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Home , Hamamatsu, Immigration to Japan, Nepalis in Japan, Shizuoka Prefecture

City of Intercultural Profile

This report is based upon the visit of the Council of Europe’s expert team on 5 & 6 October 2017, comprising Ivana d’Alessandro and Phil Wood. It should be read in parallel with the Council of Europe’s response to Hamamatsu’s ICC Index questionnaire, which contains many recommendations and pointers to examples of good practice.

1. Introduction Hamamatsu (浜松市) is a city located in western Prefecture, about 260 kilometers southwest of . As of October 1, 2017, the city had an estimated population of 796,114, making it the prefecture's largest city, and a population density of 511 persons per km2. The population was down from a peak of 804,032 at the 2005 census, with the most rural northern district and the city centre accounting for most of that decline. Hamamatsu has a wider metropolitan population of almost one million people, making it the 16th most populous metropolitan area in . The total land area is 1,558.06 km2 making it Japan’s second largest city in surface area. It became a city designated by government ordinance on April 1, 2007.

Although Hamamatsu has been settled since ancient times, it began to expand rapidly in the 20th century as an industrial hub. It is very much associated with the rise of the corporation, originally founded by Michio Suzuki as a silk-spinning business but which has grown to be the world’s 9th largest producer of motor vehicles. It is also famous as the Japanese centre for the production of musical instruments, with such brand names as Yamaha, Roland, Kawai and Tokai. It has long been known for fabric industry, but most of those companies and factories went out of business in the 1990s. , the world’s largest manufacturer of was also founded in Hamamatsu, although it is now headquartered in Tokyo. As of 2010 Hamamatsu Metropolitan Employment Area had a GDP of US$54.3 billion.

2. Background to Cultural Diversity in Japan

Historically Japan was a culture which derived its identity and sense of statehood through its isolation from the wider world. It remained willfully closed to foreign influence until the of the mid- to late 1800s when trade links were formed. This is not to say that was nonexistent and immigrant enclaves developed in major port cities by the late 1800s. Yet, for the most part, the notion of ethnic and cultural homogeneity was largely accepted and actively promoted by the government as a core axiom of nationhood.

Imperial expansion during the Japanese colonial era from approximately 1905 to 1945 brought with it an influx of Korean, Chinese, and Taiwanese immigrants to the Japanese mainland. Korean nationals represented the majority of colonial residents in mainland Japan, peaking at approximately 2 million in 1945. Although not technically considered immigrants at the time because they came from Japanese territories, all former colonial subjects lost their Japanese following World War II and the subsequent signing in 1952 of the Treaty of San Francisco. However, approximately 600,000 Korean, Taiwanese, and Chinese nationals remained in Japan. This sizeable contingent includes children born in Japan to foreign parents, considered foreign nationals themselves due to the revocation of their parents’ Japanese nationality. These former colonial subjects and their descendants, known as zainichi in Japanese, comprised the bulk of Japan’s foreign population through the 1980s and continue to make up a significant, although diminishing, proportion of foreign nationals in the country.1

Rapid postwar economic development saw substantial rural-to-urban migration in Japan, where cities expanded considerably. New immigration levels remained low as internal migration and the postwar baby boom provided an adequate supply of labor. By the early 1980s, Japan was highly urbanized, with approximately 60 percent of the population living in densely populated areas. However, the growing urban workforce was no longer sufficient to meet labor demands, particularly for the so-called 3-D jobs (dirty, demanding, and dangerous). These positions typically did not require a high level of skill, were often monotonous, and paid relatively poorly. As such, they carried little appeal to Japanese nationals. Due to the availability of low-skilled jobs, combined with the rising value of the yen and a national government that did not strictly enforce immigration regulations, Japan began to appear more attractive to new immigrants. Immigration policy remained largely unchanged during this period, based on the 1952 Immigration Control and Act, which intended to discourage long-term settlement of foreign workers.

After a marked increase in visa overstays by short-term visitors, the government in 1990 tightened visa requirements and immigration enforcement, while also opening up a new avenue for unskilled workers, primarily of Japanese descent, known as nikkeijin.

The foreign share of the overall population has steadily grown, rising from 0.7 percent in 1990 to 1.8 percent in 2016 (see Table below).

Foreign Share of Japanese Population (%), 1970-2016

Source: Compiled from Japan Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications Statistics Bureau.

While that proportion is tiny compared to other highly industrialized economies, the population has risen in absolute numbers from just under 900,000 (including zainichi) in 1990 to approximately 2.3 million as of mid-2016—a 160 percent increase, according to official government data. The table below demonstrates that this is a growth rate unmatched by most other highly developed countries:

1 David Green (2017) As Its Population Ages, Japan Quietly Turns to Immigration. Migration Information Source, 28 March. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/its-population-ages-japan-quietly-turns- immigration

2 was and remains relatively exclusionary. Children gain citizenship based on their parents’ Japanese nationality rather than by virtue of their birth on Japanese soil ( rather than jus soli). Consequently, zainichi and their descendants can retain foreign nationality even though they may be third- or fourth-generation descendants born and raised entirely in Japan.

Incidentally, the is undergoing a slow and slight adaptation to take account of growing diversity. Traditionally the Japanese world view would divide humanity into nihonjin (those with Japanese blood) and (outsiders or aliens). In recent years the more polite gaikokujin (foreign country person) has been introduced into public discourse, but gaijin remains the argot of the street – and is even likely to be applied to someone who has applied for and received full naturalization.

Whilst naturalization is becoming more readily available, the path is often regarded as arbitrary and quite strict in nature. The government has taken steps to ease the naturalization process somewhat in recent years, particularly for zainichi. However, there are only about 1,000 new naturalizations each year, compared to approximately 30,000 new permanent resident visas. In other words, the majority of long-term foreign residents in Japan acquire permanent residency rather than Japanese nationality.

Until the late 1970s and early 1980s, foreign residents were largely excluded from a number of social privileges enjoyed by Japanese citizens, including access to public housing, national health insurance, and public-sector employment. As the Japanese economy continued to develop, and the country looked to increase its international stature, the government signed onto a number of international conventions and covenants. In addition to bringing Japan more fully into the international community, these agreements also provided greater equality to foreign residents already in Japan. As a result, and also due to considerable lobbying from zainichi communities and a handful of municipalities, national and local governments have removed discriminatory barriers to accessing government services. Foreign residents can join the national health insurance system and receive a pension provided they qualify, and their children can enroll in public schools, though legislators in the National Diet have yet to ratify antidiscrimination policy, and as such discrimination by individuals, perhaps most apparent in access to housing, remains legal. However, the Japanese Diet did pass a law in 2016 to restrict the use of hate speech in public places.2

2 Osaki, Tomohiro (2016) Diet passes Japan’s first law to curb hate speech. May 24, Japan Times.

3 The 1990 revision to the Immigration Control and Refugee Act excluded unskilled laborers in principle, officially permitting visas only for high-skilled work- and family-based visas. However, by allowing entrance (ostensibly to foster “cultural understanding”) to nikkeijin of Japanese heritage, mainly from Brazil and Peru, as well as their immediate families, the revision opened a significant side door to unskilled labor. The nikkeijin population quickly grew throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, peaking at about 375,000 in 2007, or close to 20 % of Japan’s foreign population.

