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Proposals for a New World Governance Proposals for a New World Governance Working Paper for the International Workshop Biocivilization for the Sustainability of Life and the Planet in the run-up to the Rio+20 Conference Rio de Janeiro, 9 to 12 August 2011 Which architecture of power is needed, from the local to global level" Proposed b# the Foru for a New World Governance I – Introduction1 Processes active in the develop ent and e ergence of a new world governance • %he conte porar# for of an age&old question • Glo!alization re'uires an architecture that !oth incorporates and transcends the nation&state • %he urgent and co ple) nature of pro!le s is out of step with our governance echanis s • Factors pro oting and hindering the e ergence of a new world governance • A first and vital step: what sort of world societ# do we want" II – Proposals for a New World Governance +rganize multi-actor foru s b# sector, the ke#stone of effective world governance • For geopolitical groups at the regional level • -reate a world governance inde) • .et up an International Court for the Environ ent • Put together a volunteer world ar #, independent fro states and governed !# international law • Pro ote local industrial and service networks, connected to the regional and transnational levels via a syste of regional currencies 1 %his document draws on the work carried out by the world governance group of the French Rio120 collective. 2 / 12 The contemporary form of an age-old question How should we organize" How can we organize in a fair and sustaina!le anner" How can we govern effectivel#" These deceptivel# simple 'uestions have !een trou!ling philosophers, jurists and theologians since the dawn of time2 These are the 'uestions the people and their political leaders see, to answer, though it is true that the latter often co e up with different solutions to the for er2 Fro ancient Greece to Greater Persia, /ndia to the unified -hina and the A(tec and /nca e pires, to na e !ut a few, the 'uest to find the !est possible political organization for ed, and continues to for , the !asis of all deliberations on governance, particularl# on good governance2 Nonetheless, the huge !od# of wor, seeking to find the answer to a pro!le that defines the ver# essence of hu anit# has focused primaril# on the organization of closed, ostl# ho ogeneous societies. -losed off !# their !orders and the li its of their state apparatus, and ho ogeneous since societies tend to have a do inant culture, including ulticultural societies such as the +tto an and /nca e pires. /n odern de ocratic societies, this do inant culture, for an# #ears the culture of the Prince, is now the culture of the ajorit#2 6ong considered, wrongl# or rightl#, a factor of conflict, cultural and religious heterogeneit# was the ain target for the architects of histor#7s first transnational order, Westphalia, whose first rule was that the people had to take the sa e religion as the Prince2 Political philosoph# has al ost alwa#s set out a spatial limit* the cit#, kingdo , repu!lic or, ore recentl#, the nation2 %he onl# e)ceptions to the rule, such as Dante7s universal onarch# and Ho!!es' o nipotent repu!lic, were in fact super&states, a cit# architecture that these thinkers erel# transposed to the glo!al level2 The period fro the id&19th to the late 20th centuries arked the end of e pires and the e ergence then arrival of the nation&state2 %his period onl# strengthened the feeling that governance was funda entall# the preserve of the nation&state2 /n 1:;<, a vast cohort of diplo ats and jurists brought one of the most atrocious conflicts in histor# to an end and esta!lished a new governance for 0urope2 .ince then, nations have adopted a code of conduct that ore or less adheres to the Westphalian syste 2 This syste is now dead2 We need to ourn it and invent a new political order2 But to do so, we need to develop a proper understanding of the Westphalian syste , which can still serve as a guiding spirit toda#2 %he Peace of Westphalia was first and fore ost one of the ost successful conflict > / 12 resolutions in histor#, since it put an end to the religious wars that had !een poisoning 0urope for over a centur#2 =ut the Peace of Westphalia acco plished far ore* it put a stop to the church7s interference in affairs of state? it introduced a code of conduct for states !# esta!lishing an international law that has continued to e)pand ever since? it set out the limits to organized violence !# defining the legitimac# of the use of force and regulating the practice of war? it placed the issue of hu an rights at the centre of inter& state relations !