; centers on research questions and data needs Pursell 1958). Grist mills, fulling mills, and relevant to that and later periods that have snuff mills also predominated in industrial ar­ not previously been introduced. eas of the Piedmont and Upper Peninsula (Coxe In this period spanning the American 1814). Revolution and the early republic, several cul­ A form of extensive subsistence farming cou­ tural-historical phenomena may be profitably pled with home manufacturing dominated the studied archaeologically: economy of southern Delaware during this pe­ riod. Tench Coxe (1814: 76), in his report on a. The recovery of the agricultural econ­ United States manufactures for the year 1810, omy following the American Revolution, its indicated that Sussex County homes held over continued growth coupled with the expan­ 70% of the looms in Delaware. Over 62% of the sion of the agricultural landscape over the total value of flaxen goods, and over 75% of the first half of the period, followed in turn by a wool produced in the state also came from period of decline, abandonment and recon­ solidation (Herman 1987); homes in Sussex County. Twenty distilleries in the county produced nearly half of the value of b. The associated growth and subsequent liquors distilled in the state. Though the decline of the river landing towns in re­ demise of western Sussex County's iron furnaces sponse to the commercialization of the occurred by the 1770s, smaller and more econom- agricultural economy and changes in Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 19, 1990 19

transportation (Welsh 1956); ment patterns constitutes one avenue through which to explore these processes. What set­ c. The expansion of industry, in part are­ tlement pattern (or different settlement pat­ sponse to the declining agricultural econ­ terns across the state) evolved by 1800 in asso­ omy, and its impact on the landscape and ciation with agricultural development? What on community growth and development changes occurred in the 1800-1830 period as a (Lindstrom 1979; Taylor 1964a); result of soil exhaustion and agricultural fail­ d. The relationship of these develop­ ure? Can patterns of farm abandonment be plot­ ments to the consolidation of a hierarchical ted? If so, how do they correlate with the date class-based society. of initial agricultural settlement in the area, soil quality, farm type (e.g., subsistence vs. commercial grain vs. commercial corn and cattle farming), and other geographical, environmen­ Domestic Eco11omy tal, and cultural factors? The early 19th-cen­ The archaeological research program for tury crisis in Delaware agriculture can also be Domestic Economy has identified architecture examined through detailed case studies of in­ and landscape, foodways, and other domestic dividual farms. This requires assembling stud­ material culture, e.g., goods produced and/or ies of sample farms: farms that survived the consumed by the household, as focal points for crisis and farms that did not; farms of different study. Recent archaeological investigations in sizes and ages; farms associated with different the state have already contributed to an under­ geographical and other environmental standing of these cultural elements in the later features; farms of different types; farms oper­ 18th and early 19th centuries (Beidleman, ated by owners of different ethnic backgrounds Catts, and Custer 1986; Catts and Custer 1990; and socioeconomic positions; farms operated by Catts, Hodny, and Custer 1989; De Cunzo eta!. owners vs. those worked by tenants, etc. As 1992; LeeDecker et a!. 1987). Comparison be­ much as possible about the farm's operation and comes especially important in this time period, farming practices should be reconstructed (see between the 1770-1800 period of continued agri­ suggestions under 1730-1770, Domestic Economy cultural growth, and the 1800-1830 period of and Manufacturing and Trade in relation to agricultural decline and industrial develop­ agriculture), and in particular evidence sought ment. What impact did these trends have on regarding the impact of and responses to the agricultural, mercantile, and craft/industrial agricultural crisis. Both changing farming and households? In particular, what strategies did land-use practices and changes in farm households employ to survive agricultural and families' domestic strategies in response to the commercial failure and depression? How do economic stress should be investigated. For these strategies, and the flexibility to adjust example, Herman has identified architectural strategies and adapt, vary with class, occupa­ rebuilding cycles occurring at patterned tion, location, or other variables? intervals in central Delaware, paralleling significant social and economic changes (Herman 1987: 128). Comprising three distinct Ma11u[acturi11g a11d Trade phenomena (replacement, transformation, and The research program for historical agri­ new construction), these rebuilding cycles can be culture in the New Jersey Pinelands proposes a investigated archaeologically, providing data focus on "the relationship of food production to not only on extant structures from' the period the natural and cultural environment" (New ("the winners"), but also on the farmsteads Jersey Pinelands Commission 1986: 42). that did not survive ("the losers") (Upton Understanding the interrelated impacts of nat­ 1983). ural and cultural factors on agriculture and the As a result of Delaware's declining agricul­ agricultural economy will illuminate Delaware tural economy and other technological, eco­ cultural history as well. In the later 18th cen­ nomic, and cultural forces, non-agricultural pro­ tury, agricultural production expanded across duction-or nascent industrialization-emerged the Delaware landscape. By the early 19th as a significant feature of the economy during century, however, economic stagnation had oc­ this period. The research issues outlined here curred. Reconstructing and analyzing settle- as a guide for the archaeological investigation 20 Delaware's Management Plan/De C1111zo and Catts of industrialization reflect industrial archae­ c. Data on technology and technological ology's current concerns with industrial ecology, change; evidence of conservatism, rapid the worker, and the social and economic context change, or local variation must be analyzed of industrialization, as well as with production and interpreted in relation to broader eco­ processes and the evolution of technology nomic and technological changes, and eco­ (Beaudry 1989b: 4; Buchanan 1979; Leary 1979; nomic and I or environmental conditions McBride and McBride 1989: 115). Research is­ necessitating adaptation; sues are based most closely on those identified by cultural resource managers in the New Jersey d. Data on the products and the produc­ Pinelands: tion process-the variety of styles, manu­ facturing methods, raw materials, waste a. The effects of industrial processes products; (including resource extraction) on the natu­ ral environment; an industry's exploitation e. Data on the industry's relationship to of and adaptation to the environment; community growth, development and de­ cline-in the form of community settle­ b. The effects of the industry on the social ment patterns; evidence of the develop­ structure and fabric of the surrounding ment of subsidiary, affiliated industries and community; the adaptation of an estab­ crafts; evidence of increasing commercial­ lished community to the industry; the cre­ ization of surrounding farms; evidence of ation of new communities; in particular, the the socioeconomic impact on community creation and maintenance of class distinc­ members (see also Social Group Identity, tions rooted in the industrial organization Behavior, and Interaction); (see Social Group Identity, Behavior, and Interaction below); f. Data on the organization and behavior of the workers at the industrial site; data on c. The economic impacts of the industry work, sanitary, leisure, and eating facilities on the community and region (New Jersey provided for workers and their activities and Pinelands Commission 1986: 174). behavior in each context; data on the worker at home and in other social contexts Crafts and industries comprised the follow­ (see Domestic Economy and Social Group ing components: 1) source(s) of power; 2) Identity, Behavior, and Interaction) source(s) of raw materials; 3) a technology; 4) (McBride and McBride 1989: 115-118). an economic demand; 5) a transportation net­ work; 6) a work force; and 7) a related pattern Finally, in studying trade and transporta­ of settlement (New Jersey Pinelands tion, the research program outlined for the Commission 1986: 204); these components then 1730-1770 period must be extended to include become the foci of historical and archaeologi­ the new industries. Both the transportation of cal investigation. Cultural resource managers raw materials to industrial processing and pro­ in Kentucky have discussed the kinds of infor­ duction sites and the distribution of the goods mation archaeological resources may offer produced require attention. about these industrial components. These too apply to the archaeological study of Delaware's industrial development. Landscape The settlement patterns resulting first from a. Data on the form and construction of the expansion and then contraction of agricul­ industrial structures; ture and those of the new industries have al­ ready been discussed. The settlement patterns b. Data on the siting and arrangement of of Delaware's nucleated settlements of this pe­ industrial buildings and other associated riod also warrant study. Both their distribu­ features and activity areas, related to envi­ tion on the landscape and their internal settle­ ronmental, technological. and cultural vari­ ment structure require examination, explanation ables; comparisons should focus on vari­ in terms of natural features and cultural factors, ability and change; and comparison (see 1730-1770, Landscape; Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 19, 1990 21