A technical trainee program, also implemented in the early 1990s, opened the door even further to unskilled labor. The program allows Japanese companies to employ short-term workers mainly from developing Asian nations, officially to learn about Japanese business practices and technology and bring those insights back to their home countries upon completion of their term of up to three years. In practice, the technical trainee program works as a means of importing cheap labor to complete menial tasks, with little technical knowledge passed on to the temporary worker. Instances of trainees being paid rates below the minimum wage and working for long hours and in unsafe conditions have been documented. In response, the government pledged to closely monitor companies participating in trainee programs and ensure compliance with Japanese labor laws. It has also considerably expanded the program: In 2006, technical trainees represented 3 percent of the foreign population (70,519 trainees), a share that rose to 9 percent (212,510 trainees) in 2016.

3. National Policy Context Japanese immigration trends have been shaken by external events in recent years. One of the most significant was the so-called Lehman Shock in 2008, following the bankruptcy of the Lehman Brothers firm in the United States and onset of the global economic crisis. This had major reverberations in Japan, leading to stalled economic development, especially in the manufacturing sector. Demand for exports shrank, prompting a number of employers to lay off their foreign workers. The government subsequently established vocational and job-training programs aimed at helping foreign workers find new employment.

Nikkeijin policy More controversially, the government also offered cash payments for nikkeijin to leave Japan. The pay-to-go scheme, in existence from 2009 through 2010, offered approximately US $3,000 to workers and $2,000 per dependent willing to leave Japan. Initially the program mandated permanent departure, although this was subsequently reduced to three years outside Japan. Approximately 20,000 nikkeijin took advantage of the return scheme, and many others left on their own. Between 2008 and 2010, the number of Brazilian and Peruvian immigrants shrank by more than 87,000 combined, and has continued to decrease in recent years. The size of the foreign population declined as well in the wake of the March 2011 earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disasters. While the hardest-hit regions—northern Japan and the area in particular—are not major immigrant population centers, the subsequent economic uncertainty and concerns about aftershocks and radiation took a toll on foreign and native residents alike. Between 2010 and 2012, Japan’s foreign population shrank approximately 5%, though it has since recovered.

The contradictions of demography and public opinion Despite the pressures resulting from the global economic crisis and 2011 disasters, a number of other trends have promoted greater immigration to Japan. Key among them: Japan’s rapid aging, one of the fastest rates in the world. Confronting a low birthrate, long life expectancy, and a baby-

4 boom generation that is quickly reaching retirement age, Japan has a much smaller cohort of younger people available to support the social welfare system. The government faces significant concerns over the solvency of its national pension scheme, an overburdened health-care system, loss in tax revenue from its shrinking labour pool, and an overall drop in productivity. This is occurring at a particularly sensitive time as the country has only recently been able to shake the largely stagnant economy experienced during the “lost decades” of the 1990s and 2000s. Just as Japan is beginning to show signs of economic growth, the demographic problem threatens to bring another recession.

Immigration remains deeply unpopular in Japan according to public opinion polls, however, and no explicit, large-scale efforts have been undertaken to increase immigration levels. To serve as a viable solution for Japan’s aging, immigrants would need to make up at least 10 percent of the overall population by some estimates—an unfeasibly large number by most accounts given the strong preference that remains for ethnic and cultural homogeneity and the public backlash that would likely ensue. What appears to be happening instead is a concerted effort to improve immigrant retention and boost recruitment incrementally under existing immigration policy, resulting in a gradual increase in numbers while avoiding a potentially contentious public referendum.

Inconspicuous change The government may be moving one step in that direction—whether intentionally or not—first by actively encouraging a broad familiarity with Japan through tourism and short-term visits. The number of short-term visits to Japan is growing rapidly, with a record 24 million visitors traveling to Japan in 2016 alone. Not only is tourism good for the Japanese economy, but it has brought with it a relaxation of short-term visa requirements, as well as an increased need for foreign workers to provide services to the ever-growing numbers of visitors. Increased tourism may additionally encourage some to visit Japan again on longer-term visas.3

Japan also revised its Alien Registration System in 2012, moving management from local governments to the national government. While this change in registration helped to facilitate non- citizen tracking, particularly for visa and residency violations, and was described as a national- security enhancement, it also improved the re-entry system process for foreign nationals. Immigrants are, in most cases, no longer required to obtain re-entry permits from their regional immigration offices before leaving Japan. The revision also fully abolished local government fingerprinting requirements for foreign residents (although these are now required on entry at the airport), and extended maximum residency periods from three to five years, effectively making it easier for foreign residents to remain in Japan longer without having to renew or change visas.

Low-skill immigration The government also has implemented immigrant recruitment schemes targeted at workers across the skills spectrum. On the low-skilled end, the technical trainee program continues to grow, with the government considering additional expansions in number and length of stay, potentially offering trainees up to five years of residency. The government has also been actively recruiting international students, allowing them to work part-time during the academic year and full-time during vacation periods. Between 2006 and 2016, the student share of the overall foreign population rose from 6.3% (131,789 student visas) to 11% (257,739). In the lead-up to the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, the government is taking steps to double the number of work visas for middle-skilled positions in specific industries, particularly construction, the service sector, and health care. Experience suggests, however, that such an effort might prove difficult to achieve. Since 2008 Japan has sought to bring in health-care workers from other countries, primarily the Philippines, Vietnam, and

3 Carrigan, Liam. (2107) Japan’s New Permanent Residency Rules Explained. 21 February. https://blog.gaijinpot.com/japans-new-permanent-residency-rules-explained/

5 Indonesia; while these workers have been permitted initial entry, the Japanese-language examination required for final certification to practice has proven too difficult for many.

High skill immigration The government has been most forthright in recruitment of high-skilled immigrants, as they have the highest levels of approval from the Japanese public. A new Highly Skilled Foreign Professional (HSFP) visa was launched in 2012, aiming to recruit scientists, researchers, engineers, and businesspeople. The HSFP visa introduces a point-based calculation of eligibility, borrowing from earlier Australian and Canadian schemes, and provides a number of new benefits including the ability for visa holders to bring their parents or spouse to reside with them, along with a foreign domestic helper (typically a maid or nanny). The HSFP visa represents a significant departure in the Japanese immigration system, both with the introduction of a points-based assessment and the provision of new benefits, although relatively few visas have been issued so far. In 2012, 313 HSFP visas were issued, a number that rose to 2,642 in 2015.

