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Author: D. H. Spennemann and G. Sutherland Title: Late Nineteenth Century German Immigrant land and stock holdings in the Southern : an exploration of large-scale spatial patterns Journal: Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society ISSN: 0035-8762 Year: 2008 Volume: 94 Issue: 1 Pages: 74-90

Abstract: The paper examines the large-scale spatial patterns of settlement by German Immigrants in the Southern Riverina during the late nineteenth century.

Author Address: [email protected] [email protected]

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Late Nineteenth Century German Immigrant land-and stock-holdings in the Southern Riverina: an exploration of large-scale spatial patterns

Dirk HR Spennemann & Gaye Sutherland

Manuscript submitted for publication in Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society

Corresponding Author: Dirk H.R. Spennemann Institute of Land, Water and Society P.O. Box 789 NSW 2640 e-mail [email protected]

2 Late Nineteenth Century German Immigrant land-and stock-holdings in the Southern Riverina: an exploration of large-scale spatial patterns

Dirk HR Spennemann† & Gaye Sutherland‡ † Institute of Land, Water and Society and School of Environmental and Information Sciences, Charles Sturt University, PO Box 789, Albury NSW 2640, Australia. E-mail [email protected] ‡ HeritageFutures Australia, PO Box 6575, Shepparton Vic 3632, Australia and School of Environmental and Information Sciences, Charles Sturt University, PO Box 789, Albury NSW 2640, Australia. E-mail [email protected]

Keywords Immigration Experience Germans—Australia, European Settlement— Agriculture

Introduction During the second part of the nineteenth century substantial numbers of German settlers left to select land in the Southern Riverina. While the German settlements formed by the new arrivals created much interest by contemporary commentators,i comparatively little has been written on them in the historical literature. Apart from Buxton‘s seminal work on the Riverina, in which he examined some of this in detail,ii discussion of the Riverina is limited to brief accounts in generalised state-specific summaries of the German presence and statistical analyses of the state-wide population.iii More recently, Pennay looked at the perception and reception of the German settlers in the Riverina during the early days of World War I.iv By comparison, there is a plethora of genealogical literature, focussing on individual families and outlining that family‘s part in the settling of the Riverina.v While the sources many times over repeat the histories of initial trek(s) from South Australia, there is little work done on the spread and persistence of German settlement in the Riverina. The aim of this paper is to investigate the German settlement in the Southern Riverina, New South Wales, between 1860 and 1914, focussing on the patterns of settlement and livestock holdings. As will be described in the subsequent overview of German immigration to Australia, German settlers arriving from south Australia formed close-knit communities held together by Lutheran Christianity as the distinguishing element. We will investigate whether this is reflected in the landscape, looking at two levels of scale: i) a regional scale considering the Southern Riverina as a whole, considering the clustering of settlements (reported here); and ii) a local scale, by examining a single parish, and examining the nature and pattern of land selection carried out (in prep). How do extended family groups take up the available land? This study forms part of a larger investigation into the nature of German immigration to Australia, and to what extent that immigration has left a tangible and recognisable imprint on the cultural heritage of the Southern Riverina. Elsewhere, we have examined the origins of the German immigrants to Australia,vi the content of immigrant guidebooksvii in order to understand what information German immigrants were exposed to prior to and after emigration to Australia. In addition, aspects of the material culture recommended to be brought on the voyage outviii as well as the extant material culture have also been addressed.ix

3 The German Immigration to Australia Australia became a popular destination for immigrants from as early as 1838 when religious persecution in Prussia spurned the first organised group migration of Lutherans to South Australia.x What was to follow was a progressive chain migration from the areas in northern and eastern Prussia,xi that was to last until the end of the nineteenth century.xii Although religious persecution as a factor in immigration was soon outweighed by political and economic reasons,xiii Lutheranism continued to be a major binding force for German migrants in Australia.xiv Lutheranism is held largely responsible for the formation of closed tight knit communities,xv and was a major factor in the survival of the German language in Australia until the beginning of World War I.xvi South Australia of all the Australian colonies had the earliest and most homogenous German communities, where clustered land selection became a major characteristic due to the religious and linguistic homogeneity of these people, the desire to replicate conditions in the homeland (Günter 1982), to uphold spiritual and moral strength,xvii and to support each other in what were extremely difficult economic conditions.xviii

