PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION in GREECE 17 December 2014
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The 'Black Book' on the Corporate Agenda of the Barroso II Commission
The record of a Captive Commission The ‘black book’ on the corporate agenda of the Barroso II Commission Corporate Europe Observatory Table of contents Introduction 3 1. Trade 5 2. Economic policy 7 3. Finance 9 4. Climate change 12 5. Agriculture 15 6. Water privatisation 18 7. The citizens initiative 20 8. Regulation 22 9. Lobbying ethics and transparency 23 Conclusion 27 Cover picture: Group photo of the ERT, from left to right, in the 1st row: Wim Philippa, Secretary General of the ERT, Leif Johansson, President of AB Volvo and CEO of Volvo Group and Chairman of the ERT, José Manuel Barroso, Gerard Kleisterlee, CEO and Chairman of the Board of Management of Royal Philips Electronics and Vice-Chairman of the ERT, and Paolo Scaroni, CEO of Eni, in the 2nd row: Aloïs Michielsen, Chairman of the Board of Directors of Solvay, César Alierta Izuel, Executive Chairman and CEO of Telefónica, Zsolt Hernádi, Chairman and CEO of MOL and Chairman of the Board of Directors of MOL, Paulo Azevedo, CEO of Sonae, and Bruno Lafont, CEO of Lafarge (Photo: EC Audiovisual Services/European Commission) Published by Corporate Europe Observatory (CEO), May 2014 Written by Corporate Europe Observatory Editing: Katharine Ainger Design: Stijn Vanhandsaeme Contents of the report may be quoted or reproduced for non-commercial purposes, provided that the source of information is acknowledged 2 The record of a captive Commission Introduction With the upcoming European elections, the term of the Thus an increase in the competence of the Commission European Commission is coming to an end, and it has been tends to be directly proportional with corporate capture a term like few others. -
Eu/S3/09/12/A European and External Relations
EU/S3/09/12/A EUROPEAN AND EXTERNAL RELATIONS COMMITTEE AGENDA 12th Meeting, 2009 (Session 3) Tuesday 3 November 2009 The Committee will meet at 10.15 am in Committee Room 1. 1. Decision on taking business in private: The Committee will decide whether to take items 5 and 6 in private. 2. China Plan inquiry: The Committee will take evidence from— Iain Smith MSP, Convener of the Economy, Energy and Tourism Committee. 3. European Union matters of importance to Scotland: The Committee will take evidence from the following Scottish MEPs— Catherine Stihler MEP, and Ian Hudghton MEP, European Parliament. 4. Brussels Bulletin: The Committee will consider the Brussels Bulletin. 5. Impact of the financial crisis on EU support for economic development: The Committee will consider responses received to its report from the Scottish Government and the European Commission. 6. Treaty of Lisbon inquiry: The Committee will consider the approach to its inquiry. Lynn Tullis / Simon Watkins Clerks to the European and External Relations Committee Room TG.01 The Scottish Parliament Edinburgh Tel: 0131 348 5234 Email: [email protected]; [email protected] EU/S3/09/12/A The papers for this meeting are as follows— Agenda Item 2 Paper from the Clerk EU/S3/09/12/1 Agenda Item 3 Paper from the Clerk EU/S3/09/12/2 Agenda Item 4 Brussels Bulletin EU/S3/09/12/3 Agenda Item 5 Paper from the Clerk (Private Paper) EU/S3/09/12/4 (P) Agenda Item 6 Paper from the Clerk (Private Paper) EU/S3/09/12/5 (P) EU/S3/09/12/1 European and External Relations Committee 12th Meeting, 2009 (Session 3), Tuesday, 3 November 2009 China Plan inquiry Background 1. -
The Greek New Right and the Eve of Conservative Populism
The Visio Journal ● Volume 4 ● 2019 The Greek New Right and the Eve of Conservative Populism By Athanasios Grammenos* The economic crisis in the Eurozone and its dire consequences for Greece terminated the post-1974 political consensus, which was based on a pro-European and democratic concord. The collapse of the social-democratic Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) in 2012 allowed space for the radical Left to become the new pole of the political system. To this advancement, the conservatives, being the other pole, responded with a prompt enlargement attempt to the populist right-wing, engulfing several elements of the New Right. This new political order had had evident effects on the party’s social and economic agenda, escalating the political debate at the expense of established liberal principles. While in opposition (2015-2019), New Democracy (ND), member of the European Peo- ple’s Party (EPP) in the European Parliament, voted against a series of liberal bills (gender issues, separation of Church and State, the Macedonian issue, etc.) giving out positions with authoritarian and populist essence. The purpose of this paper is to focus on the rise of the New Right in Greece (2012-2019) in both rhetoric and practice, and its consequences for law institutions, human rights and foreign affairs. It is argued that ND, currently holding office, has been occupied by deeply conservative elements as a response to the rise of the radical Left, adopting occasionally ultra-conservative positions in a wide range of social issues. Although the case of Greece is unlike to those in other European countries, nevertheless, to the extent to which the preservation of traditional hierarchies come into question, the political platform of the Greek New Right, which has embedded authoritarian attitudes cultivating an anti-liberal sub-culture to the party’s voters, is in accordance with several European conservative movements like in Hungary, Austria or Czechia. -
