Disarmament and International Security Committee
Background Guide B
CAHSMUN XVII Letter from the Director
Dear Delegates,
My name is Madeline Kim and I have the utmost pleasure of serving as the Director of the Disarmament and International Security Committee at CAHSMUN 2021.
Currently, I am a sophomore at Crofton House School, and it will soon be three years since I first set foot into the captivating world of Model UN. While I spoke a grand total of once during my first conference, Model UN has not only allowed me to grow as a public speaker, but it has also gifted me a community that I can proudly call home. Looking back, I can confidently say that it was Model UN that first sparked my interest in global affairs, shaping me into the person I am today. The life lessons I have learned and the friendships I have gained through Model UN can only be described as invaluable. I sincerely hope that this upcoming iteration of CAHSMUN, and Model UN as a whole, will do just that for you.
Over the course of the conference, the topics that will be discussed are Targeting Illicit Arms Trade on the Dark Web and The Insurgency of Terrorism in Nigeria. Both topics are current issues that have been threatening the security and overall well-being of the international community, making it imperative that DISEC intervene. While the following backgrounder will supply plentiful resources and information for you to utilize at your discretion, it is highly suggested that you delve deeper into your research to further develop your argumentation.
As your Director, I look forward to an exciting weekend filled with diplomatic debate. If you have any questions or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact me via email at [email protected]. On behalf of the rest of your dais team, I would like to formally welcome you to DISEC at CAHSMUN 2021!
Sincerely, Madeline Kim DISEC Director — CAHSMUN 2021
Committee Description
The Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC), also known as the First Committee, was established in 1945 in accordance with Chapter IV of the United Nations Charter. The original purpose of the committee was to ease the various political tensions and security threats that had arisen following the events in Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the end of the Second World War.1 Since then, the nature of DISEC’s mandate has undergone a variety of alterations and adjustments. Currently, DISEC’s primary goal is to address issues and conflicts hindering global peace efforts and threatening the stability of the global community. To accomplish this, the committee works to formulate solutions that counteract challenges to international security. DISEC considers all disarmament and international security matters within the Charter’s scope, and it operates in alignment with the general principles of cooperation in the maintenance of international peace and security.2
Although DISEC’s 193 member states have the power to discuss any threats to international security, the committee cannot pass any legally binding resolutions, impose sanctions, or directly intervene in conflicts abroad.3 In other words, resolutions passed by DISEC can only take the form of recommendations. Despite this, DISEC has two distinct powers. The first of these powers is the committee’s ability to pass resolutions to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to be further discussed and evaluated. In a sense, this allows DISEC to directly influence what may become binding international law. The second of these powers, under the Uniting for Peace Resolution passed in 1950, mandates that DISEC has permission to take action if the Security Council fails to pass a resolution as a result of a veto. Furthermore, in the case of an immediate threat to international security, the Secretary- General is required to grant an Emergency Special Session on the given topic if a majority of DISEC member states request it.4
Topic Overview
The rise of terrorism poses a disorienting and dangerous threat to international social, political, and economic stability. The often tumultuous political and economic circumstances of the countries where terrorist attacks often take place contribute to the issue at hand. This is further accompanied by deep-rooted cultural and religious factors that may impact the way in
1 https://www.un.org/en/ga/first/ 2 Ibid. 3 http://www.reachingcriticalwill.org/disarmament-fora/unga 4 https://www.un.org/en/ga/sessions/emergency.shtml which a community views and deals with terrorism as a whole; all of these circumstances only exacerbate the problems faced in combating terrorism across the globe. In the years following the tragic events of 9/11 in the United States and the subsequent rise of the Islamic State (ISIS), global international politics have been disproportionately focused on terrorism originating from and in the Middle East, primarily in Afghanistan and Iraq. As a result, rising threats of terrorism in Africa have been neglected, overshadowed by the calamities plaguing the Middle East.5 Terrorist insurgents and war criminals have proliferated in Africa for the last decade, leaving devastating humanitarian crises in their wake.
Such is the case in Nigeria, where the violent activities of groups such as Boko Haram in the North, as well as various Niger Delta militants in the South, are endangering national political stability and the wellbeing of Nigerian citizens. The Nigerian Army has been fighting a slow and gainless war against these groups for years, but historically poor economic conditions within the country and widespread corruption have forced this battle to remain at a stalemate. Furthermore, continuous terrorist attacks have negatively impacted the national economy and infrastructure. As a result, social development and economic growth in Nigeria have slowed even further in recent years, ensnaring the nation in a deadly cycle of corruption and terror.6 DISEC must examine the environment in which terrorism is allowed to grow and fester in Nigeria and subsequently combat terrorism, minimize its impact, and eventually eradicate the violence plaguing the nation.