Land Selection by Germans In the Riverina The desire to live in homogenous communities,xix land inheritance practices,xx and the typically large size of German families,xxi culminated to instigate a second migrational wave from South Australia to the colonies of New South Wales and Victoria from the 1860s.xxii Land holdings in South Australia proved too small for sustainable croppingxxiii with Australian soils unable to cope with the type of intensive farmingxxiv that was traditional practice of German farmers in the homeland.xxv During the same period (1864-66) the whole of the inland was gripped by a drought, which in South Australia led to the drawing of Goyder‘s line, and further reduced the German settlers‘ ability to survive on the smallholdings.xxvi Such problems were further exacerbated by exorbitant land prices and increased difficulty in obtaining new land.xxvii At the same time (1861) the colonial government of New South Wales fundamentally changed the land rules.xxviii The Robertson Lands Acts, as they are colloquially called, allowed selectors the right to obtain a Crown Grant for a ‗Home Maintenance Area‘ of land without survey (‗conditional purchase) in any Crown Land, leased or unleased. The purchase conditions imposed were that ‗living areas‘ were to be between 40 and 320 acres in size size (Crown Lands Occupation Act of 1861 §13), that the selector had to pay £1 per acre with deposit of 5/- i.e. 25% of purchase price (§13) upfront with the balance of the purchase price to be paid within three years (or deferred indefinitely by paying 5% interest per annum) (§18), that the selector had to reside on the block of land selected, and had to demonstrate ‗improvements of £1 per acre minimum (§19). Such improvements commonly took the form of land clearing and fencing. As a result, the 1860s and 1870s saw a rapid uptake of lands by selectors, but also saw a range of stalling tactics employed by the graziers trying to exclude the most valuable parts of their (lease) holdings from selection (such as peacocking).xxix The Albury region had long been a settlement area for Germans, particularly farmers and wine growers from the Rhineland.xxx A petition by the German community of May 1857, for example, lists 46 names the majority of which signed as either landholders or vine dressers.xxxi The 1861 census gives a good indication of the make up of the Albury community before the changes to the land acts: there were 160 German men and 93 German women resident with the town and its municipality.xxxii The majority of these Germans had come in the late 1850s, originally brought to Australia as vine dressers.xxxiii Coming predominately from the Hesse and

4 Württemberg areas, most of them were Catholic or reformed Evangelic-Lutherans (unlike the conservative Lutherans who had come to South Australia). The first South Australian Germans to reconnoitre the Riverina and to select land in the Albury area were Johann Gottfried Scholz and Johann Gottlieb J. Diebert, who chose the area of ( ‗Dight‘s Forest‘) where they selected 320 and 100 acres respectively in May 1866.xxxiv The favourable reports of the fertile soils and undulating land that these men returned to their South Australian communities,xxxv set in train another period of chain migration as had occurred in the initial voyage to Australia.xxxvi By the end of 1866 seven parcels of land, totalling 1,470 acres had been selected by Germans. In the following year an additional 55 properties with a combined area of 7,680 acres had been selected by German settlers, while in 1868 a further 51 properties (with 4,503 acres) were selected.xxxvii Land selections taken by the German settlers support their preference for land reminiscent of their previous homes, with Buxton claiming land selected in the Riverina was ―never out on the flat country, never back in to the ranges, always on the gentle undulations of the western slopes, so like the country they had left in South Australia and in Germany before‖.xxxviii Also reminiscent of the initial journey to Australia, once again Germans moved to the Riverina in groups, trekking across difficult terrain in their German wagons, before settling in close knit communities where Lutheranism continued to be a major factor in the formation of clustered settlements.xxxix The German settlers moved quickly to not only fulfill the stipulations of the conditional purchase, but also to improve their own economic situation: ―The German Free selectors lately arrived from Adelaide have quite changed the face of the country at Dight‘s Forest [Jindera]. Forty of these families are now settled there, and they have lost no time in improving their respective holdings. Substantial brick homesteads are being erected in all directions, as well as dwellings of a less pretentious character. The necessary steps are being taken for the erection of a Lutheran Church and School house…. Clearing and fencing operations have progressed vigorously, and a great breadth of land has been sown. Trenching for vineyards will be commenced this season upon most of the free selections … The huge monarchs of the forest are everywhere laid prostrate … and already there is talk of forming a township there‖.xl The NSW Lands Acts of 1861 underwent a major revision in October 1884 which excluded leasehold lands from conditional purchase options.xliTo assess the status quo of landownership in the colony, a census of land and stock-holders was carried out in December 1884 by the Police and Stock Inspectors. Presented to Parliament on 1st January 1885, this census of Landholders in New South Wales provides a range of data: apart from the name of the occupier of the land, the (often generalised) name of holding and post town of holding, the census also recorded the number of acres, horses, cattle, sheep and pigs. This census provides a snapshot of the land holdings at the end of the main conditional purchase period and thus an avenue to investigate the extent of initial German selection in the Southern Riverina. This census, effectively 20 years after the area was first open for selection, provides a good overview of the first generation of German immigrants to the Southern Riverina. As the census covers all land and stockholders throughout New South Wales, the data can be deemed comprehensive.