Permanent residency Finally, as all recruitment categories have expanded, the path toward permanent residence has been clarified and eased somewhat. In general, immigrants must maintain a minimum of ten years continuous presence to qualify for permanent residency, and are able to change their visa status within that period. For example, a foreigner can enter Japan as a student, continue as a technical intern, then transfer to a more specialized work permit before securing permanent residency. HSFP visa holders are eligible for permanent residency within five years, while other categories, such as spouses of Japanese nationals, are eligible in less time. Permanent residents represent the largest single category of foreign residents in Japan: 38 percent in 2016. Combined with zainichi special permanent residents and other long-term residents, these categories encompass 53%of Japan’s foreign population.

Refugees While immigration to Japan has steadily increased since the 1990s, incoming streams are almost exclusively comprised of “desirable” immigrants, meaning those who clearly offer some perceived immediate benefit. remain largely barred from entering. In 2015, the country received a record 7,500 refugee applications yet granted refugee status to just 27 people. In 2016 Japan accepted 28 refugees even though 10,901 people sought asylum, up 44 percent from a year earlier.4 In stark contrast to the comparatively generous policies of Western Europe and North America, Japan’s interpretation of the 1951 Refugee Convention remains quite narrow, excluding war refugees from eligibility. The Japanese government provides high levels of foreign and humanitarian aid, however. Japan’s overall picture of immigration is diversifying. Prior to the 1990s, the vast majority of foreigners were of Korean descent, many born in Japan and speaking native-level Japanese, with Chinese nationals occupying a much smaller proportion (see Table below). During the 1990s and 2000s, the Brazilian and to a lesser extent Peruvian populations increased dramatically before shrinking in the early 2010s. Now Japan is seeing an influx of various Asian , including Filipino, Vietnamese, Nepalese, and Thai residents.

Share of Foreign Population in Japan by Nationality (%), 1970-2016

4 , Ami, and Minami Funakoshi.(2017) Japan took in just 28 refugees in 2016, despite record applications. February 9. http://www.reuters.com/article/us-japan-asylum-idUSKBN15O0UV

6 Source: Japanese Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications Statistics Bureau.

While foreign residents continue to make up only about 2% of the total population, they tend to congregate in a handful of urban areas and surrounding suburbs. As of 2015, 43% of Japan’s foreign population lived in the ; and approximately 10% apiece in Prefecture and . Just one-fourth lived outside the top five urban areas. At the city level, most of Japan’s larger cities show concentrations of non-citizens above the national average, with Osaka (4.4% foreign as of 2014), Tokyo (3%), and (2.9%) showing some of the highest concentrations. Within cities there can be substantial variation as well, with foreign populations encompassing up to 10% of some city wards in Tokyo and Nagoya, for example.

Gradual change in the labour market Non-citizens in Japan tend to be employed in occupational niches, working in service, manual labor, and specialized health-related fields, as well as business and research. Foreign residents, for the most part, remain on employment tracks well outside the traditional Japanese system, where workers are hired by large companies directly out of university. Although the traditional “lifetime employment” system that characterized business in Japan since at least the 1960s has been steadily eroding for Japanese residents as well, foreign workers typically find themselves in a comparatively more precarious position, often employed under short-term contracts with little job security, in many cases with limited language skills to navigate an almost exclusively Japanese-language system.

Long-term employment prospects for many noncitizens in Japan can thus be problematic. Despite their wide-ranging social integration, the zainichi population remains distinct from Japanese nationals. Zainichi typically speak fluent Japanese, can frequently blend in with Japanese nationals, and often adopt Japanese surnames. However, because the descendants of immigrants are unable (or unwilling) to acquire Japanese nationality, they remain a separate and distinct class.

A system of social integration emerges Starting in the 1990s with the initial influx of nikkeijin, many Japanese cities have begun to offer increased services to foreign residents, particularly as newer arrivals tend to be less familiar with the Japanese language. Municipal-level services now include multilingual consultations, Japanese language classes, translation services, medical referral services, employment assistance, and explanatory sessions for accessing public education. However, immigrant outreach and service provision remains largely decentralized, with services offered based on city assessments and

7 budgets with little oversight from the national government. For its part, the national government has been encouraging cities to produce “multicultural cooperation” plans, outlining how they will work to integrate their foreign populations, usually in five-year increments, while providing some basic logistic support.

Japan’s foreign population is steadily growing, becoming more diverse, and increasingly planting long-term roots. At the same time, the government appears to be reducing discriminatory barriers to most foreign populations, refugees excepted, while slowly increasing the types of services targeted to immigrants with lower levels of Japanese proficiency. While cities remain considerably inconsistent in providing services to foreign residents, the broad picture is one of movement on the part of urban centers to accommodate this growing diversity.

4. The Role of Japanese Local Government Thus far in Japan, social integration policies have been developed mainly by municipalities with large numbers of foreign residents. Many zainichi live in the and since the 1970s local governments here have been taking action, mainly in the field of human rights policies. Municipalities in the Tokai region, such as Hamamatsu City, which saw a rapid influx of nikkei since the 1990s, have been emphasizing internationalization policies. Since the 2000s, foreign resident policies have become more systematized under the widely-accepted term tabunka kyosei (which means living interculturally), and action on the local level has spread.5

In 2001, the Council of Municipalities with Large Migrant Populations was formed by 13 municipalities that have significant populations of Brazilian workers, including Hamamatsu. The Council now numbers 22 municipalities, and has proposed various policy initiatives to the national government.

The Association for Promotion of Intercultural Community Building is a similar organization at the prefectural level, made up of seven prefectures including Aichi, and one city. In addition, there are a number of municipalities in the metropolitan Tokyo area, such as City and Ota City, that have taken initiatives recently. Meanwhile, municipalities in the Tohoku region that was struck by the earthquake and tsunami, while having fewer foreign residents, have also promoted intercultural policy. has taken the lead in this effort, enacting an ordinance to promote intercultural community building in 2007. Miyagi and other prefectures in the region have their respective international exchange associations which are very active in promoting intercultural policy.