Heite and Heite 1986a). addition, the region devoted ever more re­ sources to manufacturing (Lindstrom 1978: 122). The economic crises of the first decades of Social Group Identity, Behavior, and the century contributed to what became an agri­ Interaction cultural revolution in Del a ware. The Extending the model for exploring social Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Baltimore group identity, behavior, and interaction (see Railroad, opened in 1839, extended the existing 1730-1770) to this time period involves princi­ water-based systems for transporting Piedmont pally two things: and Upper Peninsula produce to the growing eastern markets (Potter 1960). The revived a. the extension of the individual and New Castle County Agricultural Society and comparative studies to include the new in­ the new Kent County Agricultural Society, dustrialists and craftsmen and to explore established in 1835, encouraged farmers' use of the new social relations that developed as a improved drainage techniques, fertilizers, and result of agricultural crisis and dislocation; machinery. As a result, by 1860, the Delaware and Piedmont and Upper Peninsula ranked among the finest agricultural regions in the United b. an emphasis on the concept of class as States (Hancock 1947). the principal organizing feature of social Through the middle of the century, corn group identity, behavior, and interaction agriculture continued to dominate in the Lower during this period. Peninsula, but proximity to markets prompted agricultural diversification in the Piedmont The first site analyzed and interpreted in and Upper Peninsula. There dairy farming, the context of Delaware's new Management some wheat production, and market gardening Plan dates to this period. William White characterized agricultural production (Michel established a store on the outskirts of Duck 1985). In the Lower Peninsula, locally grown Creek Crossroads (Smyrna) before the corn fed the small livestock herds that pro­ Revolution (FIG. 3). His son-in-law operated vided farmers' chief source of income. Home the store and tenancy until his death in 1805, at manufactures also continued to provide impor­ which time his heirs converted the store to a tant supplementary incomes. In the 1849 census, residence. They continued to rent it, selling it long after Upper Peninsula farming families just before the Civil War. Soon after acquiring ceased supplementing their income in this way, the property, the new owner demolished the more than half of the Lower Peninsula's farm­ buildings (De Cunzo eta!. 1992). The site is dis­ ers reported home manufactures as a source of cussed below as a case study in applying the income. Moreover, the region's self-reliant in­ Plan's research program (see Applying habitants often supplemented their farming in­ Delaware's Research Plan for Historical comes through smithing, carpentry, fishing, Archaeology: The John Darrach Store Site). milling, tanning, hunting, and trapping (Garrison 1988; Michel1985: 10-12). The extension of railroads through IV. 183Q-1880 Delaware significantly influenced the course of the state's economic development. The first Industrialization, urbanization, and trans­ line, constructed in 1832, was built as competi­ portation developments in the 19th century sig­ tion for the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal nificantly impacted the Middle Atlantic (Hoffecker 1977: 43). Within a decade, the · (Lindstrom 1978, 1979; Taylor 1964b; Walzer Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Baltimore 1972). During the first half of this period, Railroad had become the major transportation Philadelphia's economic influence over the re­ route across the Delmarva Peninsula (Dare gion declined considerably, a result of 1856; Potter 1960). The extension of the Baltimore's rise, the two cities' competition for Delaware Line to Sussex County between 1856 markets, and a drop in foreign consumption of and 1878 provided a vast agricultural hinter­ Philadelphia's agricultural produce. Regional land with direct access to urban markets farmers, including those in Delaware, re­ (Hancock 1976a: 89). The railroad stimulated sponded by diversifying their production. In changes in agriculture and industry, the growth 22 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo and Calls of new towns, and the development of beach terials also promoted the rapid growth and di­ tourism. For example, the railroad made mar­ versification of industry in the Delaware ket peach, blackberry, and strawberry farming Piedmont. In the 1850s, most workers in possible. The establishment of canneries and Wilmington were employed in cotton manufac­ packing companies in Lower Peninsula towns ac­ turing, iron-casting, wheel-making, railroad­ companied this agricultural shift to fruit pro­ car manufacture, shipbuilding, carriage-mak­ duction (Hancock 1976a: 88). ing, leather-tanning, and coopery. In addition, Between 1830 and 1880, both the number of the Piedmont and Upper Peninsula supported farms and the acreage under cultivation in several small enclaves of manufacture and in­ Delaware rose (Bausman 1939, 1940, 1941a, dustry, such as the Hagley and Dupont Mills on 1941b). In each county, farmland accounted for the Brandywine, and the textile manufactories between 75% and 90% of the total available along the streams of northern New Castle surface area throughout the period. The over­ County. all increase in farm number and size reveals By the start of the American Civil War, that land previously considered marginal for the U.S. Census recorded 380 manufactories in agriculture was brought under cultivation, and New Castle County. They included a variety of suggests an accompanying reorganization and boot and shoe manufactories, flour mills, cloth­ rebuilding of the agricultural landscape. ing manufactories, carriage shops, cabinet and Beginning in the 1830s in northern furniture manufactories, cotton manufactories, Delaware and with the arrival of the railroad and tin, copper-ware, and sheet-iron factories. in Sussex County, Delaware was the center for Kent and Sussex counties, on the other hand, peach production in the eastern United States. supported only grist and saw mills along with a Rich soil, favorable climate and rainfall, good few other small manufactories meeting local transportation facilities, and strategic location needs. The trend toward industrialization in near large markets made peach production a lu­ New Castle County continued through 1880, crative enterprise. Rail and steamship lines when Kent and Sussex counties produced only shipped massive harvests to New York. There 1/10 of the total goods manufactured in New the produce was readied for resale to the Castle County (U.S. Census 1850, 1880). northern states. The spread of a disease known The American Civil War had a greater so­ as the "Yellows" finally devastated orchards cial than economic effect on Delaware's citi­ throughout the state and brought an end to the zens. Parts of the Lower Peninsula, particu­ boom in the 1870s. Until the peach blight cur­ larly those areas with economic ties to the tailed production, the peach industry proved lower Chesapeake, supported the Secessionist profitable for a large number of growers, as well cause, while northern Delawareans supported as a variety of support industries (Hancock the Union. The major Federal military instal­ 1976a). lation in Delaware, Fort Delaware on Pea Concomitant with this agricultural growth, Patch Island in the Delaware River, served however, the income per agricultural worker from 1862 until the end of the war as a fell well below that of the non-agricultural Confederate prisoner-of-war camp. worker (Lindstrom 1978, 1979; Taylor 1964a). At the outbreak of the Civil War the popu­ The absolute size of the agricultural labor force lation of Delaware stood at 112,216. Of this to­ also decreased during this period, from over tal, nearly 49% resided in New Castle County, 76% of the population in 1820 to 70% by 1840 including large numbers of Irish and Eastern (Lindstrom 1978: 123). Nevertheless, the in­ European immigrants living in Wilmington. come of Delaware farm owners was higher than Kent County held 25% of the state's popula­ that of farmers in other areas of the nation. tion, and Sussex the remaining 26%. Sussex Thus, while the economy forced many farmers Countians also held most of Delaware's slaves. to become agricultural tenants, or to migrate The vast majority of these bondsmen were the west or into the cities, successful farmers en­ property of small farmers and worked as joyed substantial prosperity, re-investing their domestic servants or field laborers. Free profits in improvements to the farm (Herman African Americans throughout the state and Siders 1986: 87). generally owned little land. Like their The combination of good transportation, a enslaved counterparts, they worked as day large labor pool, and a ready supply of raw rna- laborers in urban areas or as hired farm hands, Nortln·ast Historiml Arclltlcology/Vol. 19, 1990 23