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IP/09/1867 Brussels, 2 December 2009 Copenhagen conference must produce global, ambitious and comprehensive agreement to avert dangerous climate change The European Commission today underlined the crucial importance of reaching a global, ambitious and comprehensive climate agreement at the UN climate change conference in Copenhagen on 7-18 December. The European Union will be working to achieve maximum progress towards finalisation of an ambitious and legally binding global climate treaty to succeed the Kyoto Protocol in 2013. The conference must settle the key political elements of the treaty and set up a process and mid-2010 deadline for completing the full text. The Copenhagen agreement must also incorporate a 'fast start' deal allowing for immediate implementation or preparation of certain actions, including financial assistance to least developed countries. Commission President José Manuel Barroso and Environment Commissioner Stavros Dimas will both participate in the conference, as will some 90 other world leaders. President Barroso said: "In Copenhagen world leaders must take the bold decisions needed to stop climate change from reaching the dangerous and potentially catastrophic levels projected by the scientific community. We must seize this chance to keep global warming below 2°C before it is too late. But Copenhagen is also an historic opportunity to draw the roadmap to a global low-carbon society, and in so doing unleash a wave of innovation that can revitalise our economies through the creation of new, sustainable growth sectors and "green collar" jobs. The European Union has set the pace with our unilateral commitment to cut emissions 20% by 2020 and our climate financing proposals for developing countries. -
AS AMENDED (Ja 0/%-1L~ ., ~. .~ __ Nli"7Ta.': 5'ECRET 2
6016 TH E WH ITE HOUS E WASHINGTON MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION SUBJECT: President's Expanded Meeting with Prime Minister Mitsotakis of Greece (U) PARTICIPANTS: The President John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs Marlin Fitzwater, Assistant to the President and Press Secretary Michael Sotirhos, U.S. Ambassador to Greece James F. Dobbins, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs David C. Gompert, Senior Director for European and Soviet Affairs David Ransom, Director, Office of Southern European Affairs, Department of State Nicholas Burns, Director for Soviet and European Affairs (Notetaker) Interpreter Constantine Mitsotakis, Prime Minister Antonis Samaras, Foreign Minister Ioannis Varvitsiotis, Minister of Defense Dora Kakoyianni, Deputy Minister to the Prime Minister Efthimios Christodoulou, Alternate Minister of Economy Christos Zacharakis, Ambassador to the U.S. Constantine Liberopoulos, MFA Director General of Political Affairs Emmanuel Ghikas, MFA Director for Cyprus and Turkey Lucas Tsilas, Director of the Prime Minister's Diplomatic Office Interpreter DATE, TIME Ju 1 y 18, 1991; 5: 00 p. m . - 6: 00 p. m . AND PLACE: Prime Minister's Office, Athens, Greece Prime Minister Mitsotakis: Thank you very much for your visit, Mr. President. It is very important and very effective for moving forward with our relationship. This is a good opportunity to exchange views on the most important issues. In the time lefL to us, we would like to ask our Minister of Economics to give you a brief picture of our economy. (U) DECLASSIFIED SECRET PER E=O. 12958, Declassify on: OADR AS AMENDED (jA 0/%-1l~ ., ~._.~ __ nLi"7ta.': 5'ECRET 2 Minister Christodoulou: Allow me to outline the problems. -
A Radical Greek Evolution Within the Eurozone
A radical Greek evolution within the eurozone For John Milios, seen as the most hardline of Alexis Tsipras’s advisers, the country’s humanitarian crisis is the top priority John Milios’s phone rings a lot these days. There are hedge funds and financial institutions and investors, all curious to know what the German-trained professor thinks. As chief economist of Syriza, the far-left party that has sent markets into a tailspin as it edges ever closer to power in Greece, the academic has had a prominent role in devising the group’s financial manifesto. He is the first to concede the programme is radical. “I am a Marxist,” he says. “The majority [in Syriza] are.” Sipping green tea in his favourite Athens cafe, he explains: “Alternative approaches to the economy and society have been excluded by the dominant narrative of neoliberalism.” Milios, who attended Athens College, the country’s most prestigious private school – graduating in the same class as the former prime minister George Papandreou –is part of an eclectic group of experts advising Syriza’s leader, Alexis Tsipras, on the economy. Others include the Oxford-educated Euclid Tsakalotos, the political economist and shipping family heir Giorgos Stathakis, the leftwing veteran Giannis Dragasakis and the Texas-based academic Yanis Varoufakis. If the Athenian parliament fails to elect a new head of state by 29 December, the Greek constitution demands that snap polls are called. The ruling coalition’s narrow majority has made it unlikely that the government’s candidate, Stavros Dimas, will get the presidency. With the radicals in the ascent, Milios and his fellow Marxists are likely to take the reins of the EU’s weakest economy. -