As acknowledged above, national government has made halting and piecemeal attempts at legislation. What progress that has been made has often been the result of persistent lobbying by the Council of Municipalities with Large Migrant Populations and the Council for the Promotion of Intercultural Community Building, who since the early 2000s have been calling for the national government to create a framework for integrating foreign residents. It is clear that when it comes to immigration policy, particularly social integration policy, the national government has played catch- up with the local governments who have been leading the way. To the extent that local government is leading the policy agenda and guiding national legislators, there may be much to be learned by municipalities in Europe, where most national governments tend to take a unilateral approach.

5 Yamawaki, Keizo (2012) Japan’s Approach to the Formation of an Intercultural Society. Meiji University ,

8 It is local government too – with the encouragement of the Japan Foundation – which has pursued the forging of links with the Council of Europe and the Intercultural Cities Programme. This began when a fact-finding group from Europe visited several Japanese cities in 2009 and this was reciprocated in 2010. There have been regular exchanges since then, which can be seen as the foundation upon which Hamamatsu’s candidature has been built.

5. Local Diversity and Policy Context The city of Hamamatsu has 22,541 foreign residents (falling from a peak of 33,326 in 2008), representing 2.8% of the total population, which is 1% higher than the national average. Half of them are nikkeijin but there are now growing numbers of people from East Asia.

Since the beginning of the 1990s Hamamatsu has experienced a rapid increase in its foreign population, and in the early years this was particularly nikkeijin from Brazil and Peru. In March 1987 there were only 10 registered Brazilians but five years later in 1992 there were 6,132 (whilst over the same period the number of Peruvians increased from a single person to 698). By 2006 there were 21,702 combined, representing two thirds of the city’s foreign-born population.

Such increases posed severe difficulties for the city authorities in the early stages. There were increasing incidences of cultural friction in neighbourhoods, aggravated by frequent media reports of ethnic discrimination, high drop-out rates for immigrant children from high school and cases of workers being exploited or injured in the workplace. This led the City to seek institutional and policy solutions and, for example, the Foreign Residents Council was founded in 2000 to act as a sounding board for the .6

The City launched its Global City Vision in 2001 and revised it in 2007. It has become a guide to the city’s internationalization policy and promotes the disciplines of Coexistence, Exchange and Cooperation, and Promotion. Out of this was born, in 2013, the “Hamamatsu Intercultural City Vision”, built on the three pillars of Collaboration, Creation, and Comfort.

The Chart of key policies within the Vision can be found in the Appendix of this report.

Recognizing foreign residents in the community as a strong force to support the local economy and as important partners in city planning, Hamamatsu City has actively promoted intercultural integration policies. Several key institutions have grown out of the policy initiative (all falling within the remit of Hamamatsu Foundation for Intercultural Communications and Exchange - HICE) and they are as follows:

Hamamatsu Intercultural Centre7 Its aim is to promote an intercultural society where everyone can live in peace. Multicultural coordinators and specialist staff are dispatched to the centre to implement various projects, including: Lifestyle consultations in multiple languages; the Community Co-existence Model Project in cooperation with neighbourhood associations; projects promoting education for international understanding; social work training for intercultural integration; mental health consultation; one- stop consultations in collaboration with related agencies dealing with various issues faced by foreign residents; and a wide variety of other projects have been implemented.

6 Yamanaka, K. (2012). ‘Immigration, policies, and civil society in Hamamatsu, central Japan’, in Haines, D. W., Yamanaka, K., & Yamashita, S. (Eds.) Wind over water: migration in an East Asian context (Vol. 2). Berghahn Books. 7 http://www.hi-hice.jp/hmc/index_en.php

9 Hamamatsu Foreign Resident Study Support Center8 This centre was opened in January 2010 aiming to become a national model to promote intercultural integration. It is a base for study support for foreign resident adults and children to have access to and study all about Japanese language and culture. The centre also provides training for Japanese language volunteers and intercultural experience courses about Japanese culture. Portuguese lessons are also available for locals who are interested in supporting foreign residents.

Foreign Residents Council9 Foreign residents, who are also members of the community, make up the Foreign Residents Council. The council researches and discusses issues about civic life and promotes intercultural integration. There are eight foreign resident members chosen from public applicants, one educator and one expert. Their opinions will be reflected in government decisions. The purpose for this council is for foreign residents to excel in initiatives that concern the foreign resident community.

HICE was initially founded in 1982. At that time the economy was booming and local industry was drawing in foreign workers for the first time. The initiative came from private companies and the first office (originally named the International Exchange Centre) was set up in the Chamber of Commerce and one city officer was posted to it. HICE now has 16 staff and the Foreign Resident Study Support Center has 6 workers.

6. Governance and Democratic Participation In the judgment of the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX)10 Japan has so far invested little in immigrants as public leaders who can help improve their new country’s policies and societal cohesion, and its national policies for the political participation of minorities are weak and uneven.

Currently the Constitution of Japan offers voting rights for full citizens only. In recent national elections several political parties including the Japanese Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party have been in favour of extending local voting rights to foreign residents, while the ruling Liberal Democratic Party has been totally opposed to it. Given the landslide victory of the LDP in the October 2017 national elections, it seems unlikely that this position will change in the near future.

Since 2002, some cities have let foreigners participate in local referenda however. Foreigners do not face restrictions on their basic political liberties in Japan, but immigrants that want to organise themselves and participate politically are critically lacking in funds and infrastructure for activities beyond culture and education.

Hamamatsu’s Foreign Residents Council, was founded in 2000, to find solutions to difficult issues that they encounter and to make proposals to the Mayor. Members are drawn from all main resident minorities. The HFRC discusses the city’s initiatives regarding foreign residents and provides a forum for considering ways to improve relations between foreign and Japanese residents in the community. The board members consolidate the results of the discussions and submit suggestions to the Mayor. There are 8 places available to the public (chosen upon review of application essay and an interview at City Hall). Eligibility is open to persons who have held a Resident Record in Hamamatsu for at least one consecutive year. Their Term of Office runs for 2 years (and there are 4 meetings per year.

8 http://www.hi-hice.jp/u-toc/en/ 9 https://www.city.hamamatsu.shizuoka.jp/hamaeng/topics/council.html 10 http://www.mipex.eu/japan

10 7. Education and training As of May 1, 2012, the number of foreign resident students registered at public elementary schools and junior high schools in Hamamatsu City was 1,447. Among foreign resident students, the number of Japanese-born students has increased. In April 2012, approximately 52% of foreign resident first graders had been born in Japan. The high school education continuance rate of foreign resident students is approximately 83%. Compared to Japanese students, the ratio of foreign resident students going to part-time high schools is higher. Recently, the number of children with Asian nationalities has increased, and various types of assistance are required.

‘Education Support for Foreign Resident Children’ is the main public institution for delivering the Council’s service to minorities. Hamamatsu City employs Japanese language instructors and other school subject instructors, as well as school assistants and study supporters to help with interpreting and translating. Classes in Japanese and native languages are held, and staff who are fluent in particular languages and have guidance experience are available for consultations and to school visits.