# esta!lishing the principle of national sovereignt# and non&interference in countries' internal affairs; it protected as far as possible the integrit# of small states against the rapacit# of larger nations, and proposed a syste of counter!alancing forces designed to prevent the more a !itious states fro atte pting to seize power2 %he Westphalian syste !egan to fall apart in the late 1<th centur# and was in its death throes in the 20th and 21st2 @ainl# !ecause it was conceived for 0urope and not the entire world, for onarchies and not repu!lics, for a heterogeneous geopolitical and cultural syste 2 Nevertheless, the spirit of the Westphalian syste continues to guide us in our 'uest for a new world governance: the develop ent of international law, defence of hu an rights, li itation of violence and regulation of the use of force, search for lasting peace and esta!lish ent of opposition forces still underpin governance in the 21st centur#2 But just as the 19th centur#As !rea, fro the past called for a political revolution, the 21st centur#As world of glo!ali(ation, environ ental threats and the pro!le of ine'ualities and sustaina!ilit# needs fast and real change2 Toda#7s governance is planetar#, the world syste heterogeneous and diverse2 The nation&state, once capa!le of regulating just a!out ever#thing unaided, now needs to call on other actors with other skills. New opposition forces need to !e esta!lished, including those that prevent the a!use of new sources of power2 The defence of hu an rights needs to !e rethought, particularl# in ter s of the pro!le of interference and respect of national sovereignt#2 /n short, the death of the Westphalian syste should spar, a process of reflection* the process of esta!lishing a new world governance can onl# !enefit !# drawing on the Westphalian approach while shaking off the so etimes oppressive legac# of the past that, still toda#, prevents us fro oving forwards. Globalization requires an architecture that both incorporates and transcends the nation-state Parado)icall#, the fall of the final e pire, the .oviet Bnion, coincided with the e ergence of the idea, if not the necessit#, of for ulating a transnational governance* Cworld ; / 12 governanceD2 %he issue of war and peace has of course alwa#s triggered deliberations on relations !etween political entities, co onl# ter ed international relations, !ut such thinking has tended to sta# centred on the state2 Further ore, the first atte pt to go !e#ond traditional ethods for anaging international relations was state&!ased* the 6eague of Nations and its offspring, the Bnited Nations. These !odies co prised— and continue to co prise in the case of the UN— an association of states, which e)plains the limits inherent to their !asic structure2 The G8 and G20, whose original architecture dates !ac, to the 1970s, are also organized on a state !asis. %he# have a si pler architecture than the 6eague or UN and, although ore recent, a ore archaic philosoph#, since the# have turned fro the UN7s se i-de ocrac# to adopt an aristocratic political model2 Toda#7s ajor revolution, and it trul# is one, is rooted in two simultaneous and partiall# interconnected events2 The first is glo!alization2 Glo!ali(ation is not a new pheno enon, !ut !# the end of the 20th centur# reached a critical threshold where the various pheno ena that define and spring fro the glo!ali(ation process went far !e#ond states' powers to control the , particularl# since these states continue to function according to the national interest principle, including within the European Union2 %he second pheno enon initiall# e erged in the 1950s with the threat of nuclear catastrophe, then was given fresh i petus in the 1980s !# the first indicators of rapid and trou!ling environ ental da age2 The pheno enon is a growing awareness that the industrialization of the last two centuries, and all the acco pan#ing e)cesses, have led to a critical stage in histor# when hu ans are not onl# likel# to self&destruct as a species, !ut also to destro# the planet2 The urgent and complex nature of problems is out of step with our governance mechanisms Glo!alization and this growing awareness point to a harsh realit#* on the one hand, we are facing entirel# new, e)tre el# co ple) and urgent pro!le s, including igrations, financial crises and ecological im!alances; on the other hand, we do not have the governance echanis s we need to solve these pro!le s. %he 1992 Rio .u it and the su its that followed did, to an e)tent, respond to the first aspect !# setting out the nature of the pro!le and alerting hu anit# to the urgenc# of these issues, whilst identif#ing the syste aticall# and with precision2 E / 12 However, progress in ter s of governance has !een e)tre el# disappointing until now2 %he -openhagen .u it provides a striking e)a ple of how uch ground we still have to cover in this area and the urgent need to draw up plans for an effective and efficient world governance2 However, we ust not give up— 'uite the opposite2 The fact that a ajor eeting is !eing held twent# #ears after the first earth su it should be an ideal opportunit# for a frank and in&depth e)ploration of the issues of world governance, since it is trul# at the heart of the future of !oth the hu an race and the planet2 /f there is an# lesson to !e learnt fro the last twent# #ears, it is that, as things stand, we do not have the structures needed to tackle and solve all these currentl# converging pro!le s, pro!le s that leave us see ingl# powerless.
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