The Representation of Black and Latinx Communities and Women in U.S. Soccer the Representation of Black

THE REPRESENtAtION OF BLACK AND LAtINX COMMUNITIES AND WOMEN IN U.S. SOCCER THE REPRESENtAtION OF BLACK Published by the Fare network, AND LAtINX COMMUNITIES 244 Fifth Avenue, NY, New York, 10001 AND WOMEN IN U.S. SOCCER Thanks to Dr. Brenda Elsey and Dr. Jermaine Brenda Elsey Ph.D. (Hofstra University, Fare Network) Scott for producing a definitive piece of work with dedication and flair. Jermaine Scott Ph.D. (Florida Atlantic University) Report prepared for the Fare Network Our gratitude to Evan Whitfield of SCORE for his support and insights; Jeremi Duru of American University for his ongoing and wise counsel; Irvine Smalls of Harlem FC for insights into the future of soccer in urban PURPOSE OF RESEARCH America; Jeremy Ebobisse and Kendall This report seeks to evaluate Black, Latinx, and women’s representation in U.S soccer McIntosh of Black Players for Change 1. for their comments and leadership. as a means of establishing the diversity in key areas of the sport and to highlight inequities. The Fare network has launched this research as a response to the concerns expressed by players’ Thanks to FC Harlem for permission to use organizations, which formed as part of the #BlackLivesMatter movement and ongoing concerns images from their activities. Support them at FCHarlem.org about the lack of representation of the two biggest minority groups that play and participate in soccer in the United States within leadership positions. Other images from Alamy.com The report presents publicly available data, accurate as of 1 August 2020, on senior leadership and The presence of Black and Latinx www.farenet.org coaching roles within Major League Soccer (MLS) clubs; National Women’s Soccer League (NWSL) communities and Women clubs; the political, administrative and coaching leadership of the U.S. Soccer Federation; and the Executive leadership of the MLS league. Report prepared for the Fare Network In addition, we conducted targeted interviews with Black and Latinx players within U.S. soccer to highlight their personal experiences of structural racism and sexism within U.S. soccer. Dr. Brenda Elsey (Hofstra University, Fare Network) Dr. Jermaine Scott (Florida Atlantic University) REPRESENTATION ON THE BASIS OF ‘RACE’ AND ETHNICITY 2. We understand the categories of Black and Latinx to be distinct from one another, even though the same individual may identify as both. For the purposes of this report, Latinx (plural, non- binary), Latino (male identified), and Latina (female identified) refer to people in the United States of Latin American background. We have used a broad geographical definition of Latin America, including the Caribbean, Central America, and South America. The category of Black encompasses people identified or perceived as having African heritage. The term African American would not account for Black players coming from outside the United States. The categories of Black and Latinx often overlap. Thus, Afro-Puerto Ricans would be deemed as both Black and Latinx. Given that the research purpose was to understand the relationship between racial hierarchies and success in professional soccer in the United States, we delineated Latinx as those with Latin American heritage whose formation in soccer was primarily in the United States. In the case of Latin Americans who came to the U.S well into their career and are not identified as Black, we did not categorize them as Latinx, but by their national origin. For example, LA Galaxy FC coach Guillermo Barros Schelotto grew up, played, and coached in his native Argentina, where he is considered White. While he may experience racism on the basis of anti-immgration sentiment, and anti-Spanish discrimination, we did not categorize him as Latino. 03 Our research suggests that both formal and informal barriers to participation begin at the earliest DIASPORIC AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITIES stages of player development. Perhaps most glaring is that the data shows that Black and Latinx players encounter very few opportunities to move into administration and coaching. This is 3. A review of the makeup of U.S. Soccer highlights the rich contributions of immigrants and particularly acute when considering women players who are also Black and Latinx. Ali Curtis, the foreign nationals to the sport. While soccer in the U.S. has traditionally been most popular within only Black General Manager of any MLS or NWSL club (Toronto FC), explained that the decision White and European immigrant neighborhoods and suburbs, it is equally represented in Latinx to hire coaches and administrators are made within certain social circles, but “historically Black and African diasporic communities. This has been reflected in the players’ and, to a lesser extent, people have been excluded from those circles.” A particularly troubling site of this phenomena the coaches’ data, particularly for the MLS. For many of these players, soccer has