Also, there are four specialist foreign schools in Hamamatsu City that are accredited by the national governments of Latin American countries and together with other public schools, are of great importance to the education of foreign resident students. As such, the city deploys Japanese language teachers to assist foreign resident children with their Japanese studies and provides aid for textbook purchases for foreign resident children attending the foreign schools. The City also supports foreign schools accredited by the Prefecture by providing student grants for foreign resident students. Hamamatsu City also takes the issue of children not attending schools very seriously and started a three-year program entitled “Zero School Refusal in Foreign Resident Children”.

The ICC team took evidence from Miho Takabatake, a teacher at Hamamatsu Municipal Minaminohoshi Elementary School. On April 1, 2011, Goto Elementary School and Enshuhama Elementary School were integrated, becoming the 107th Hamamatsu municipal elementary school. As of September 1 this year, 110 of the 453 students—over 24%—have ties to foreign countries. In order to provide instruction at an appropriate level of Japanese for the students, instruction is being provided in parallel with the Japanese as a Second Language (JSL) curriculum. A parent meeting with foreign resident parents is held twice a year, where efforts are made to come to a mutual understanding regarding school etiquette and learning, confirmation regarding emergency response is conducted, and also to invite reports of discriminatory practices. In addition, there are booths mostly run by foreign resident parents at the PTA Bazaar, and many parents are willing to cooperate with educational activities. The teacher finds that parents generally have a very optimistic outlook of what their children can achieve from the school

Many children are transient and lack basic Japanese vocabulary. Some are ex-pats and some more permanent residents, which makes it difficult for some kids to adjust to cultural things like food. When a new child arrives in the school they assess them for their language and cultural knowledge and they are taught some basic phrases and then small conversations. Then they start studying with Japanese language and are taught the two basic Japanese writing systems each with about 50 characters. They then move on to the more complex system with 2000 characters. They are also give natural disaster training and try to anticipate what the children will need to get them through normal life in Japan

11 We were also given a flavour of the situation in higher education with a report from Gakuin University. They are now taking on second and third generation foreigners as students. The experience of many is that after school it is hard for them to get regular employment so it becomes difficult for them to raise a family. The University tries to cooperate with industries like construction to ensure a good transition for kids from education into jobs, but many sectors of the labour market still remain closed to minority youth. The University professor Kimihiro Tsumura, has also been doing outreach work since 2006, and has been trying to contact Nikkeijin youths on the streets at night, and surveying them about their living situations. He has also been putting effort towards educational support for Japanese–Brazilians, operating an educational review classroom. In 2011, he directed Lonely Swallows, a documentary film following the lives of Japanese–Brazilian youths, and in 2015, he directed the sequel film, Lonely Swallows – Child Rearing: The Choices of Second Generation Migrant Worker Mothers.

Beyond the confines of formal educational institutions there are a lot of activities in civil society. HICE is now putting more support into the second generation migrant, particularly with employment support for kids who have finished compulsory education. HICE ran several large events to recognise the 78 nationalities that live here.

The school Mundo de Alegria was founded in 2003 as an NPO in April 2004. It acquired Japan’s first miscellaneous vocational school certification as a South American foreign school. In 2005, it was reorganized as a semi-private educational institution. Although originally an international school for Peruvians that was officially certified by the Peruvian government, the school established a class for Brazilians in April 2005. It used textbooks officially approved by both the Peruvian and Brazilian governments, and held classes in Spanish and in Portuguese. The school has over 200 students, and over 20 educational staff.

The NPO COLORS acts as a role model for foreign youth aiming to inspire higher aspirations. They work by encouraging the sharing of roots and life stories and seeking each other’s assets and dreams. They also target the all-Japanese schools to encourage inter mixing. COLORS was established by parents who wanted their kids to do better than they had in the Japanese education system. Presently they are advising young Filipino students and giving them advice on how to survive higher education and moving on into work. They run workshops and training on career planning and job search

The NPO WISH is a student group that provides education assistance to foreign children). It was founded in 2012 and is composed of over 30 students from local universities that work to provide educational support to non-Japanese children. WISH has been the primary organization running Piyo-Piyo Class, a simulated classroom for non-Japanese children not yet attending a public school where they can learn how to go to and from school, about school lunches, how to greet people, hiragana and songs, handicrafts, and more for the elementary school they plan to go to. As a way to provide educational support to 1st graders after they begin attending school, WISH members also use the time they have during breaks in their college classes to be Super Assistant Teachers (SAT), which participate in elementary school classes and provide instructional support. University students give peer to peer advice to school kids to give them understanding and confidence to enter higher education

The NPO ARACE was established in 2007 and directs the Canarinho Classroom being implemented as an anti-school-refusal measure by the city. It provides a variety of services including: educational support for minority pupils; initial Japanese instruction for children and youths not yet attending public schools; preparation for the Japanese Language Proficiency Test and strategies for high school examinations, and educational support for children having problems with attending school, such as

12 school refusal. Support for parents consists of taking consultations regarding the Japanese education system and on everyday life in Japan. It implements the project “School Attendance Support Project for the Children of Long-Term Foreign Residents” (Rainbow Bridge Classroom) with support from the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and funded by the government.

8. Employment and Business The Japanese Revitalization Project is a grand plan, brought in by the Abe Government in 2014 to reinvigorate the Japanese economy and society.11 Within this project the Industry Revitalization Plan emphasises the importance of migrants, future foreign workers, and international students in employment, as well as laying stress upon innovation in science and technology, which is directly connected to university reforms.12

Hamamatsu City and the local business community have been working in cooperation towards these aims since the 1980s. A recent survey of minority workers found that

 46.5% of respondents were in non-direct employment (ie dispatch, contract etc). Although this is a large figure, the ratio of direct employment has increased since the previous survey in 2006.  Regarding labour market sector, manufacturing (transportation vehicles such as automobiles and bikes) has the largest share at 45.4%.

HICE places a lot of emphasis upon support for talent and human capital adapt to Japanese conditions. They are however keen to move beyond the perception of there being two communities. Now that minorities are achieving good qualifications and language skills there looms the question of how do people get into good jobs and into positions of influence in Japanese society. It is clear there are still stereotypes of what kind of jobs foreigners can and cannot do, particularly in big companies. These are very deep rooted and need concerted action by all institutional actors to bring change. Most companies, outside of the few familiar industries, never even consider taking on a foreigner. Many bright people are working in low grade jobs and are in danger of losing hope.