though some were skilled artisans (Hancock (Beidleman, Catts, and Custer 1986; Catts and 1976a: 65). The end of the Civil War and Custer 1990; Catts, Hodny, and Custer 1989; emancipation, though providing freedom, did Hoseth eta!. 1990; LeeDecker eta!. 1987). little to improve the social or economic status A two-part archaeological research design of Delaware's African Americans (Essah 1985). is proposed. The first involves developing a set The fifty years spanning the middle of the of detailed historical and archaeological case 19th century brought change to all facets of studies of individual agricultural, commercial, Delaware life. Thus it is proposed that ar­ and industrial households. Historical research chaeological research on this period focus on assists in placing each household in its local these processes of change: and regional social and economic contexts, and in developing as complete a profile as possible a. The impact of the transportation revo­ of the household and its activities. Despite lution (Hoffecker 1977; Lindstrom 1978, the general richness and extent of the 19th cen­ 1979; Potter 1960; Taylor 1964b; Walzer tury's documentary record in comparison with 1972); earlier periods, detailed household-level re­ construction often remains impossible-thus the b. The transformation of the agricultural importance of the archaeological study of the economy as it recovered from the crisis of household. the early 19th century (Grettler 1990; The second research component is compara­ Hancock 1947, 1976a; Lindstrom 1978); tive. Understanding comes not in the reconstruc­ tion of isolated cases, but in establishing the re­ c. The social and economic changes re­ lationships between them and the differences sulting from the Civil War and emancipa­ and similarities among them. Grouping of tion; households along social, economic, occupa­ tional, and other cultural criteria for purposes d. Change associated with the growth and of comparison remains an open-ended process diversification of industry, in Delaware and determined by the questions being asked. across the United States; technological evo­ Comparative categories include: lution, the reorganization of the labor force and the social structure of industry, and the a. Geographic: Piedmont vs. Upper consumer revolution spawned by America's Peninsula vs. Lower Peninsula; along trans­ industrialization (Lindstrom 1978, 1979; portation routes vs. those farther out in the Taylor 1964b; Walzer 1972). hinterlands; city vs. town vs. rural dwellers;

b. Socioeconomic: Industrial owners vs. Domestic EcollOIIIlf managers vs. workers; large land-owning The range, variability, and content of agri­ agriculturalists vs. tenants vs. small subsis- cultural families' production and consumption . tence agriculturalists vs. small commercial, strategies as they dealt with both the chang­ diversified agriculturalists, etc.; ing basis of the farming economy and with in­ creasing industrialization remain incompletely c. Occupational: Farmers vs. industrial­ understood. Industrialization, for example, ists vs. artisan/ craftspeople vs. shopkeepers provided both competition for home manufac­ and merchants vs. professionals vs. mar­ tures as well as greater availability of inex­ itime and other transport workers; slave.vs. pensive household goods. Neither have the free; details of the transition from production to con­ sumption-oriented economic strategies been re­ d. Ethnic: African Americans vs. Euro­ constructed for the emerging industrial workers, pean Americans; native born vs. foreign managers, and owners. Historical archaeologi­ born; English vs. Irish, etc. cal research has much to contribute to these questions regardi"ng the domestic economic Finally, comparisons must be made across strategies of individual households, as recent time. Within this 50-year period, several studies in the state are beginning to show starting points for comparison can be suggested: 24 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo and Calls

1830-1860. Agricultural reorganization, the industrial social system (see Heite 1990). initial expansion and reorganization of The second consists of the transformations ac­ transportation systems, industrial growth. companying the increasing scale of individual industrial operations, transformations also af­ 1860-1866. Civil War era and associated fecting the industrial labor force and social sys­ dislocations. tem. Comparisons among the small-scale, often family-managed and operated mills and the 1866-1880. Impact of emancipation and larger industrial enterprises, especially those economic changes wrought by the Civil of the Piedmont, are important, as are studies War; increasing industrialization and con­ of individual industrial sites having undergone tinued expansion and reorientation of the these transformations. transportation system. The study of trade during this period should focus in part on poorly documented transportation facilities, from ships to docking facilities to railroad shipping facilities. A second research issue has been dubbed "supply­ Manufacturing and Trade side archaeology" (Catts 1989), the archaeol­ In addition to the domestic economy and ogy of wholesale and retail establishments dis­ culture of Delaware's farmers, the mid-19th­ tributing consumer goods. The availability of century changes in agricultural practices, pro­ store accounts, shipping records, price lists, and cesses, and products promoted by scientific re­ newspaper advertisements in greater numbers in formers warrant archaeological investigation. this period enriches the archaeology, as local, Proscriptions for change and to a certain extent regional, national, and international trading actual changes in practice can be reconstructed networks can be more completely reconstructed. from the documentary record. Published jour­ The archaeology of marketing through studies nals of the scientific reformers and the records of retail spaces, especially those poorly docu­ of the agricultural societies established in mented graphically (as are many in Delaware during this period have proved espe­ Delaware's rural communities) comprises an­ cially useful (Allmond 1958). Once again, how­ other avenue of research. ever, detailed reconstructions of this process of change and the variability among farmers of different geographic areas, economic positions, etc., remains to be accomplished. Landscape Archaeological studies of changing farm prac­ The research programs for the other do­ tices require considering the entire landscape of mains in this time period emphasize the land­ the farm, agricultural outbuildings, and farm scape of individual sites-land use, land alter­ tools and equipment. ation, and the meanings of the landscape and A change in the basic marketable products its various components. In this domain, evolv­ of the farm accompanied this reform movement ing settlement patterns form the focus. in transforming Delaware's agricultural econ­ Numerous, complex, and interrelated phenom­ omy. This transformation followed the exten­ ena contribute to these changing patterns: the sion of the railroad network from north to south shifts in the agricultural economy and agricul­ (Bidwell and Falconer 1941; Hancock 1976a; tural practices; the transformation of the Lindstrom 1978; Michel 1985). Similar archae­ transportation system via the canal and then ological data are required to investigate this the railroads; the increasing scale of industrial aspect of agricultural change: patterns of land operations; the establishment of new indus­ use and building, and information on agricul­ tries; and the impact of technological innova­ tural tools and farming equipment. tions. In general, this research can be accom­ Applying the previously outlined archaeo­ plished through analysis of historical maps logical research program for Delaware industry during preliminary surveys. However for geo­ to this period requires emphasizing two spe­ graphic areas and time periods for which in­ cific research issues. The first encompasses the complete map evidence exists, such as for Sussex evolution of technology and its impact on indus­ County for a good portion of the 19th century, trial processes, the industrial labor force, and archaeological field data are also required. Northeast Historical Archaeology/Vo/. 19, 1990 25

Figure 6. This artist's reconstruction depicts the Buchanan-Savin farm (7NC-J-175) as it appeared ca. 1930. The Moffitt family then operated it as a commercial dairy, shipping milk to Wilmington aiong the recently completed DuPont Highway. The University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research recently conducted archaeological investigations at the site for the Delaware Department of Transportation. (Drawing by Paul McCullough. Reproduced courtesy of the University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research.)