Timeline
May 25, 1963 — The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) is established in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Nigeria is one of the original 32 signatory governments. The OAU aims to encourage political and economic integration among member states, as well as pursue self- determination for all African nations.7
July 1, 1999 — The OAU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism is adopted by all member states of the OAU. The Convention requires that nations criminalize terrorist acts under national laws.8
5 https://www.economist.com/leaders/2019/05/02/the-west-is-fighting-a-forgotten-war-against-jihadists-in-africa 6 https://www.umes.edu/uploadedFiles/_WEBSITES/AJCJS/Content/VOL9.%20IMHONOPI%20%20FINAL.pdf 7 https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/organisation-african-unity-oau 8https://au.int/sites/default/files/treaties/37289-treaty-0020_- _oau_convention_on_the_prevention_and_combating_of_terrorism_e.pdf July 2002 — The African Union (AU) is officially launched in Durban, South Africa, following a decision in September 1999 by its predecessor, the OAU, to create a new continental organization to build upon its work.9
2002 — The African Union Plan of Action on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism is implemented by the newly established AU. It aims to strengthen the existing commitments and obligations of member states, such as the 1999 OAU Convention. The Action Plan seeks to further strengthen aspects such as border control, legislative preventative measures, and the exchange of information between member states.10
2002 — Boko Haram is founded and led by Mohammed Yusuf, with the ultimate goal of “purifying Islam in northern Nigeria.” While the group’s actions are nonviolent at first, the group soon turns to more drastic measures, endangering the wellbeing of Nigeria and its citizens.11
2004 — The African Center for the Study and Research on Terrorism (ACSRT) is inaugurated and headquartered in Algiers, Algeria, as a structure of the African Union Commission in conformity with the 1999 OAU Convention. The mission of the ACSRT is to research and study terrorism within Africa and develop operational and training mechanisms to combat it.12
2005 — Former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan creates the United Nations Counter- Terrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF) to ensure that all terrorism units in the UN work collaboratively and efficiently. The CTITF has previously conducted visits to Nigeria to identify gaps in counterterrorism assistance delivery and to develop plans of action.13
2006 — Militant groups such as the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and the Niger Delta Volunteer Force (NDVF) increase the aggression of their attacks across the Niger Delta region. Most notably, MEND kidnaps a group of foreign oil workers in Nigeria causing international oil prices to soar. The militant groups aim to slow oil
9 https://www.usaid.gov/african-union/history 10https://www.unodc.org/e4j/en/terrorism/module-5/key-issues/african- region.html#:~:text=The%20principal%20instrument%20against%20terrorism,as%20defined%20in%20the%20Con vention. 11 https://www.britannica.com/topic/Boko-Haram 12 http://caert.org.dz/About%20us.pdf 13 https://www.ipinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/pdfs_terrorism-directory_3-CTITF-AlQaida.pdf production in the region and expose the environmental degradation and exploitation of the Niger Delta’s people.14
September 8, 2006 — The UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy is adopted by consensus. Its adoption is the first time all UN Member States agree to a common strategic and operational approach to fighting terrorism across the globe. The UN General Assembly also reviews the document every two years in order to make sure it stays updated on transnational counter-terrorism priorities.15
July 2009 — The first significant Boko Haram uprising begins in Bauchi and spreads to the states of Borno, Kano, and Yobe, resulting in over 1000 deaths. The conflict peaks at the city of Maiduguri with an estimated 700 deaths in the city alone. A military task force responds, capturing Boko Haram’s leader and leaving more than 700 members dead. Mohammed Yusuf—Boko Haram’s leader—dies in police custody, sparking outrage among members of the militant group.16
January 2012 — A faction of Boko Haram becomes independent under the name of Ansaru. The new group’s beliefs are closely aligned to that of al-Qaeda, vowing to restore the "dignity of Muslims in Black Africa" and engaging in violent activities to act upon this desire.17
April 14, 2014 — Boko Haram militants kidnap 276 adolescent girls from a Christian secondary boarding school in Chibok, Borno. The kidnapping attracts international attention and a social media campaign coined #BringBackOurGirls quickly gains traction. To this day, many of the girls are still missing.18
Historical Analysis
Terrorist activity in Nigeria has been mainly characterized by Boko Haram’s reign in the North and a variety of Niger Delta militant groups in the South over the past couple of decades. While these two groups have entirely different motives for their actions, general discontent with the government has been a common theme. Whether that be Boko Haram’s
14 https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-11467394 15https://www.un.org/counterterrorism/un-global-counter-terrorism- strategy#:~:text=The%20UN%20Global%20Counter%2DTerrorism,operational%20approach%20to%20fighting%2 0terrorism. 16 https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/000203971004500205 17 https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-21510767 18 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/04/nigeria-chibok-school-girls-years-112-missing-190413192517739.html disdain for the globalization of Nigeria or the growing anger around the impacts of the Niger Delta’s oil industry, these movements have a reason behind their violent actions. To fully understand the reasons behind the insurgency of terrorism in Nigeria, we must first study the nation’s political history that has attributed to the high rates of civil unrest.