HICE believes that parental mind-set is very important – kids understand the opportunities that are starting to open up to them, but parents sometimes transmit prejudice which can lower their aspirations. Many foreign parents are satisfied to keep their kids in low grade education because they think it is stable rather than a step into the unknown.

The ICC team were struck by the absence of any voices from Hamamatsu industry or big business during the visit. Although these companies were involved at the incipient stages of founding HICE, there arises a question of whether they have now withdrawn from the field, and whether this represents a shirking of their legitimate responsibilities.

However the team was introduced to an excellent example of small business taking the initiative. Kazuyuki Hayakawa described the work of his company, the Seibu Driving School. He explained that Hamamatsu initially had a problem with road safety because many nikkei wanted to drive but had no chance of taking the driving test as it was conducted solely in Japanese. As a consequence many drove unlicensed and uninsured and this was leading to dangerous driving, costly accidents and

11 Prime Minister of Japan and His Cabinet. “Japan Revitalization Strategy - Japan’s challenge for the Future.” June 24, 2014. http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/singi/keizaisaisei/pdf/honbunEN.pdf 12 Krzysztof Mędrzycki (2017) Pioneering New Immigration Policy in the Contemporary Japan. The Journal Of Migration Studies 3/1 pp 68-93.

13 social tension. He saw a need to act. He lobbied the police authorities and in 2011 they agreed to allow the test also to be taken in Portuguese. He has also trained and employed 4 nikkei as instructors, as part of his staffing complement of 102. His company now achieves 4500 new driving licences a year including most of the nikkei in Hamamatsu.

He has created a space for foreign drivers not provided by any other company. Becoming a driving instructor in Japan is extremely difficult and time-consuming, involving 6 stages of interviews and written tests conducted only in Japanese Kanji. He has helped his staff to take Kanji classes for a year whilst balancing with their work. They get a salary from the company whilst they study full time Seibu is prepared to take this up-front cost as it thinks it will pay a dividend in the future. Nevertheless it has a waiting list of 40-50 nikkei people want to learn as there is still a shortage of instructors. However there are no longer any dangerous issues with Brazilians on the road.

Seibu’s aim is to spread an accepting and inclusive environment in the city as a whole. In other companies if foreigners get sick or take a holiday they will get fired but this company has taken a decision to be different. It has been doing this since 2005 and never realised that this fell within a policy of interculturality. It had never heard of such a term but it derived from the founder’s personal values. When Seibu first started it faced opposition but now it is accepted. Some of the Brazilian staff have higher salaries than Japanese employers, which is still a remarkable fact in Japan.

He also offers free exams for deprived children and orphans, but has no further plans to offer training in Spanish and Tagalog. With Filipinos they don’t stay long enough to justify learning, whilst the Spanish speakers are capable of taking the Portuguese exam.

Mr Hayakawa said he is not principally driven by business success but by ethical reasons to support a good society. Sadly he did not think there were many other companies in Hamamatsu who were going to the same lengths to create equality in the workplace.

The ICC team was also able to gauge the situation in the public sector, by meeting Mr Kenta Nagai who is half-Filipino and half-Japanese and he is an employee of Hamamatsu City working in the Park Management Office. He lived in the Philippines until he came to Japan when he was 15. He then spent the remainder of his years as a student in Japan. He has worked variously to provide interpretation help for Japanese classes and helps run events by doing things such as participating as a volunteer for various HICE projects. He is currently engaged in educational support for Philippines residents.

9. Minority Cultures Whilst nikkei still make up two thirds of the minority community in Hamamatsu, there are other significant groups. The Vietnamese Association was founded in 1986 as a community for Vietnamese living in the area. It began as a group to support the lives of Vietnamese refugee “boat people” who arrived in Japan from Indochina in the 1980s. Now, the group not only supports Vietnamese refugees and their families, but also the increasing number of technical trainees and exchange students. The association’s primary activities are: 1) providing consultation services for resident Vietnamese, 2) encouraging interaction, not only between fellow Vietnamese residents, but also between Vietnamese and other local residents, and 3) educational activities, such as Japanese language classrooms for residents. They are surprised and encouraged how enthusiastically kids learn new languages. Experience shows that most finish the curriculum in half the expected time, so it is well worth giving the extra classes.

14 The Filipino Nagkaisa NPO gives a focus on Filipinos living on the outskirts of Hamamatsu. It provides lifestyle and social education assistance for Filipinos living in and around Hamamatsu. By doing this, Filipino Nagkaisa promotes deeper mutual understanding with Japanese residents, and aims to realize a self-sustaining intercultural society. The group was founded in 1994 by concerned mothers and became a specified non-profit corporation in June 2012. Its primary activities are: 1) lifestyle support projects for resident Filipinos, 2) educational support projects for the children of resident Filipinos, and 3) projects relating to international exchange and the showcasing of Filipino culture.

There are 3600 Filipinos in Hamamatsu and 90% have unlimited work permits so they want to become permanent residents and they need all-round services. Every Saturday they hold consultations on whatever problems people are having, eg families with many kids find it difficult to go to Tokyo to get permit extension but now, after lobbying, they can get it done locally. They also conduct investigations into bad practice by big corporations and also help with recruitment and encourage Filipino workers to be more ambitious and get training to achieve better jobs.

Many Filipinos came as housewives but are now aging and are also working and raising children or taking care of elderly relatives. Children are having cultural and language problems because of the starkly different education systems of the two countries. Many Filipinos have been educated at home and find it impossible to proceed into Japanese high school.

The meshing between Filipino and Japanese society is still very irregular. Those who have had the chance of a good Japanese education then go on to work in hotel, airport or government jobs, but still find it very competitive with local kids. Most however are stuck in low skill factory or social care jobs.

10. Diversity Advantage The ICC team consulted officials of HICE on what their assessment was of the value that foreigners bring to Japanese society. The response was that they accept that Japanese society is stiff, and that the group mentality can leave others out. They appreciate the more relaxed and flexible attitude to life that foreigners bring. Local communities in Japan are too set in their ways and many are now locked into an inexorable decline. However, when foreigners arrive they raise questions about why things are done in certain ways and undermine fixed routines, and often bring change for the better.

11. Language and multilingualism The Foreign Resident Study Support Center (also known as U-ToC) strives to be a place that offers general educational support for foreign residents of all ages. Acting as a base, the Center deploys Japanese language teachers to foreign schools in Hamamatsu, and with the cooperation of the foreign community, conducts a number of Japanese classes throughout the area, with support from HICE

The basic service is providing language for people with no Japanese at all. All classes are free regardless of background or employment status, and are not time-limited, eg a third of people have been taking them for over 5 years, but many have needed them for less than a year. Half have studied Japanese for less than 3 months.