The Data Set With the instructions of 18 May 1825 the colony of New South Wales divided its land management into Counties, which were further subdivided into Parishes. In 1884 they were

5 grouped into three major Land Divisions.xlii The actual administration of the land, however, was carried out in land districts (§§9-10), which could cut across parish boundaries. All land matter was referred to the relevant land boards from 1884 onwards (Crown Lands Act of 1884 §11). At the same time, however, census collection of people and livestock was carried out based on police districts (and sheep districts), which were also the boundaries for the stock inspectors. As a result we have a series of data sources with differing boundary definitions. The analysis on the macro-scale relies on the 1885 returns of land and stockholders for the police districts of Albury, , Hume, and .xliii The original data do not specify the ethnicity of the owners of the land or stock. The classification of the landholders into ‗German‘ and ‗non-German‘ was carried out through allocating an ethnic status based on the family name. That approach is not without methodological concerns as room for misidentification exists. The accuracy of the identification is reliant on the knowledge of the person coding (DS) to recognise and interpret German family names, and a familiarity with the family names of the area. The data are analysed on the basis of post towns which are listed in the returns. As at present no map of the police districts (as they appeared in 1885) has been located, the distribution maps are plotted against a neutral background without land management boundaries (Figure 1).

Spatial distribution of German Settlement in the Riverina At the time of the December 1884 census, 260 of the total of 2,611 properties in the police districts of Albury, Corowa, Hume, Urana and Wagga Wagga were held in German hand, with a total of 92,862 acres. While the Germans in the five police districts held 9.95% of all properties, they controlled on 1.28% of the total acreage. The latter figure demonstrates that, on a regional level, German holdings were negligible (Table 1). What made the Germans so visible, was the clustered nature of their settlements: two thirds of all German holdings were concentrated in the four postal town areas of Albury, Jindera (57 properties each), Walla Walla (28) and (27) all of which were located close to each other. The clustered nature of settlement is evident once we map the number German holdings in the Riverina (Figure 1). A clear cluster exists in the Albury-Jindera-Gerogery-Walla Walla corridor with adjacent areas to the east and especially to the west. Once we consider German holdings as a percentage of all holdings in area, the cluster is even more in evidence, bounded by and Moorwatha in the west, Walla Walla and Gerogery in the North, Thurgoona in the east and Albury in the south (Figure 2).xliv

<<<---- Table 1 ABOUT HERE ---->>>

<<<---- Figure 1 ABOUT HERE ---->>>

<<<---- Figure 2 ABOUT HERE ---->>>

Able to select up to 320 acres per person Crown Lands Alienation Act of 1861 [NSW 25 Vic no. 1), holdings could be increased by having spouses and other family members select adjacent properties, which then could be merged once the full purchase price had been paid off. Overall, based on their South Australian experiences, German farmers espoused a more intensive mode of land cultivation with crop rotation.xlv This farming practice, as well as the limited funds available for purchase, meant that German farmers could rely on smaller holdings than their non- German co-residents. The same practice was espoused in the newly selected areas in the Riverina. Typically, German farms were initially comparatively small. An analysis of the first six years of selection by German farmers in the Albury Land District,xlvi for example, shows that the average selection was about 110 acres. Forty-two percent of the properties selected were between

6 40 and 80 acres in size, with only 22% exceeding 120 acres (Figure 3). When comparing these figures to the German landholdings in the same area in 1884,xlvii we note two trends: the increase of smaller properties both town blocks under 10 acres and properties under 40 acres and an increase of larger holdings in above 320 and especially above 640 acres. Some of these larger holdings are the result of agglomeration of properties initially selected in the names of various family members. These changes occurred at the expense of properties in the 40 to 120 acre range. Even though the trend to larger properties over time can be demonstrated for the German community, the German properties remained smaller than those of their non-German neighbours (Figure 4).

<<<---- Figure 3ABOUT HERE ---->>>

<<<---- Figure 4 ABOUT HERE ---->>>

Patterns of livestock among German farmers Despite a systematic assessment of the available literature on the German presence in Australia there is a general scarcity of information on the nature and especially the extent of holdings of farm animals among the German settlers. For the South Australian situation, the available literature comments on the presence of cattle and pigs, but commonly provides no details.xlviii Census data for the situation in the 1840s suggest that the average household would have held some cattle which were part of the market system as they provided a cash income source. In addition, each household kept at least one pig. The main difference between German and non- German settlers in South Australia was the lack of sheep among German families.xlix We can assume that only minor changes would have occurred as time went on. It can be assumed that German farms in the Riverina had an array of animals, such as horses for transport and working the fields, cattle (both draught oxen and cows), and pigs, but also goats, a range of poultry and possibly some sheep. Cattle were mainly bred for dairy production and less so for sale (except unwanted steers). The 1884 landholder and stock census allows us to explore some aspects of this matter in more detail—but it does not quantify the number of goats and poultry. The spatial patterns of the distribution of horses, cattle, pigs and sheep (Table 2) follow that of the overall German Settlement (Table 1; Figure 1).l