Social Group Identity, Behavior, and framework organized around the concept of Interaction community. What did "community" come to The middle decades of the 19th century mean in the 19th century, and how did the con­ witnessed not only increasing stratification and cept change over time as a result of the social, thus distance between social classes, but also in­ economic, and material transformations that creasing interaction among groups as the agri­ characterized the period? Architecture, land­ cultural, industrial, transportation, and mer­ scape, and other material items all mediated cantile communities redefined an integrated social interaction at these sites and thus form Delaware economy. The growth of railroad the material culture data base. and industrial towns that also served as mer­ Finally, this researc~ domain also encom­ cantile centers provided other arenas for social passes sites of military interaction. Thus the interaction. These non-domestic sites-the material history of Forts Delaware and inns, taverns, hotels, churches, public buildings, Dupont, and especially their roles during the schools (cf. Catts and Cunningham 1986) and Civil War period, form another ·important granges-should form the focus of study. A topic for archaeological investigation (Catts, wide variety of Delaware's nucleated settle­ Coleman, and Custer 1983). ments should be examined, both those estab­ Since approval· of the Management Plan, lished during this period and those surviving Delaware archaeologists have conducted data­ from earlier periods when a maritime economy recovery excavations at several post-1830 sites, prevailed. Research can proceed from a many occupied into the 20th century. The Plan 26 Delaware's Management Plm1/De Cunzo and Calls

EO ElO E20 E30 E40 E50 E60 E70 Eao E90

----· N120 ----.''Oil-,------li 0 "' J, ~ 0 0 li 0 0~ 01! 0 0 /: N110 0 i I 0 0 G I J \) 0 ) ~ il fl,@ ~Oo 0 0 ··o_,~·· II 0 N100 '0 ,. ·~; '8 'lj lj 0 0 0 CJ 0 Oc::l N90

0 " 0 0 0 () 8 """

N70

____ ---"--__...... __ '"()Q. (!,) ~··

- Farml'louH g Q N60

N50

N30

N10

; ~~,0 A tee1 N r/ :: - Clothesline post ' NO

Figure 7. This site plan documents archaeological evidence of the 19th-century farmyard, located immediately behind the house at the Buchanan-Savin farm (7NC-J-175). Fencelines, drainage features, privies, and several post-in-ground agricultural buildings survived as features in the archaeological record. This earlier agricultural complex associated with a mixed farming economic strategy was more compact and clustered much closer to the house than the 20th-century dairy complex shown in Figure 6. The University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research recently conducted archaeological investigations at the site for the Delaware Department of Transportation. (Reproduced courtesy of the University of Delaware Center for .Archaeological Research.) Northeast Historical Arclzaeology/Vo/. 19, 1990 27

is guiding analysis and supplementary docu­ Paralleling this changing occupational struc­ mentary research, and reports are in prepara­ ture, the proportionate value of manufactured tion (FIG. 3). Among the sites are five farms: a products compared to agricultural products in­ mid-19th-century poor tenant farm in Little creased over this 30-year period. Most of the Creek Hundred, Kent County (Grettler et a!. wealth generated by this increased industrial 1993); a small, 27 acre, marginal farm also in production concentrated in the Piedmont region, Little Creek Hundred, occupied by a succession near the industrial and commercial center of of owners and tenants between about 1830 and Wilmington (Hoffecker 1974). 1920 (Grettler eta!. 1993); the ca. 1830-ca. 1920 Beginning in the later 19th century and con­ home of African American tenants who served tinuing into the 20th, Delaware farmers focused as gatekeepers for the Caziers, one of New on raising perishables, and correspondingly de­ Castle County's wealthiest families, headed emphasized staples. Farmers grew more di- · by an important agricultural reformer (Hoseth verse crops, such as tomatoes, apples, potatoes, et a!. 1992); a farm operated alternatively by strawberries, and other fruits and vegetables, owners and farm managers between about 1830 in response to the demands of markets in New and the 1950s on the outskirts of Dover, Kent York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and other ci­ County (Jamison eta!. 1993); and a farm owned ties. Poultry and dairy production also in­ and operated by the Buchanan and then Moffitt creased significantly in this period, particu­ families from about 1840 into the 1960s (FIGS. 6, larly in Kent and Sussex counties. The number 7). Located in Appoquinimink Hundred, south­ of broilers (chickens weighing under three ern New Castle County, the Buchanan-Savin pounds) raised in Delaware grew from 7 million farm evolved from a mixed subsistence and in 1934 to 60 million in 1944, accounting for over market grain farm to a dairy farm over its 125- one-quarter of the entire commercial broiler year history. Rented to tenants since the 1960s, production in the country (Munroe 1984: 214- the farm complex as rebuilt in the 1930s still 215). stood when archaeological excavations were Nevertheless, farm size and the total completed in 1990 (Scholl, Hoseth, and Grettler acreage in farmland declined noticeably 1992). Excavation of the Mermaid blacksmith (Bausman 1939, 1940, 1941a, 1941b). For exam­ and wheelwright shops' partial remains and ple, in Sussex County farm acreage declined by extensive archival research are documenting nearly one-quarter between 1880 and 1940. This change and continuity across several genera­ decline marks a period of farm abandonment tions in these 19th-century shops in northwest­ and I or readaptation in the early 1900s, coin­ ern Delaware's Piedmont (Catts eta!. 1992). ciding with the beginnings of suburbanization in New Castle and Kent counties. After 1910 in these northern counties, farms of 100 acres or less were in the majority, and in Sussex County IV. 1880-1940 farms of this size accounted for over 70% of the total by 1920 (Bausman 1941a, 1941 b). Tenant Delaware's population in 1900 stood at farming, a common feature of the agricultural 184,735 inhabitants. As previously, the great­ landscape through all of the preceding periods, est percentage, 59%, lived in New Castle became even more prevalent during the late County; 23% lived in Sussex County, and the 19th century. Large landowners, having ac­ remaining 18% in Kent County (U.S. Census quired much of their holdings during the hard 1900). Nearly 70% of New Castle County's times of the 1820s, leased their lands to population resided in Wilmington; many of the tenants. By 1900 over 50% of Delaware's farm­ city's inhabitants had recently immigrated ers were tenants or sharecroppers. Between from eastern or central Europe (Hoffecker 1974). 1880 and 1900 alone this figure represents an 8% Between 1870 and 1900, the percentage of increase in farm tenancy (Shannon 1945: 418). Delawareans employed in agriculture declined Tenancy remained a dominant farming practice from 39.5% to 26%, while the percentage en­ into the 20th century. gaged in industry and manufacturing rose from In the Lower Peninsula, the holly wreath 23.5% to over 31%. Persons working in the industry flourished beginning in the 1880s, pro­ trades also rose during this period, from 8.5% of viding many farmers supplemental income in the total state population to 14% (Reed 1947). November and December. It was especially 28 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo and Catts significant during the Depression, declining information; the sheer number of sites; and the quickly after the second World War (Eckman survival, often not substantially altered, of ar­ 1955: 385; Hancock 1976a: 102). At the start of chitectural and landscape features dating from the 20th century, the lumber industry also still this period. Delaware has not been exempt provided a significant source of income in the from this bias against recent-period sites, as Lower Peninsula. Especially sought after was evidenced through analysis of the historical virgin Sussex pine, which had grown following archaeological sites inventoried by the state. the initial cuttings for the railroad two to Of the 257 sites recorded at the time the Plan three generations earlier. Charcoal was an im­ was prepared, only 7 (or 2%) were occupied portant related industry, in some areas up until exclusively after 1880. Although the the 1950s (Passmore 1978: 13, 14). occupation period of 129 others (or Internal transportation and inter-regional approximately 50%) extends into the late 19th routes saw continued improvement, and pro­ or early 20th century, their origin in the 18th or vided Delaware with better connections to the earlier in the 19th century accounts for their rest of the Middle Atlantic region. By 1910 the recordation. That most of the thousands of Maryland, Delaware, and Virginia Railroad historic standing structures recorded by the extended from Lewes to the Chesapeake Bay, State Historic Preservation Office have not providing residents of Maryland's western been tested for the presence of associated shore with easier access to the Delaware archaeological remains further compounds the beaches. By 1924, Coleman Du Pont's revolu­ problem. While a monumental and clearly tionary concrete highway (present-day Route unrealistic task at this time, it nevertheless 113) ran the length of the state (LeeDecker et would address the bias against late-period a!. 1989; Rae 1975). In the Lower Peninsula, the sites. improvements in regional transportation in turn Several recent studies (cf. Adams 1976, continued to stimulate growth in tourism along 1977; Askins 1985; Beaudry and Mrozowski the beaches (Hancock 1976a: 90). 1987a; Branstner and Martin 1987; Carlson 1990; By the turn of the 20th century, America's Cheek and Friedlander 1990; Davidson 1982; industrial economy had become truly national Henry 1987a, 1987b; Stine 1990), including a few in scope; however, Delaware was falling be­ in Delaware (Beidleman, Catts, and Custer hind the rest of the nation. Large, national 1986; Catts and Custer 1990; Catts, Hodny, and companies bought many of Wilmington's suc­ Custer 1989) have demonstrated the research cessful firms, and others went bankrupt because potential and information value of these sites, of competition from the Midwest. Nonetheless, and indicate that the richness of the informa­ in 1907, Wilmington stood seventh in manu­ tion available from other sources enhances facturing in the United States according to these sites' archaeological potential. population, and hosted a greater diversity of Considering the material evidence-architec­ industries than any other city in the United ture, landscape, and archaeological artifacts­ States (Hoffecker 1974). Industrialization and as offering supplementary, complementary, and commercialization remained focused predomi­ often alternative insights into daily life, cul­ nantly in the Piedmont north and west of tural values and beliefs, social group identifi­ Wilmington, with the Upper and Lower cation and interaction, and production processes Peninsulas considerably less industrialized. and distribution networks provides the key. Generally for this period the historical record Determining the significance of a late-period shows three dominant trends: a developing site proceeds, as in the earlier periods, from an commercial agriculture, an increasing urbanism, evaluation of the site's potential to address the and a growth in light manufacturing, such as research questions and issues identified in the C?rriage-making and cabinet-making, and food­ Management Plan. In addition, archaeologists stuff processing, such as canning and juice/ syrup and cultural resource managers must carefully production (Hoffecker 1977). consider the data potentially contributed by Numerous reasons have been offered for the the archaeological record in relation to that lack of significance attributed to archaeologi­ available from other sources, the site's in­ cal resources of this period: the increase in the tegrity, and its representativeness or unique­ extent and representativeness of the documen­ ness. Decisions must be made on a site-by-site tary record; the availability of oral historical basis. Sweeping generalizations that whole Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 19, 1990 29