been a way to occurs at the highest levels of the clubs, in the executive offices, technical staffs, and ownership embrace and celebrate their identities as dual nationals and first and second generation Americans groups. In the NWSL and USWNT, there appears to be very little racial diversity both in the player of Latinx or African descent. Considering that Black and Latino players constitute 25% and 33% and executive ranks, a situation that also appears to be exacerbated by the financial demands of of MLS clubs respectively, the underrepresentation of Black and Latinx’s in the front offices and the grassroots structure of U.S Soccer. These structural inequities often result in youth players executive positions is alarming. Additionally, the racial diversity of the players’ ranks is not reflected abandoning the sport due to its prohibitive cost. Utah Royals player, Tziarra King pointed out in the head coaching positions. For Black coaching candidates, it appears one of the minimum the important role of, “pay for play and the development academy systems that are exclusive qualifications has been the unfair standard of having achieved international fame. For example, monetarily, but also in terms of ethnicity.” during the last five years in the MLS specifically, two out of the three Black head coaches have been Thierry Henry and Patrick Vieira (NYCFC 2016-2017). The structural racism that denies opportunities to Black coaches is not unique to MLS, however. There is only one Latino and zero Black coaches represented in the NWSL, including assistants. “THERE’S A LOT OF DOCUMENTED AND MLS PLAYER REPRESENTATION UNDOCUMENTED LATINAS IN THE UNITED STATES THAT CAN’T AFFORD TRANSPORTATION TO THE TEAMS, AND INSIDE OF THE CITY [HOUSTON], THERE Black ARE NO CLUB TEAMS. COMPETING, GOOD 25% CLUB TEAMS ARE ALL OUTSIDE IN THE Latino SUBURBS. IF YOU DON’T HAVE MONEY, 33% YOU CAN’T PLAY. IT’S DISCRIMINATING AGAINST CERTAIN TYPES OF PEOPLE.” Mónica González Moreover, we observed very little to zero Latinx representation in the players’ and front office or executive ranks, especially in the NWSL and USWNT. Mónica González, a former player and captain of the Mexican National team, ESPN commentator and analyst, an assistant coach in the NWSL, began a soccer nonprofit for girls in the U.S., Mexico, and Colombia, called GonzoSoccer. OUR RESEARCH SUGGESTS THAT BOTH FORMAL AND INFORMAL González sees community outreach, particularly in urban areas, as central to improving diversity BARRIERS TO PARTICIPATION BEGINS AT THE EARLIEST STAGES OF in U.S. Soccer. Programs that encourage girls need, “to be taken into the communities,” rather PLAYER DEVELOPMENT. PERHAPS MOST GLARING IS THAT THE DATA than expecting them to seek out programs that are often expensive and located in suburbs. SHOWS THAT BLACK AND LATINX PLAYERS ENCOUNTER VERY FEW González notes, “There’s a lot of documented and undocumented Latinas in the United States that OPPORTUNITIES TO MOVE INTO ADMINISTRATION AND COACHING. can’t afford transportation to the teams, and inside of the city [Houston], there are no club teams. Competing, good club teams are all outside in the suburbs.” She continues “if you don’t have money, you can’t play. It’s discriminating against certain types of people.” 04 05 GENDER REPRESENTATION 4. Contrary to the historic success of the national team, women’s professional soccer has been met with gender based discrimination and a subsequent lack of funding and development. Following two predecessor leagues with varying success – the Women’s United Soccer Association (WUSA, 2001- 2003) and Women’s Professional Soccer (WPS, 2009-2012) – the National Women’s Soccer League (NWSL) has been in existence since 2013, and experienced increased popularity following the 2019 World Cup. Moreover, U.S. women’s soccer has emerged as a space that challenges heterosexual norms and discrimination based on gender and sexuality, particularly with the Women’s National Team’s lawsuit against the USSF (United States Soccer Federation) for equal pay, and many of the players themselves openly identifying as queer and lesbian. As a methodological note, we researched gender identification to the extent possible, recognizing the possibility for error, particularly of non-binary individuals. WHILE THE SUCCESS OF WOMEN’S SOCCER ON THE FIELD IS APPARENT, MEN DOMINATE POSITIONS WITHIN U.S. SOCCER, BOTH IN THE MEN’S AND WOMEN’S PROFESSIONAL LEAGUES, FRONT OFFICES, AND NATIONAL TEAMS. WHILE WOMEN MAKE UP A THIRD OF THE EXECUTIVE POSITIONS IN THE NWSL (9) AND 20% OF THE USSF BOARD OF DIRECTORS (3), THEY MAKE UP LESS THAN TEN PERCENT OF THE TOP EXECUTIVES IN THE MLS (7). Contrary to some other U.S sports leagues such as the WNBA (Women’s National Basketball League), where women represent 30% of head coaches, there is only one woman that is a head coach of a NWSL team and zero in the MLS. Moreover, there is a lack of gender and racial equality in the front offices and coaching staffs of professional teams.

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