<<<---- Table 2 ABOUT HERE ---->>>

When examined on a property basis, some differences can be observed. As can be expected, there is no statistically significant difference in the percentages of German and non-German landholders owning horses (Table 3). After all, horses were the mainstay of transportation by riding or pulling a cart/wagon. Likewise, no differences could be observed in the number of horses owned by German and non-German landholders, i.e. a similar percentage of German landholders owned five horses as did non-German landholders. The only exception observed was that non-English landholders were more likely to have large mobs of horses (16 and more). The generally similar number of German and non-German landholders owning horses suggest underlying factors of a non-ethnic causality. It was posited that there might be a general relationship between the number of horses owned by a landholder and the acreage of the land managed, but no significant correlation could be observed in the data. Some trends, however, are immediately obvious and statistically significant: more German landholdings were keeping pigs than were non-German landholdings. This is in keeping with the

7 observation in the literature that German settlers were fond of pork.li That difference was insignificant only among the smallish blocks (11-39 acres). The trend for cattle is similar. Again, statistically overall more German landholdings were keeping cattle. Only in the town blocks (<1 acre) no statistically significant differences can be observed (although more German households tended to own cattle). In these instances we can assume that the landholders kept cows to satisfy the household demand for milk, and that this demand was irrespective of ethnic conditions. The overall number of cattle owned by German landholders rarely exceeded 40, with 88% of all German cattle owners having herds of 20 head or less. If we consider only the landholders owning cattle, then none of the German properties had more than 50 cattle, but 9% of the non- German households did, with some herds being 2,000 head and more. The generally small number of cattle in German hand suggests that they were predominately dairy cattle.

<<<---- Table 3 ABOUT HERE ---->>>

As indicated earlier in the case of horses, the average herd size shows little correlation with overall acreage with the exception of very large non-German owned properties, which allow to run a greater number of cattle and sheep (Table 4). This is a function of the residual pastoralists that are included in the census returns and are skewing the data at the upper end.

<<<---- Table 4 ABOUT HERE ---->>>

It has been claimed that many non-German settlers were less persistent on the land and more readily walked away from the land in case of adversity,lii whereas German settlers treated land as the main asset of their family and tried to persevere through adverse years through sheer hard work and tenacity, with every penny of savings of their parsimonious life styleliii being invested in more land.liv That was, of course, facilitated by the fact that German farming practices relied on a more diversified range of produce. The differences between German and non-German farming become clear once we consider the composition of the herds (Table 5). While the overall percentage of landholders owning cows, sheep and pigs was the same among German and non- Germans, differences are observable among the combinations cow/sheep and cows/pigs.

<<<---- Table 5 ABOUT HERE ---->>>

In addition, worth noting is the percentage of landholdings, which have no livestock other than horses needed for transport (riding, carts). This situation is more frequent among non- German settlers than among German settlers (18.3% vs. 13.5%). If we remove the owners of small blocks (ie town blocks under 4 acres) from the equation, the differences become more pronounced. Now almost twice as many non-Germans (11.1%) do not own livestock than do German settlers (5.7%). Given the overall trend of a self-sufficient life-style by the German settlers, this percentage of Germans not owning live stock is an apparent contradiction. An inspection of the returns shows that, with four exceptions,lv in all cases persons with the same surname lived at that location, and that their census returns included livestock. Without delving into genealogical records, it can be surmised that these records represent cases where land was selected in the name of wives of small children and managed as a part of the family enterprise.

Discussion Earlier regional historieslvi and family historieslvii outlined the presence of the German element in the Riverina. While commonly reference is made to Jindera and Walla Walla as the main settlement areas,lviii and whilst regional studies looked at the general nature of German