classes of sites dating to this period lack signif­ sis, and multivariate comparative studies, re­ icance cannot be made; neither can archaeolo­ mains the key. gists and cultural resource managers assume The late 19th- and early 20th-century sites that every site exhibiting integrity is signifi­ currently the subject of intensive investigation cant, especially when large numbers of similar' by Delaware historical archaeologists were oc­ sites survive intact. For example, projects that cupied initially earlier in the 19th century. will negatively impact large numbers of these Thus they have been discussed above in the later period sites warrant a sampling strategy, context of the 1830-1880 period. one justifiable in the context of the above dis­ cussion. The cultural continuities and changes char­ Applying Delaware's Research Plan for acterizing this period are both represented in Historical Archaeology: The John the subjects proposed as archaeological re­ Darrach Store Site search priorities: The first historical archaeological site in­ a. The continuation of trends in agricul­ terpreted within the context of Delaware's new ture and industry identified in the 1830- Management Plan is the John Darrach Store 1880 period, with an emphasis on the Site, investigated by the University of changes in agriculture .in the Lower Delaware Center for Archaeological Research Peninsula (Bausman 1939, 1940, 1941 a, with funding provided by the Delaware 1941 b; Hancock 1976a; Hoffecker 1977; Department of Transportation (FIG. 3) (De Munroe 1984; Shannon 1945); Cunzo et a!. 1992). The research issues that formed the project's focus, the conclusions re­ b. The increasing ethnic diversity of the searchers drew, and the additional research population-southern and eastern questions the project raised are outlined here to Europeans moving into the suburbs and exemplify the potential of a research-oriented hinterlands from Philadelphia and approach to historical archaeological resource Wilmington, the immigration of Amish and management. Archival research, excavation of Mennonite farmers into central and south­ a 25% plowzone sample and of almost 240 fea­ ern Delaware, the northern migration of tures within the one-acre 'site area, analysis, African Americans and the changing rela­ and comparison constituted the data-recovery tions among African Americans and the investigations of the site. Constructed before European American population (Hoffecker the Revolution by John Darrach's father-in­ 1977); law William White, Darrach operated the Store along the road to the Duck Creek c. Another revolution in transportation, Landing, in Duck Creek Hundred, Kent County, this one associated with the development of between 1778 and his death in 1805 (FIG. 8) . .In the automobile and the extension and im­ addition, he rented a portion of the Store as a provement of the road and highway system residence, probably for a time in the later 18th (Rae 1975); century to the local miller. Between 1803 and 1806, Darrach or his heirs converted the Store d. The development of a new component to a tenant residence. From then until its demo­ of Delaware's economy, one that remains lition in the late 1860s, the Store housed mostly important today-the growth of tourism unidentified tenants probably working in farm­ along the Atlantic coast (Hancock 1976a). ing or laboring in maritime trades (FIG. 9). Four research themes guided the historical The broad themes of the research programs and archaeological investigations of the Store: presented above for the study of Domestic The Social and Economic Context of Family and Economy, Manufacturing and Trade, Landscape, Mercantile Activity in the Smyrna/Duck Creek and Social Group Identity, Behavior, and Hundred Community; The Evolution of Interaction apply to the archaeological study Architecture and Landscape; Tenancy; and of the late 19th and early 20th century as well. Agricultural Crisis and Reform, 1790-1840. The A research program incorporating in-depth case first, informed principally by historical docu­ studies of select sites, settlement pattern analy- ments and the archaeological and comparative Figure 8. This artist's reconstruction depicts the John Darrach Store site (7K-A-101) near Duck Creek east of Duck Creek Crossroads (Smyrna) between ca. 1775 to ca. 1800, when Darrach had his store in part of the building and also rented quarters to tenants. The University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research excavated this site for the Delaware Department of Transportation. (Drawn by Robert Schultz. De Cunzo et al. 1992:292, Figure 91). ····-~- . = .. .. ·.. ~ ~:~i;~'i.-:::_:::::::;;:=::::=::::::.!.:S?::~~~~:SC(

~c?