State Transformation and the European Integration Project Lessons from the Financial Crisis and the Greek Paradigm Evangelos Venizelos No
State Transformation and the European Integration Project Lessons from the financial crisis and the Greek paradigm Evangelos Venizelos No. 130/February 2016 Abstract The financial crisis that erupted in the eurozone not only affected the EU’s financial governance mechanisms, but also the very nature of state sovereignty and balances in the relations of member states; thus, the actual inequalities between the member states hidden behind their institutional equality have deteriorated. This transformation is recorded in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the member states’ constitutional courts, particularly in those at the heart of the crisis, with Greece as the most prominent example. It is the issue of public debt (sovereign debt) of the EU member states that particularly reflects the influence of the crisis on state sovereignty as well as the intensely transnational (intergovernmental) character of European integration, which under these circumstances takes the form of a continuous, tough negotiation. The historical connection between public debt (sovereign debt) and state sovereignty has re-emerged because of the financial crisis. This development has affected not only the European institutions, but also, at the member state level, the actual institutional content of the rule of law (especially judicial review) and the welfare state in its essence, as the great social and political acquis of 20th century Europe. From this perspective, the way that the Greek courts have dealt with the gradual waves of fiscal austerity measures and structural reforms from 2010 to 2015 is characteristic. The effect of the financial crisis on the sovereignty of the member states and on the pace of European integration also has an impact on European foreign and security policy, and the correlations between the political forces at both the national and European level, thus producing even more intense pressures on European social democracy. -
Election and Aftermath
Order Code RS20575 Updated June 9, 2000 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Greece: Election and Aftermath (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Prime Minister Simitis of Greece called an early election for April 9, 2000 because he believed that his government’s achievement in meeting the criteria for entry into the European Monetary Union (EMU) would return his PanHellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) party to power. PASOK’s narrow victory endorsed Simitis’s decision, but the opposition New Democracy’s (ND) strong showing also validated Costas Karamanlis’s leadership of that party. The election continued a trend toward bipolarism, as votes for smaller parties, except for the Communists, declined appreciably. Simitis reappointed most key members of his previous government, and brought in close allies and technocrats to carry out a revitalized domestic agenda. In foreign policy, the government will try to continue the Greek-Turkish rapprochement, to help stabilize the Balkans, and to move closer to Europe through the EMU and the European Security and Defense Policy. Greek-U.S. relations are warm, but intermittently troubled by differences over the future of the former Yugoslavia, terrorism and counterterrorism in Greece, and minor issues. This report will be updated if developments warrant. Introduction1 On February 4, 2000, Prime Minister Costas Simitis called an early election for April 9, six months before his government’s term was to expire. On March 9, parliament reelected President Costas Stephanopoulos and Greece applied for membership in the European Monetary Union (EMU) single currency zone. -
Athens News Agency 5.05.14
Monday, 5 May 2014 Issue No: 4648 PM Samaras: Greece is breaking its chains with the past Prime Minister Antonis Samaras has said in an article published in Sunday’s edition “To Vima” newspaper that a new Greece is emerging by breaking its "shell" and its chains with the past. The premier refers to inherent problems of the past which kept Greece back to “old-fashioned mentalities and distortions, which maintained a false growth on borrowed money,” adding that a “shell” had been obstructing the country to move forward. ”This shell is now breaking. And the country and people’s great abilities are being released,” the premier stresses, launching an attack on those forces which, as he puts it, are still fiercely resisting because they do not want Greece to move ahead to the future. Samaras said that the main opposition SYRIZA party wanted Greece to return to the crisis that is now being left behind, and to see the country in an instable condition, internationally isolated and divided. The premier charged SYRIZA of making efforts to exert ideological terrorism and divide the society, as “they are trying to ethically castigate as ‘extreme right’ or ‘neo-liberal’ all views which are opposed to theirs.” NERIT broadcaster starting programme as of 18:00 on Sunday The New Greek Radio, Internet and Television (NERIT) broadcaster started its programme as of 18:00 on Sunday with a new news bulletin, a Greek and a foreign film and a sports programme. According to NERIT's president, about 11 months after the closure of the ERT broadcaster and the transitional Public Television channel the countdown will begin shortly before 18:00 with a "modest ceremony". -