8 settlement,lix previous work had never considered the distribution of German settlement in a regional context. The census of land– and stockholders of 1884, intended to provide an insight into the status quo of land selection at the time soon after the NSW Land Act had been revised in October 1884 (Crown Lands Act of 1884), provides a good insight into the presence of German settlers. While Germans settled throughout the Southern Riverina (Figure 1) the distribution is not random. Rather, like in South Australia whom whence they had come, the German settlers in the Southern Riverina lived in clustered settlements, concentrated in a small zone mainly north of Albury. The 1884 picture reflects two layers of German settlement to the region. The 1849-1860 period, when predominately Catholic settlers from southern Germany had been recruited to work in vineyards in the area and had gradually moved towards the Albury region.lx Here they had merged with the Anglo-Celtic host community rather than forming a discrete clustered settlement. The second ‗wave‘ of German settlement were the Lutherans coming from South Australia, where religious denominational, as well as lingistic differences from the host population caused Protestant Germans to form settlement clusters with the Lutheran churches as the nuclei. Defined by their strong Lutheran roots and community spirit, these arrivals in the Southern Riverina also settled together and again formed clustered settlements at localities such a Jindera, Walla Walla, Georgery, Walbundrie and Moorwatha. Common to all German settlers in the Riverina, however, is the maintenance of cultural traits: this can be easily demonstrated by the high percentage of German households keeping pigs compared to their Anglo-Celtic neighbours. At the same time, few Germans kept sheep. Without in-depth genealogical research it is at present not possible to separate out Catholic and Lutheran German families in the 1884 census of land- and stockholders in order to examine whether denominational differences carried through to patterns of stock holdings. Given the increasing number of books tracing the history of specific settler families future work into examining differential settlement patterns of Catholic and Lutheran Germans might become feasible. The data examined in this paper are a snapshot of the German settlement, almost twenty years after it commenced. Clearly, settlement in the Riverina by Germans did not stagnate but kept expanding as families grew with the children eventually leaving the family farm. Between the 1870s and the 1890s additional areas of land were taken up north and west of the central Jindera- Gerogery-Walla Walla cluster. Land at Edgehill, a parish northwest of Henty, for example, was selected starting in 1883, with numerous German families eventually settling there.lxi The December 1884 census does not fully cover this period. It is desirable that future work looks at this spread as well. This can be achieved, to some measure, through an analysis of the census collectors books of the 1891 census. Another fruitful avenue of future research would be the examination of the earliest parish maps, systematically plotting the spread of land selection by Germans.

9 Endnotes i. Exodus of German farmers from Adelaide to the Upper Murray. Border Post 968, 8 May 1867, p. 2 col. 5; A Visit to Jindera. Border Post nº 974; 19 June 1867, p. 2 col. 5; The German Free Selectors. Albury Banner vol. 8 nº 621, 10 Sep 1869, p. 2 col. 4; A tour to the South. The Albury District. The Australian Town and Country Journal vol. 5, nº 121, 27 April 1872, p. 534; The Albury Germans maligned by the Albury Banner. [letter to the editor, signed ‗Hanover‘ Gerogery 14 Sep 1870]. Border Post nº 1146, 21 Sep 1870, p. 2 col. 3; An Agricultural rush. [editorial, George Mott] Border Post 969, 15 May 1867, p.2. col.1-2. ii. Buxton, G.L. (1967) The Riverina 1861-1891- An Australian Regional Study. University Press. iii. Borrie, W.D. (1954) Italians and Germans in Australia-A Study of Assimilation Melbourne : Cheshire Publishing; Williams, M. (1980) Non British immigration to Australia during the nineteenth century, in, Studies in overseas settlement and population Chapter 8. eds Lemon, A. & Pollock, N. Longman Group limited, London iv. Pennay, B. (2006). An Australian Berlin and hotbed of disloyalty- Shaming Germans in a Country District during two World Wars. Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society 92(1), pp. 15–28. v. eg. Kotzur (1997) A thin line but not invisible - The Kotzurs in Australia. Adelaide: Kotzur Reunion Book Committee; Lieschke (2002) Lieschke family history - Commemorating 150 years in Australia. Lieschke Book Committee NSW; Scholz. C. (1973) The history and family tree of Johann Gottfried Scholz and descendants 1805-1973. Adelaide: Scholz family. vi. Spennemann, Dirk H.R. (2007b) The Origin of German Immigrants to Australia 1850-1880: an analysis of the Hamburg Shipping Data. Studies in German Colonial Heritage (ISSN 1834- 7797) 1, pp. ¶¶¶ (In press) vii. Spennemann, Dirk H.R. and Sutherland, Gaye (submitted) Nineteenth Century Immigrant Guidebooks about Australia. A Rapid Appraisal of their coverage. Script and Print. Submitted viii. ibid ix. Spennemann, Dirk H.R. (2007) German-Language Books in Jindera. An illustrated Catalogue of Items held by the Jindera Pioneer Museum. Albury, NSW : {retro | spect}; Spennemann, Dirk H.R. (submitted) Family Heirlooms from the Old Country: One Sixteenth and three Seventeenth Century German Imprints in the Jindera Pioneer Museum, New South Wales. Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens. Submitted; Spennemann, Dirk H.R. and Sutherland, Gaye (submitted) Professionals Wanted: Patterns of German Immigration to nineteenth century Australia. Actes de l'histoire de l'immigration. Submitted; Sutherland, Gaye and Spennemann, Dirk H.R. (submitted ) Exploring the Composition of the Material Culture of Immigrants to Australia. A Rapid Appraisal of Nineteenth Century Guidebooks about Australia. Home Cultures. Submitted; Sutherland, Gaye and Spennemann, Dirk H.R. (submitted) Characterising the Material Culture of German Immigrants to Australia: the Jindera Pioneer Museum, New SouthWales. Journal of the History of Collections. Submitted x. Brauer, A. (1956) Under the Southern Cross—History of Evangelical Lutheran Church in Australia. Adelaide, Lutheran Publishing House; Nielsen, G., R. (1989) In Search of a Home. United States of America, Texas, A & M University Press xi. Darragh, T. A. & Wuchatsch, R. N. (1999) From Hamburg to Hobsons Bay German Emigration to Port Phillip (Australia Felix) 1848-51. Melbourne, Wendish Heritage Society Australia; Young,