15 Most learners need Japanese to qualify for a job. They get free unlimited language tuition and the municipality pays all the costs. There are no conditions of eligibility. Classes take place all week with the weekend off.

At the end of each term all students give a presentation of their impressions of Japan. There is a special class for those who are fluent speakers but who cannot read or write very well. They learn side by side with absolute beginners.

They also do one on one tuition with local volunteers. Japanese volunteers also learn other languages so they can experience what it is like to be a foreign resident. Volunteers learn how to speak in a simple conversational way. Students also undergo an intercultural experience programme, learning about traditional events eg Hanami ( time).

The cost to Hamamatsu City of providing this unlimited language school free of charge is 40 million Yen per annum. It seems that there is no political opposition to this.

The NPO Semente para o Futuro (Seeds for the Future) is an association of foreign resident parents and guardians that are working as education support and cross-cultural trainers of foreign resident children with the goal of conveying the values, social culture, and language of their home countries to Japanese people. They have lived in Japan for many years and sent their children to public schools. Their main activities include being supporters at public schools in Hamamatsu and Portuguese teachers at the Foreign Resident Study Support Center.

Overall Japanese language ability is increasing, but the number of foreign people who can read a high standard of Kanji was reported as 38.9% in 2010.

However, Hamamatsu falls short in the provision it makes to enabling ethnic minorities to maintain and development their native languages.

It has recently been noted that Japanese people who try to learn English may be being held back due to certain conventions in the Japanese culture of education. For example Japanese students learning English are reluctant to speak in class or engage in conversation with their teachers for fear of not being perfect and thereby losing face.13

12. Public space, neighbourhoods and ethnic mixing In 2010 the City conducted a survey of the conditions and opinions of foreign residents regarding their living conditions.14 As for housing, the largest proportion of minorities live in private rented apartment houses which accounts for 40.3%. This is followed by 30% of people living in public housing, 16.1% living in their own house, and 10.5% living in company housing or apartment houses rented by companies.

88.1% of respondents answered “I associate with Japanese neighbours closely” or “I associate with Japanese neighbours at the level of greeting each other.” Only 30% of Japanese neighbours selected similar answers concerning association with foreign resident neighbours.

13 Hollingworth, William. Study explores deafening silence in Japan’s English-language classes. January 2, 2017. http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2017/01/02/national/study-explores-deafening-silence--english- language-classes/#.WLQl_fmLTD4 14 Hamamatsu Intercultural City Vision

16 In the same survey 36% of foreign residents said they had joined neighbours associations, and as for preparation for disaster, 57.9% of foreign residents answered “I have not made any special preparations”.

The ICC took evidence from the Shizuoka Prefectural Hamakita Apartment Complex Neighborhood Association. The prefectural management company provides support for foreigners living in municipal housing so that their experience can be pleasant. The primary work is: 1) translating and explaining documents related to the activities of the neighborhood association, 2) relaying the concerns of new residents to the prefecture, public corporation, or neighborhood association and acting as an intermediary, and 3) relaying information to or acting as an intermediary for the prefecture, public corporation, or neighborhood association regarding any incidents or accidents that occur at the apartment complex.

50% of the 110 households are foreign. They learn a simple version of Japanese to encourage communication between all residents with help of HICE. It has been realised that a top-down approach will not work with these people when discussing social rules

Residents of the city complain of a lot of discrimination, particularly against Brazilians, in public life. For example in restaurants they don’t get served with chopsticks. In applying for jobs they rarely get any response to applications.

13. Mediation In answering the ICC Index questionnaire the City stated that there is no mediation service within the city. It was stated that there was no awareness of any serious conflict between ethnic groups and therefore no need for professional mediation.

This arouses several questions which require further investigations. Is it the case that because there are no national laws prohibiting ethnic discrimination and there is no system for recording and monitoring disputes and therefore they go unnoticed?

Or perhaps there is evidence of conflict but it is not classified through an intercultural lens. For example, it was mentioned that here is some neighbourhood conflict within the Brazilian community, but also with the locals, eg in cases of noisy neighbours or non-compliance with the regulations on sorting of household waste. It was reported that the City and HICE didn’t think this was important enough to report in the Index.

14. Policing and Justice Although this topic was not featured in the programme, the ICC team asked how the police and judicial system treat minorities. It was reported that there are some disputes, for example kids who get drunk and mess around get harsher treatment. Japanese kids get a ticking-off but foreign kids are more likely to get a criminal record or a night in the cells.

Older police officers are said to have more stereotypes, but better training of younger ones is now starting to have positive effects. For example there used to be many incidents of the Police stopping and searching people and asking for passports, simply because they looked foreign, but this is felt to be reducing.

17 15. Health and Welfare The 2010 City survey already referred to above found that 18.9% of minority residents do not have national health insurance. However, this was an improvement over 2006 where the figure was 32%. Nearly 40% (38.7%) are not registered for the national pension plan. However, this is an improvement over 2006 where the figure was 65%. The ratio of foreign residents who are not covered by health insurance is improving but is still high. Issues are pointed out regarding unpaid medical expenses, unpaid national health insurance premiums, and outstanding amounts in local taxes. It can be said that these issues are a result of the unstable hiring environment in which foreign residents are placed, as well as people’s insufficient knowledge of the system.

HICE has taken a particular interest in the mental health of minorities, many of whom are living and working in stressful conditions. HICE employs mental health specialists and consultations began in 2010 with 5 people a month seeking therapy. However now average is more like 30 people per month. Some people only need one session but many need long term support throughout their life, eg one person has had 73 sessions. Now there is a growing number of children with developmental needs too. The most common issue in children is autism spectrum disorder. They often have a diagnosis of autism but it is not sure whether this is due to intercultural issues. For adults the likely diagnosis is mainly depression and anxiety and schizophrenia. It is concluded that many arrived in Japan already with the illnesses and it is difficult to say whether they are due to immigration experience. HICE does not think migrants show abnormal levels of psychological problem though some developmental disabilities are said to be higher for Brazilians, so HICE is in talks with the Brazilian government to get them to provide specialists in Portuguese language.

HICE is now reducing interpretation and doing health consultations in the parental language. Health professionals can now take a course to communicate directly in Portuguese and Spanish. Most often problems can be dealt with through counselling but if they get worse an interpreter is available to accompany a visit a specialist.

16. Conclusions and Recommendations Whilst operating within a national context in which immigration and ethnic diversity is accorded little priority, or even acknowledgement, the City of Hamamatsu has pursued a sustained and determined campaign to place tabunka kyosei on the local policy agenda. Beginning in the 1980s the civic, business and third sectors have combined to acknowledge that diversity is not simply a transient and peripheral phenomenon but something of growing and permanent significance to the well-being of the city – and ultimately of the country.