A Day of Memory, Hope, and Glory at Ground Zero Nix Turkey Ground Blessing Bid for EU Ceremony for the Inclusion New St
s o C V ΓΡΑΦΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ Bringing the news w ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ to generations of e ΑΠΟ ΤΟ 1915 The National Herald Greek- Americans N c v A weekly Greek-AMeriCAn PubliCAtion www.thenationalherald.com VOL. 18, ISSUE 889 October 25-31 , 2014 $1.50 Cyprus Will A Day of Memory, Hope, and Glory at Ground Zero Nix Turkey Ground Blessing Bid for EU Ceremony for the Inclusion New St. Nicholas By Constantinos E. Scaros TNH Staff and Constantine S. Sirigos NICOSIA — European Union NEW YORK – The images of the member Cyprus will oppose any ground blessing service of the progress in Turkey’s ongoing new St. Nicholas Shrine at talks to join the 28-nation bloc Ground Zero on October 18, in response to a Turkish gas presided over by Archbishop search in waters where Cyprus Demetrios of America, will be - has already licensed companies come iconic for the Greek-Amer - to drill, an official said. ican community. The move is one of several First and foremost, since it new measures that the Cypriot was a day to mourn the loss of government unveiled after ac - those Greek-Americans who cusing Turkey of stepping up its perished on 9/11, there was the violation of the small country’s moving scene of their relatives sovereign rights by dispatching bearing vessels filed with water a research ship off its southern from the pools of the nearby coast. 9/11 Memorial, which they Cypriot President Nicos poured into the crystal bowl on Anastasiades will also lodge a the on the altar. -
Defying the Oracle? the 2014 Greek Presidency of the EU Council Filippa Chatzistavrou
Working Paper No. 36 / February 2014 Defying the Oracle? The 2014 Greek Presidency of the EU Council Filippa Chatzistavrou Abstract Embroiled in economic and political turmoil, Greece took over the presidency of the EU Council for the fifth time on 1 January 2014. Given the persistent, ongoing impact of the crisis, the Greek presidency is more complicated to administer than the previous one of 2003. This paper analyses the political conditions under which the Greek government is running its rotating presidency of the Council. It then assesses the presidency’s governing capacity as far as institutional, financial and political resources are concerned. Finally, it attempts to outline the rationale of the Greek presidency’s agenda and its implementation prospects. This threefold analysis sets out the limitations of a soft power exercise that has little real authority in a radically shrinking political space, at both national and European level. The Greek government would like to promote the idea that the country is an equal partner in the EU system of governance, despite Greece's intractable economic, political, and social implosion. This presidency is characterised by poor leadership and a lack of vision. It is being called upon to coordinate a presidential agenda without being substantially involved in its drafting; it simply mediates between European institutions. This trend has a negative impact on the behaviour and trust of public administrators, whose personal investment is vital for the smooth functioning of the presidency. The paper concludes that Greece’s presidency of the Council of the EU cannot be the standard-bearer for a pro-European message. -
Give Greece a Chance … Again
Give Greece a chance … again Miguel Otero Iglesias | Senior Analyst for the European Economy and Emerging Markets, Elcano Royal Institute | @miotei Published on 10/7/2015 on Politico. A lot of Europeans, especially in Germany and other northern countries, appear to be steadily more unsympathetic towards Greece. Greece’s stubborn defiance is becoming tiresome. Grievances multiply, and have piled up for decades. Let us recount them briefly here. Greek governments, both Pasok and New Democracy, fiddled accounts to join the euro and later concealed their deficits so as not to be penalized, while they severely mismanaged the crisis since 2009. George Papandreou was oblivious to the storm that was gathering and had to retire with his tail between his legs after not being able to call a referendum on the first rescue package. Antonis Samaras was little better. When in opposition he unfailingly insisted that the memorandum of understanding Papandreou signed with the Troika was dishonorable and was leading the country’s economy to disaster, although once in office he lost no time in signing an adjustment program that was very similar to the one he had so vehemently opposed. He showed that his only interest was gaining office, and that his priority was party over country. The Greek two-party system failed to prepare the country for globalization. The political elites dispensed cash and favors to gain votes, essentially a patriarchal system. For a government employee, or for someone with a patron in the system, a comfortable life was merely dependent on a continuation of the traditional set-up, while those outside this system had only limited chances of social advancement.