10

G. (1977) The Bethany Survey 1976. In: Marsden, A. & Harmstorf, I. (eds), Barossa Survey. A. H. Adelaide, School of Architecture, South Australia Institute of Technology, and the Department of History Adelaide College of Advanced Education, for the Australian Heritage Commission. Vol. 1, pp 53-173. xii. Borrie, op. cit. xiii. Adams, W. P. (1990) The German Americans an Ethnic Experience Indianapolis, Max Kade German-American Center; Tampke, JD & Doxford, C (1990) Australia, Willkommen A history of Germans in Australia. Kensington, New South Wales University Press. xiv. Harmstorf, I. (2001) The Australian People An Encyclopedia of the Nation, Its people and Their Origins. (Ed) Jupp, J. Cambridge University Press, United Kingdom xv Ioannou, N. (1995) The Barossa Folk - Germanic Furniture and Craft Traditions in Australia. Roseville NSW, Craftsman House xvi. Tampke & Doxford, op. cit. xvii. Harmstorf, I. and Cigler, M (1985) Germans in Australia. AE Press, Melbourne xviii. Cole, J. (1983) Farm and family in Boonah 1870-1914. An ethnic perspective. Stuttgart, Institute for Foreign Cultural Relations xix. Harmstorf, The Australian People op. cit. xx. Lodewyckx, A. (1956) People For Australia, Melbourne, Cheshire. xxi. Ioannou, op. cit. xxii. Nitschke, R.A. (1977) Terlich Family History 1807-1977. Adelaide, Lutheran Publishing House. xxiii. Young, Bethany Survey, op. cit. xxiv. Burger, R. P. (2003) The coming of the Wends. Athelstone South Australia, Wend Sorb Society of South Australia Inc xxv. Williams, op. cit. xxvi. Buxton, op cit; Harmstorf, I. (1971) German migration with particular reference to Hamburg, to South Australia, 1851-1884. Thesis. M.A. Adelaide: University of Adelaide xxvii. Scholz, op. cit. xxviii. Crown Lands Alienation Act of 1861 [NSW 25 Vic no. 1]; Crown Lands Occupation Act of 1861 [NSW 25 Vic no. 2] xxix. see study by Gammage, Bill (1986) Shire. Narrandera: Council xxx. Cloos, P. & Tampke, J. (1993) Greetings from the land where milk and honey flows- the German emigration to NSW. Southern Highlands Publishers, Canberra xxxi. (‗In the matter of W.B. Evans.‘ Border Post 9 May 1857, p. 3 cols. 1-4 xxxii. NSW (1862) Census of the Colony of New South Wales taken on the 7th April 1861. Sydney: Thomas Richards, Government Printer, p. 580; 682 xxxiii. Burkhardt, Geoffrey (1988) The places of origin of German immigrants to New South Wales 1849-1860. In: A selection of papers from the first International Congress on Family History and first Australasian Congress on Genealogy and Heraldry. Sydney, October 1988. Sydney: Australasian Federation of Family History Organisations and Society of Australian Geneaologists. Pp. 24– 37; Cloos & Tampke, op. cit.