Figure 9. This artist's reconstruction depicts the John Darrach Store Site (7K-A-101) near Duck Creek east of Smyrna between ca. 1805 and ca. 1830, when Darrach's heirs rented the property to tenants. The University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research excavated this site for the Delaware Department of Transportation. (Drawn by Robert Schultz. De Cunzo eta!. 1992: 294, Figure 92). 32 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo and Catts information on the Store's architecture, focused the division of property and property rights on the Whites, Darrachs, and other elite mer­ soon codified through the agricultural reform­ cantile families of Duck Creek in the later 18th ers' efforts. Later tenants changed the property and early 19th centuries. These studies re­ little, until new owners in the 1860s reworked vealed the extensive network of kinship link­ the landscape once again, plowing under and ing these families; their expression of social planting over all vestiges of the buildings, and economic position through their dress, work yards, gardens, and dumps. their silver, furniture, and books prominently The lives of the Store's tenants were also displayed in large, expensive, permanent brick documented in the archaeological record. In houses; and the commercial businesses they op­ the 18th century, they lived in the western erated from their often equally large, expen­ half of the Store, heated by the building's only sive, and permanent brick stores. Offering tex­ fireplaces. They did not carry their household tiles, sewing equipment, clothing, liquor, im­ refuse-ceramics, bottle glass, food bone, and ported foods, spices, and beverages, books, ce­ shell-very far from the back door before ramics, and other kitchenwares for cash and in dumping it broadcast across the rear and side exchange for agricultural produce and other yards. Ceramics comprise the principal mate­ goods and services, these merchants served lo­ rial remains of these families. Domestic, per­ cal community members who patronized them haps even locally produced, versatile, multi­ based on a combination of social and economic purpose redwares dominate the assemblage, factors. the expected possessions of a family making do The Darrach Store site's archaeological with a few equally versatile, multipurpose record preserved a case study of the evolution of cooking pots and pans, as the miller's probate architecture and landscape in Duck Creek be­ inventory documents. The domestic economic tween the second half of the 18th century and strategy of the later occupants, in residence be­ the Civil War. When William White con­ tween the Store's conversion to a tenancy and structed his brick store, brick structures were ca. 1825, is reconstructible in even more detail. truly a rarity in central Delaware and a visible Multifunctional redwares continued to pre­ sign of success and permanence. No outbuildings dominate in the kitchen and on the table. of this period left archaeological remains, Supplementing these wares at meals, at tea, although the presence of an impermanent and on display in the cupboard were a few utilitarian building set on wooden blocks seems creamware and pearlware plates, and likely (FIG. 8). A well in the rear yard served creamware, pearlware, and porcelain teawares the tenants' kitchen, and their domestic (FIG. 10). The faunal remains indicate these landscape was confined to the west and families served on their earthenware plates southwest yards between the Store, the and bowls beef, pork, mutton, and chicken, as Maryland Road, a gully to the west, and this well as geese and other water fowl, muskrat, well and possible outbuilding to the south. Soil opposum, squirrel, rabbit, and locally har­ chemical levels suggest these early tenants vested oysters. All could have been raised, may have tethered their animals near the hunted, or harvested by the tenants them­ Store, and I or planted a small garden in the selves, or purchased at a store in town, or ac­ side yard. At the end of the century, John quired from a neighboring farmer or waterman. Darrach abandoned the brick Store, moving his Moreover, all the faunal taxa represented ar­ home and store into downtown Duck Creek chaeologically served multiple roles in the lo­ Crossroads (Smyrna). The old Store property cal economy, as food sources for local consump­ was remodeled for tenants, an addition con­ tion and for exchange, and as sources of fur, structed on its eastern end, new outbuildings hides, wool, and feathers. Although many erected, and the domestic yard enlarged, reor­ questions remain concerning the lives of the ganized, and enclosed by fences (FIG. 9). These Darrach Store's tenants, they clearly sought latter separated outdoor work areas, storage the most out of their investment, whether of and work spaces in the outbuildings, gardens, time, energy, or money. livestock pens, and waste-disposal areas in the Finally, this study of the Darrach Store form of a large midden and privies. This inter­ has contributed information on the agricultural mediate landscape of the early 19th century crisis and subsequent reform efforts in Delaware seemingly expressed changing perceptions of between ca. 1790 and 1840. John Darrach Northeast Historical Archaeology/Vol. 19, 1990 33

Figure 10. Three reconstructed utilitarian redware vessels from disturbed deposits associated with the foundation of John Darrach's Store (7K-A- 101). The milk pan and two butter pots numbered among a minimum of 147 red ware vessels discarded by the Store's occupants between ca. 1775 and the 1860s.

clearly took advantage of the opportunities the gentry of the Duck Creek community. How did international economy of the early federal pe­ they interact and what factors unified or di­ riod offered, and profited handsomely. Later, vided them? How did 'they maintain their po­ when prices hit bottom, wealthy merchants sitions during times of social and economiG pros­ like the one who leased the Store in the early perity, and times of social and economic stress? 19th century amassed control over incredible What roles did both the men and women of landholdings. They then set about rebuilding­ these families play in each of these areas? To the economy, the land, and the social relations understand this group fully, however, requires linking the two. As for their tenants, they also looking at the rest of the community. How placed a premium on resourcefulness, and thus did the lives of the gentry intersect with those survived. Fortunately, they lived in an area of the tenant farmers, small landowners, rich in natural resources, despite human efforts craftsmen, maritime workers, and day laborers to wear out the land. and their families? The historical archaeological research at The second set of questions focuses on these the John Darrach Store site has generated in­ latter, the majority of the Hundred's popula­ numerable questions relating to the central re­ tion. How did these men, women, and their search themes. One group'relates to the famil­ children negotiate their. way through life? ial, social, economic, and even political rela­ How did they meet their needs for food, shel­ tionships among the mercantile and landed ter, clothing, and social intercourse? What 34 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo and Catts strategies did these families devise, what was Archaeological Resources is to provide a man­ the nature and extent of variability among agement framework for Delaware historical them, and how did they adjust their strategies archaeology based on a research plan. to economic stresses? The insights offered by Archaeologists in the state are just beginning to study of the Darrach Store tenants' ceramics apply the Plan, as we have seen, in designing and food remains are suggestive in this regard, research programs for individual sites, in de­ but many more sites are required for comparison veloping sampling strategies for projects in before more than preliminary answers to these which large numbers of identified sites must be questions can be offered. tested and evaluated, and in evaluating the Third, there remain the questions that significance and National Register eligibility have formed a focus of historical archaeologi­ of sites. cal research in recent years. The by-words The Plan's second purpose involved identi­ have been consumer choice and socioeconomic fying the state historic preservation program's status. The questions relate to understanding priority management needs related to the economic value and social meaning of the Delaware's historical archaeological re­ material culture that archaeologists study­ sources. In the Plan, these needs generated rec­ the architecture, landscapes, and artifacts. ommendations for a five-year program address­ What did large brick houses and stores really ing preservation planning, identification, eval­ mean to Duck Creek community members? uation, registration, and treatment. The five What did the landscape signify-the size of planning projects call for developing historic one's lot, the way one landscaped it, the way contexts specific to historical archaeological one maintained it, the uses to which one put it? resources. Geographic, temporal, and thematic How did people interpret porcelain tea services parameters define each context, and several versus painted pearlware ones versus silver factors contributed to the selection of these con­ ones? What did they think about eating beef, texts as priorities: pork, mutton, muskrat, squirrel, goose, and oys­ ters? Bones and ceramic vessels need to be 1) Agriculture and Rural Life in Delaware, counted, vanished structures and landscapes re­ 1830-1940. Current large-scale cultural constructed on paper, but then they must be resource management projects in placed into contexts. Delaware are faced with identifying, Although many questions remain about evaluating, and treating large numbers of Duck Creek Hundred's past, the historical ar­ 19th- and early 20th-century rural sites, chaeological work at the John Darrach Store principally farmsteads. site has considerably enhanced our understand­ ing of 18th- and 19th-century life in the 2) The Impact of the Technological Hundred, and will provide a solid basis for fu­ Revolution: Incipient Industrialization and ture research at historical sites in Delaware. Scientific Agriculture in Delaware, 1770- In the end, the success of an archaeological 1830. Agriculture and rural life after 1830 project can perhaps best be measured by the cannot be completely understood without questions that remain. Good research always establishing the background of the crises raises at least as many new questions as it an­ and developments in the agricultural econ­ swers. New questions require new data and new omy and way of life dating from the late sites, ultimately allowing researchers to return 18th and early 19th centuries. Furthermore, to the data provided by the original site and this is the only context proposed in the Plan move the interpretations forward one more that would focus on the 1770-1830 time pe­ step. In this way historical and cultural con­ riod. texts are built, upon the growing body of evi­ dence provided by each new site. 3) Delaware, 1630-1730. Settlement mo­ dels suggest many of the earliest historical archaeological sites are located in those Conclusion areas most threatened by development and erosion. In addition, least is known ar­ The most important purpose of the chaeologically of this period of Delaware's Management Plan for Delaware's Historical history, and few sites dating between 1630 Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 19, 1990 35