The City has wrestled with problems for which there has been little precedent or prior experience, and has often had to improvise or learn from its mistakes. However, its progress has been systematic and logical, built upon the gathering and analysis of evidence, policy-formulation and institution- building.

It has also been led from the front by the current Mayor and his predecessors who have demonstrated political courage to make this issue a matter of public case in the face of indifference and opposition from the national government. In particular Hamamatsu has offered a beacon to other cities in Japan, and has helped to build a national network of cities with large ethnic minority populations, which are able to exert some influence on national policy.

18 Hamamatsu is to be welcomed into the ICC network and its accession to membership can be seen both as the fulfillment of several years of rapprochement between the Council of Europe and the Japan Foundation, and also the foundation for even more fruitful work in the future.

The City has put in place many of the foundations and key structural units for being a strong intercultural city. In addition to its leadership, it has a cadre of well-trained and informed officials both in the municipality and NPOs. It has extensive knowledge of itself, both the challenges and opportunities that its diverse and dynamic demographics can offer. There appears to be a high level of cooperation both internally within the municipality and between different public and civil society agencies.

What is particularly impressive about Hamamatsu is its commitment to achieving equality and opportunity through language. The free and unlimited provision of language training to all foreigners, and the network of institutions, professional teachers and volunteers is commendable, and puts Hamamatsu amongst the most accomplished cities in the ICC network in this regard. The city also impresses with the foresight it is now showing in looking beyond the immediate demands of labour migration, to making plans for people of second and third generation immigrant background.

The city also faces challenges. It appears to be shouldering a heavy financial burden to maintain these high standards. Whilst there is presently a supportive political and public consensus, this may not always be the case – particularly given the results of the October 2017 general election with few signs that Japanese society is presently in the mood for a new and more open discussion about immigration and diversity.

Whilst it is noted that the large businesses and industrial corporations of Hamamatsu played an important role in the early years of immigration to the city, they were notable by their absence, both from the visit of the ICC team but also from our sense of the wider policy environment. Yet many of these companies are major employers and still the reason why most foreigners arrive and stay in Hamamatsu. Equally there are many large companies and industries who, according to our consultations, remain out of bounds to all but the most talented and determined foreigner, largely because of prejudice and unregulated discrimination.

It seems clear that major employers and producers in the city should take a greater share of responsibility both in policy and financial terms. Equally, whilst civil society is in Hamamatsu is active and ambitious it is, by the standards of equivalent sized cities in the ICC network, rather small and heavily reliant on municipal support and an extensive network of volunteers. In governance terms too, the civil society is not as independent as we might expect it to be.

Recommendations  Hamamatsu is encouraged to exploit its stature as the first Japanese intercultural city to build a network of like-minded cities to exert influence upon national government to enter into a national discussion which faces up to the realities of demographic change, immigration and cultural diversity.  In the likelihood that significant improvements will not be made to Japan’s deficit of anti- discrimination legislation, the City of Hamamatsu should pursue its own local agenda seeking to introduce local laws and institutions (such as an Ombudsman).  Discrete but effective influence should be brought to bear upon big business to demonstrate visible responsibility and opinion leadership, particularly through recruitment and labour market practices.

19  Equally there is a need to replicate the admirable efforts of the Seibu Driving School across the extensive network of small and medium-sized enterprises in the city.  There is a need to create and project many more role models of diverse talent achieving success in Japanese society, and producing benefit for city and country  The municipality is encouraged to take advantage of its ICC membership to give wider policy experience and language proficiency to its civil servants through international exchanges of personnel and practice.  A future visit to Hamamatsu by ICC experts should review topics which were overlooked during this visit, namely the Media, Welcoming strategies, inter-faith dialogue and the Police.

20 21 Hamamatsu Intercultural City Vision

Policy Chart

22 Meeting with ICC Expert on Intercultural City Hamamatsu 2017 ～ Intercultural City Development Utilising Diversity as an asset ～ Programme

Dates: October 5 (Thu)–6 (Fri), 2017 Main Venue: ACT City Hamamatsu Congress Center

■ Day 1: October 5 (Thursday) ≪Courtesy Visit & Site Visit Program I≫ [City Hall, Hamamatsu Intercultural Center] ※JP–EN consecutive interpretation Time Program 09:30–09:45 Courtesy visit to Deputy Mayor Suzuki 10:00–11:00 Hamamatsu Intercultural Center site visit (facility tour, discussion with the staff) 11:00–11:45 NPO site visit (Nihongo NPO)

≪Public Symposium≫ [ACT City Congress Center 5F] ※JP–EN simultaneous interpretation Time Program Opening Ceremony (host remarks: Mayor of Hamamatsu; co-host remarks: 14:00–14:10 Executive Vice President of the Japan Foundation) Keynote Speech: Intercultural Cities in Europe and Japan: Past, 14:10–14:30 Present and Future (Professor Yamawaki, Meiji University) Discussion Theme: Harnessing Diversity as a City’s Vitality ~Towards a New Hamamatsu Intercultural City Vision Plan~ ○ Moderator: Professor Yamawaki, Meiji University 14:30–15:50 ○ Commentators: Ms. Ivana d’Alessandro, COE ICC Programme Head of Unit Mr. Phil Wood, City Policy Expert ○ Participants: 15 people including the Mayor of Hamamatsu and NPO representatives Lecture: Explanation regarding the Intercultural City Programme 16:10-17:00 ○Ms. Ivana d’Alessandro, COE ICC Programme Head of Unit ○Mr. Phil Wood, City Policy Expert 17:00-17:10 Adoption of the Hamamatsu Declaration ※Read by the Mayor of Hamamatsu 17:10-17:15 Closing (Director General of the Hamamatsu Planning and Coordinating Department)

■ Day 2: October 6 (Friday) ≪Site Visit Program II≫

23 [Hamamatsu Foreign Resident Study Support Center, City Hall, etc.] ※JP–EN consecutive interpretation Time Program 09:00-10:00 Site visit to an elementary school attended by children of foreign residents [Hamamatsu Municipal Minami no Hoshi Elementary School] Overview ⇒ class observation Hamamatsu Foreign Resident Study Support Center site visit (Beginner Japanese 10:30-11:30 class, Japanese volunteer training observation, discussion with the staff) 11:30-12:00 Foreign resident school site visit [Colegio Mundo de Alegria] 13:30-14:30 Business site visit to see diversity in businesses [Seibu Driving School] Discussion with key persons of the foreign resident community, NPOs 15:00-16:15 (Filipino Nagkaisa, COLORS), etc. [Conference Room 802] 16:30-17:30 Review and feedback, ICC Index evaluation

24