11 xxxiv. ‗Land Selections.‘ Border Post [Albury)]nº 917, 16 May 1866, p. 3 col. 2 xxxv. Ioannou, N. (1997) Barossa Journeys into a valley of tradition. Kent Town, South Australia., Paringa Press xxxvi. Brauer, op. cit. xxxvii. Border Post various issues xxxviii. Buxton, op cit., p. 198 xxxix. Ioannou, op. cit; Schubert, D. (1985) Kavel's People - From Prussia to South Australia. Adelaide, Lutheran Publishing House. xl. ‗Exodus of German farmers (note 1). xli. Crown Lands Act of 1884 [NSW 48 Vic no. 18] xlii. East, Central, West; Crown Lands Act of 1884 §8 xliii. Parliamentary Return of Landholders 1885. Albury Land District. Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council. Journal of the Legislative Council of NSW. 2nd. Session. Vol. 39 Part 1. 1885 Appendix 2, pp. 5-14; Parliamentary Return of Landholders 1885. Corowa Land District. Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council. Journal of the Legislative Council of NSW. 2nd. Session. Vol. 39 Part 1. 1885 Appendix 2, pp. 122-127; Parliamentary Return of Landholders 1885. Hume Land District. Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council. Journal of the Legislative Council of NSW. 2nd. Session. Vol. 39 Part 1. 1885 Appendix 2, pp. 201-204; Parliamentary Return of Landholders 1885. Urana Land District. Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council. Journal of the Legislative Council of NSW. 2nd. Session. Vol. 39 Part 1. 1885 Appendix 2, pp. 412-413; Parliamentary Return of Landholders 1885. Wagga Wagga Land District. Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council. Journal of the Legislative Council of NSW. 2nd. Session. Vol. 39 Part 1. 1885 Appendix 2, pp. 414-423 xliv. The data point for (45% in German hand) is distorting, as that postal town had only 11 holdings altogether. xlv. Young, G, Harmstorf, I. Brasse, L & Marsden, A. (1981), Hahndorf Volume 1. Adelaide: Techsearch Inc xlvi. Data derived from listings in the issues of the Border Post Jan 1866- Dec 1871 (Albury). xlvii. Note that the selection data 1866-1871 use the Albury Land District as boundaries, while the December 1884 census data rely on the Albury Police District. xlviii. eg Corkhill, A. (1992) Queensland and Germany. Melbourne, Academia Press; Ioannou, op. cit; Schubert, op. cit. xlix. Young et al, op. cit. l. See Spennemann for spatial mapping and statistical correlations: Spennemann, Dirk H.R. (2007c) Mapping the German Footprint in the Riverina in 1884. Studies in German Colonial Heritage (ISSN 1834-7797) 2, pp. 1-9 li. The German Free Selectors‘ (note 1) lii. There are certainly a great number references (in the Border Post) to conditional purchases of non-German owned farms being forfeited. When this occurred among German families, it appears that relatives stepped in, paid the purchase price and acquired the farm, thus keeping it in the community.

12 liii. The German Free Selectors‘ (note 1) liv. A Tour to the South‘ (note 1) lv One is a vineyard, the other are two families with the same name and no livestock. lvi. Buxton, op cit. lvii. e.g. Scholz, op. cit., Lieschke, op. cit. lviii. eg. Jindera Bicentennial Book Committee 1987 lix. Buxton, op cit. lx. Burkhardt, op. cit; Cloos & Tampke, op. cit lxi. eg. Henty Centenary Committee, (1986) Henty NSW Home of the header - From Early Beginnings. Adelaide: Lutheran Publishing House; Spennemann, Dirk H.R. (2007d) Callitris and Mud. An Analysis of the Construction Components used in a German Farmhouse, at Edgehill near Henty, NSW. Studies in German Colonial Heritage (ISSN 1834-7797) ¶, pp. ¶¶¶ (In press). Acknowledgments The raw data were kindly provided by Terry Callaghan (Charlestown, NSW). We are indebted to Simon McDonald (Spatial Analysis Network, Charles Sturt University) for the provision of the maps.

13

Figure 1. Spatial distribution of German land holdings in the Albury, Corowa, Hume, Urana and Wagga Wagga police districts.

Figure 2. Spatial distribution of German and non-German land holdings (in % of all land holdings per postal town) in the Albury, Corowa, Hume, Urana and Wagga Wagga police districts.

14 45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0 1–10 11–39 41-80 81-120 121-160 161-320 321-640 >640

German Selection 1866-71 German 1884 Census

Figure 3. Relative frequency of land holdings (by acreage) by selection 1866-1871 (n=169; Albury Land District) and in the 1885 census (N=260; Albury Police District).

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0 1–10 11–39 41-80 81-120 121-160 161-320 321-640 >640

German Non-German

Figure 4. Relative frequency of German (N=260) and non-German (N=2351) land holdings (by acreage) in the Albury, Corowa, Hume, Urana and Wagga Wagga police districts.