and 1730 have yet been identified. to complete the projects. Preparation of an his­ toric context on Agriculture and Rural Life, 4) Maritime Economy and Life in 1830-1940, has been funded for Fiscal Year 1991. Delaware, 1630-1940. Coastal and riverine It will address New Castle and Kent counties; erosion as well as development pressures through a Fiscal Year 1992 Survey and Planning pose serious threats to the preservation of Grant the context for Sussex County, 1770-1940, the state's historical archaeological mari­ will be developed. The Atlantic Coast and time resources. Drainage reconnaissance surveys have been con­ tinued for Fiscal Years 1990 and 1991. A recon­ 5) Nucleated Communities in Delaware, naissance survey of portions of the Christina 1630-1940. While cultural resource River and White Clay Creek drainages, both management projects currently pose little loci of early historical settlement in northern threat to the state's historic nucleated Delaware, has also been funded for Fiscal Year communities, private development is 1991. A Fiscal Year 1992 grant will f~nd a re­ threatening the archaeological integrity of connaissance survey of the eastern end of the downtown areas, and Delaware's Appoquinimink Creek in southern New Castle agricultural hinterland cannot be fully County, another locus of early historical set­ understood without reference to these tlement. communities. Efforts to better understand, manage, and preserve Delaware's historical archaeological The recommended identification, evalua­ resources continue to progress. When the tion, registration, and treatment projects grow Management Plan was prepared, only 257 his­ naturally out of these historic contexts. Annual torical archaeological sites appeared on the reconnaissance surveys (identification) have state's inventory; the Atlantic Coast and been proposed for priority threatened areas of Drainage reconnaissance survey of Baltimore the state, to build on the Atlantic Coast and Hundred (Fiscal Year 1990) alone located an­ Drainage surveys funded for several years by other 158. Including sites identified through the Delaware State Historic Preservation other projects, the total has now reached 480. Office with monies from the National Park Nevertheless, this number compares to a total Service's Historic Preservation Fund. The pro­ of 1,958 inventoried prehistoric sites and posed surveys would focus on locating and iden­ roughly 25,000 inventoried standing structures; tifying maritime sites and sites dating to 1630- all of the latter may potentially have. associ­ 1730 and would be accompanied by programs of ated archaeological resources. The idea of even documentary research. Annual intensive sur­ testing all these potential sites to verify the veys (evaluation) of sites dating to the 1630- survival of archaeological remains is stagger­ 1730 period have also been proposed, and the ing, to say nothing of the historic-period sites Plan further recommends that all surveyed at which no standing structures survive. And sites determined eligible for the National identifying sites is only the beginning of the Register of Historic Places be nominated preservation process. Yet at least it is a begin­ (registration). Finally, treatment plans are ning, and in cultural resource projects across the needed for all nominated and registered sites of state, archaeologists are moving from identifi­ the 1630-1730 period. cation, to evaluation, to data recovery or in The State Historic Preservation Office and many cases even to preservation in place. the University of Delaware Center for Archaeological Research have already taken steps to implement these recommendations Acknowledgments through the Office's Survey and Planning Grant program. Through this program, National The National Park Service provided fund­ Park Service Historic Preservation Fund monies ing to prepare the Management Plan for are subgranted to institutions and organizations Delaware's Hi.storical Archaeological that match the grant for a particular project on Resources. The University of Delaware Center a 50 I 50 basis. On the following projects, the for Archaeological Research, Department of Center for Archaeological Research is the grant Anthropology, provided matching funding. recipient and is pro~iding the match necessary The authors thank Jay F. Custer, Directo.r of the 36 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo and Catts

Center for Archaeological Research, for sup­ Ames, David L., Mary Helen Callahan, Bernard L. porting this project, and Center staff for their Herman, and Rebecca J. Siders assistance. Special thanks are due Kimberly 1989 Delaware Comprehensive Historic Hood, Paul McCullough, and Robert Schultz for Preservation Plan. Center for Historic preparing the graphics included in this article. Architecture and Engineering, College of Joan Larrivee and the staff of the State Urban Affairs and Public Policy, Historic Preservation Office, especially Alice University of Delaware, Newark. Guerrant, and Charles Fithian of the Delaware State Museums, offered important insights and Anderson, Jay Allen recommendations throughout the project. The 1971 A Solid Sufficiency: An Ethnography of Delaware Department of Transportation Yeoman Foodways in Stuart England. funded the investigations of most of the ar­ Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania. chaeological sites mentioned in this article. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor. The ongoing support of the Department and its archaeologist, Kevin Cunningham, in Arnold, J. Barto, III, ed. developing an ongoing program of historical 1978 Beneath the Waters of Time: archaeological research in the state is greatly Proceedings of the Ninth Conference on appreciated. Mary C. Beaudry and Northeast Underwater Archaeology. Society for Historical Archaeology editorial staff as well Historical Archaeology. Ann Arbor. as the two anonymous reviewers contributed 1989 Underwater Archaeology: Proceedings suggestions which improved the manuscript in from the Society for Historical many ways. Copies of the Management Plan Archaeology Conference. Society for are available from the State Historic Historical Archaeology. Ann Arbor. Preservation Office, P. 0. Box 1401, Dover, Delaware 19903. Askins, William 1985 Material Culture and Expressions of Group Identity in Sandy Ground, New York. American Archeology 5: 209-218. References Adams, William Hampton Babson, David W. 1976 Trade Networks and Interaction 1990 The Archaeology of Racism and Ethnicity Spheres-A View from Silcott. Historical on Southern Plantations. Historical Archaeology 10: 99-112. Archaeology 24(4): 20-28. 1977 Silcott, Washington: Ethnoarchaeology of a Rural American Community. Lab­ Bachman, David C., and Wade P. Catts oratory of Anthropology, Report of Inves­ 1990 Final Archaeological Investigations of the tigations 54. Washington State Univer­ Lafferty Lane Cemetery 7K-D-11, State sity, Pullman. Route 1 Relief Corridor, Dover, Kent 1990 Landscape Archaeology, Landscape County, Delaware. Delaware Depart­ History, and the American Farmstead. ment of Transportation Archaeological Historical Archaeology 24(4): 92-101. Series No. 80. Dover.