15 Table 1. German landholdings by postal towns. German Acreage in Average Holdings German PostTown nº Acreage (in %) Hand (%) Albury 57 45 17.07 3.08 1 90 2.63 0.22 Bullenbong 1 631 6.25 1.03 1 87 3.03 0.27 Coolamon 7 1190 7.78 4.92 Corowa 7 66 4.12 0.08 Corowa Township 3 0 11.11 0.12 Culcairn 1 336 7.69 0.44 1 0 3.23 0.00 Germantown 2 685 3.17 0.68 Gerogery 23 273 60.53 19.76 6 550 9.09 6.37 2 0 1.67 0.00 Jindera 57 547 53.77 31.32 North 1 50 8.33 0.12 Little Billabong 1 40 7.14 0.05 Mahonga 1 720 11.11 1.17 Moorwatha 12 585 32.43 21.05 2 291 18.18 2.01 The Rock 2 480 4.00 0.76 Thurgoona 7 60 38.89 15.98 Tumberumba 5 442 5.00 1.04 Urana 5 746 5.15 0.35 Wagga Wagga 12 270 2.86 0.38 Wagga Wagga North 1 57 9.09 5.25 Walbundrie 8 595 27.59 6.51 Walla Walla 28 455 73.68 18.40 Yambla 1 40 20.00 3.49 Yerong Creek 5 327 45.45 2.83 TOTAL 260 357 9.95 1.28

16 Table 2. Livestock in German hand (in %) by postal area. PostTown Horses Cattle Pigs Sheep Albury 14.11 11.75 15.74 0.02 Bowna 1.16 0.34 1.10 Bullenbong 11.25 1.02 Bungowannah 1.75 1.51 Coolamon 8.23 9.29 4.71 2.75 Corowa 1.44 0.28 2.53 0.05 Corowa Township 6.90 50.00 28.57 Culcairn 2.84 2.29 10.00 Daysdale 1.25 0.00 Germantown 6.24 2.55 9.59 0.47 Gerogery 59.11 64.35 64.21 1.71 Howlong 7.03 6.91 13.85 1.00 Jerilderie 0.75 0.09 3.94 Jindera 59.55 50.65 58.73 23.25 Junee North 5.48 0.00 4.27 0.47 Little Billabong 1.56 0.40 1.53 Mahonga 2.81 3.38 8.33 Moorwatha 30.00 39.45 47.57 7.95 Sandy Creek 9.91 7.59 85.23 0.00 The Rock 2.27 3.55 0.30 Thurgoona 24.77 16.58 31.91 Tumberumba 2.55 0.67 2.60 0.84 Urana 1.81 2.66 6.58 0.53 Wagga Wagga 1.47 1.22 3.04 0.33 Wagga Wagga North 1.85 13.56 26.21 Walbundrie 18.28 33.04 35.71 1.74 Walla Walla 67.71 77.25 84.62 10.94 Yambla 3.70 1.89 Yerong Creek 18.60 14.18 8.94

Table 3. Landholdings keeping horses, cattle, sheep and pigs (in % of each land class). Land Class (acres) 0 1-10 11-39 40-160 161-320 321-640 > 640 German Horses 96.8 87.5 100.0 95.0 100.0 98.2 95.6 Cattle 54.8 50.0 93.3 85.0 96.4 92.7 95.6 Sheep — — — 11.7 7.1 25.5 73.3 Pigs 25.8 37.5 66.7 66.7 75.0 85.5 75.6 N 31 8 15 60 28 55 45 Non-German Horses 93.1 92.9 93.2 98.3 97.6 99.0 97.4 Cattle 44.0 4.7 31.8 17.2 12.9 16.9 82.2 Sheep 3.2 1.2 4.5 5.4 20.1 39.1 79.9 Pigs 6.5 10.6 45.5 40.1 48.3 51.0 42.6 N 216 85 44 297 209 302 612

17 Table 4. Average number of livestock on German and non- German owned properties in December 1884. 0 1-10 11-39 40-160 161-320 321-640 > 640 German Horses 2.4 1.8 3.4 6.2 7.8 3.9 11.2 Cattle 3.6 3.9 4.9 13.4 15.1 7.0 16.4 Sheep — — — 22.1 73.2 8.5 637.5 Pigs 0.75 1.0 1.3 3.0 7.2 2.0 3.5

Non-German Horses 3.2 3.1 4.7 6.4 6.9 5.5 15.1 Cattle 2.5 3.4 5.3 11.8 15.7 6.9 51.6 Sheep — 0.9 0.1 36.7 130.3 7.1 4323.4 Pigs 0.7 0.6 2.3 2.8 4.7 2.1 2.6

Table 5. Composition of herds held by German and no-German landholders. German Non-German Cattle, Pigs & Sheep 18.1 18.1 Cattle & Pigs 65.0 34.8 Cattle & Sheep 21.2 3.4 Pigs & Sheep 18.5 19.5 Only horses 13.5 18.3 n 260 2351

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