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Bausman, R. 0. 1987b (editors) Interdisciplinary Investigations 1939 The Economic and Historic Background of the Boot! Mills, Lowell, Massachusetts. of Farm Tenancy in Delaware. Joumal of Volume 2: The Kirk Street Agents' House. Farm Economics 15(1): 164-167. Cultural Resources Management Study 1940 An Economic Study of Land Utilization in 19. Division of Cultural Resources, North Kent County, Delaware. University of Atlantic Regional Office, National Park Delaware Agricultural Experiment Service, Boston. Station Bulletin No. 224. Newark. 1988 The Archeology of Work and Home Life· 1941a A11 Ec01wmic Study of Land Utilization in in Lowell, Massachusetts: An Inter­ New Castle Co1mty, Delaware. University disciplinary Study of the Boott Cotton of Delaware Agricultural Experiment Mills Corporation. IA 14(2): 1-22. Station Bulletin No. 228. Newark. 1989 (editors) I111erdiscipli11ary Investigations 1941b An Economic Study of Land Utilization in of the Boot! Mills, Lowell, Massachusetts. Sussex County, Delaware. University of Volume 3: The Boarding House System Delaware Agricultural Experiment as a Way of Life. Cultural Resources Station Bulletin No. 233. Newark. Management Study 21. Division of Cul­ tural Resources, North Atlantic Regional Bausman, R. 0., and John A. Munroe, eds. Office, National Park Service, Boston. 1946 James Tilton's Notes on the Agriculture of Delaware in 1788. Agricultural History Beidleman, D. Katharine, Wade P. Catts, and Jay F.· 20: 176-187. Custer 1986 Final Archaeological Excavations at Block Beaudry, Mary C. 1191, Wilmington, New Castle, Delaware. 1984 Archaeology and the Historical House­ Delaware Department of Transportation hold. Man i11 the Northeast 28: 27-38. Archaeology Series No. 39. Dover. 1986 The Archaeology of Historical Land Use in Massachusetts. Historical Arclwe­ Bidwell, Percy, and John I. Falconer ology 20(2): 38-46. 1941 History of Agriculture in the Northern 1989a The Lowell Boott Mills Complex and its U11ited· States 1620-1860. Peter Smith, Housing: Material Expressions of Cor­ New York. porate Ideology. Historical Archaeology 23(1): 19-32. Blakely, Robert L., and Lane A. Beck 1989b Introduction. In l11terdiscipli11ary lm>es- 1982 Bioarchaeology in the Urban Context. In . ligations of the Boot! Mills, Lowell, Archaeology of Urban America. ' The Massachusetts. Volume Ill: Tl1e Board­ Search for Pattem· and Process, ed. by ing House System as a Way of Life, ed. by Roy S. Dickens, Jr., 175...:207. Academic Mary C. Beaudry and Stephen A. Press, New York. Mrozowski, 1-6. Cultural Resources Management Study 21. North Atlantic Blouet, Brian W. Regional Office, National Park Service, 1972 Factors Influencing the Evolution of Boston. Settlement Patterns. In Man, Settlement, a11d Urbanism, ed. by Peter. Ucks, Ruth Beaudry, Mary C., and Stephen A. Mrozowski Tringham, and G. W. Dimbleby, 3-15. 1987a (editors) l11terdisciplinary lilvestigatiolls Gerald Duckworth and Co., Herfordshire. of the Boot! Mills, Lowell, Massachusetts. Volume 1: Life at the Boarding Houses. A Bowen, Joanne Preliminary Report. Cultural Resources 1988 Seasonality: An Agricultural Construct. Management Study 18. Division of Cul­ In Docume11tary Archaeology in the New tural Resources, North Atlantic Regional World, ed. by Mary C. Beaudry, 161-171. Office, National Park Service, Boston: Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 38 Delaware's Management Plan/De Cunzo ar1d Calls

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Branstner, Mark C., and Terrance J. Martin Catts, Wade P., Ellis C. Coleman, and Jay F. Custer 1987 Working-Class Detroit: Late Victorian 1983 Cultural Resources Study and Consumer Choices and Status. In Con­ Management Plan for Fort Delaware sumer Choice in Historical Archaeology, State Park. University of Delaware ed. by Suzanne Spencer-Wood, 301-320. Center for Archaeological Research Plenum Press, New York. Monograph No. 1, Newark.

Brown, Kenneth L., and Doreen C. Cooper Catts, Wade P., and Kevin W. Cunningham 1990 Structural Continuity in an African­ 1986 Archaeological Investigations at the American Slave and Tenant Community. Welsh Tract School. Bulletin of the Historical Archaeology 24(4): 7-19. Archaeological Society of Delaware, New Series, 21: 43-57. Buchanan, R. A. 1979 Industrial Archaeology: Retrospect and Catts, Wade P., and Jay F. Custer Prospect. In Historical Archaeology: A 1990 Tenant Farmers, Stone Masons, and Guide to Substantive and Theoretical Black Laborers: Final Archaeological Co11tributions, ed. by Robert Schuyler, Investigations of the Thomas Williams 53-56. Baywood Publishing Co., Inc., Site, Glasgow, New Castle County, Farmingdale, NY. Delaware. Delaware Department of Transportation Archaeology Series No. Carlson, Shawn Bonath 82. Dover. 1990 The Persistence of Traditional Lifeways in Central Texas. Historical Archaeology Catts, Wade P., Jay W. Hodny, and Jay F. Custer 24(4): 50-59. 1989 "The Place at Chris teen": Final Archaeological Investigations of the Carrell, Toni L., ed. Patterson Lane Site Complex, Christiana, 1990 U11derwater Archaeology Proceedings New Castle County, Delaware. Delaware from the 1990 Society for Historical Ar­ Department of Transportation Archae­ c/weology Conference. Society for Hist­ ology Series No. 74. Dover. orical Archaeology. Ann Arbor.

Carson, C., N. F. Barka, W. M. Kelso, G. W. Stone, Catts, Wade P., Jay W. Hodny, Mara Guttman, and and D. Upton Keith R. Doms 1981 Impermanent Architecture in the South- 1992 The Archaeology of Rural Artisans: Final ern American Colonies. Winterthur Archaeological Investigations at the Portfolio 16: 135-196. Mermaid Blacksmith and Wheelwright Shop Sites, New Castle County, Delaware. Catts, Wade P. Delaware Department of Transportation 1986 Historic Standing Structure Cultural Re­ Series. Dover. sources of the Proposed U.S. Route 13 Corridor. In Cultural Resources of the Catts, Wade P., JoAnn Jamison, and Michael D. Proposed Route 13 Corridor: An Over­ Scholl view Proposed for the Draft Environ­ 1992 Farming on the Delaware Frontier: Data mental Impact Statement, ed. by J. F. Recovery Excavations at the Strickland Custer and K. W. Cunningham, 69-105. Plantation on "Pearman's Choice," Kmt Delaware Department of Transportation County, Delaware. Delaware Depart­ Archaeology Series No. 40. Dover. ment of Transportation Series. Dover. Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 19, 1990 3·9

Catts, Wade P., Douglas C. Kellogg, George Miller, Coleman, Ellis C., Angela Hoseth, and Jay F. Custer and Michael D. Scholl 1987 Phase I and II Archaeological Invest­ 1993 Final Archaeological Investigations at the igations of the Ogletown Interchange Eagle Run Site Complex, Christiana, New Improvements Project· Area, Newark, Castle County, Delaware. Delaware Delaware. Delaware Department of Department of Transportation Series. Transportation Archaeology Series No. Dover. 61. Dover.

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Custer, Jay F., David C. Bachman, and David J. De Cunzo, Lu Ann, and Wade P. Catts Grettler 1990 Management Plan for Delaware's Hist­ 1986 An Archaeological Planning Survey of orical Archaeological Resources. Univer­ Selected Portions of the Proposed Route sity of Delaware Center for Archae­ 13 Corridor, Kent Cour1ty, Delaware. ological Research, Newark. Delaware Department of Transportation Archaeology Series No. 45. Dover. De Cunzo, Lu Ann, Angela Hoseth, Jay Hodny, JoAnn E. Jamison, Wade P. Catts, and Custer, Jay F., Patricia A. Jehle, Thomas Klatka, and David C. Bachman Timothy Eveleigh 1992 Final Archaeological Investigations at the 1984 A Cultural Resource Reconnaissance of John Darrach Store Site, Delaware Route the Proposed Route 13 Highway Corridor, 6-Woodland Beach Road, Smyrna New Castle and Kent Counties, Section, Delaware Route 1 Corridor, Kent Delaware. Delaware Department of County, Delaware. Delaware Depart­ Transportation Archaeology Series No. ment of Transportation Archaeology 30. Dover. Series No. 93. Dover.

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Lu Ann De Cunzo Department of Anthropology University of Delaware

Wade P. Catts Center for Archaeological Research University of Delaware