On January 1, 1914, Nigeria as an independent nation was formed by colonial powers, consisting of two previously separate Northern and Southern regions.19 The people of the two regions first united as a means to advocate for their independence from British rule. However, after Nigeria won its independence in the 1960s, tensions mounted once again as differences in regional identities were rediscovered. The North predominantly consisted of Muslims, while the South primarily consisted of Christians; given the religious and social divide, the regions stubbornly maintained their ethnic, religious, and cultural attributes, threatening the political stability of the nation. Although the established Independence Constitution emphasized the civil rights of the people and adopted a federal structure aiming to provide representation of each region, challenges to national unity began to emerge on a regional level.20 The power struggles among different ethnic and religious groups inevitably turned into bouts of violence and unrest.
The growing ethnic-based violence led to the end of the first civilian rule through a military coup in 1966, which was followed by a counter-coup that resulted in a civil war between 1967 and 1970.21 By 1979, the country returned to civilian rule and a new constitution was adopted once again, recognizing the rights to life, liberty, and human dignity. However, another military coup took place in the 1980s and resulted in a military rule that held fast until 1999. When President Olusegun Obasanjo rose to power in 1999, he promised to establish democracy and promote unity within Nigeria.22 However, some marginalized ethnic groups did not support the newly established administration and became involved in criminal activities, such as the illicit flow of money, arms, and drugs; this would later develop into terrorist activity. Moreover, from 1999 to 2001, 12 northern states adopted Sharia law—a completely different judicial system from the rest of the country.23 Tensions between ethnic groups and the Nigerian government continued to grow over the next decade, leading to groups such as Boko Haram gaining traction in the North and blaming Western influences for political instability. Boko Haram has since expressed its wishes to create an independent Islamic state within Nigeria and implement Sharia law nationally. As well, Boko Haram
19 https://www.britannica.com/topic/Boko-Haram 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23 https://www.dw.com/en/nigeria-looks-back-on-20-years-of-sharia-law-in-the-north/a-51010292 operates under Jihadist beliefs, which essentially outline the need for violence and struggle to restore religious values.24 Evidently, the insurgency of terrorism in Nigeria has its roots in the nation’s long-standing political struggle and ethnic differences.
However, there are other factors behind the current political violence and terrorism that also need to be understood. Circumstances such as the political and economic corruption present in Nigeria not only led to government inaction, but also contributed to rising civil unrest. In the South, government corruption has a direct impact on the Niger Delta’s oil industry and the subsequent rise of Niger Delta militant groups. For example, Sani Abacha, Nigeria’s military head of state from 1993 to 1998, regularly accepted bribes from foreign companies for licenses to exploit the oil resources in the Niger Delta.25 In addition, although the current president Muhammadu Buhari was elected in 2015 in hopes of bringing corruption under control, his term as president has been largely regarded as a failure, since Buhari himself has been accused of perpetuating government corruption. In particular, the president still has the executive power to appoint any officials to the federal government without legislative approval.26 Given that Buhari has the ability to manipulate who makes up the government in order to maintain absolute power, the governmental system as a whole is still fundamentally corrupt. As a result, legislative progress continues to be extremely slow, and unrest among the populace continues to simmer due to the continued exploitation of the Niger Delta. Militant groups such as the MEND and the NDVF—which were formed in response to the mass environmental degradation and human rights abuses in the Niger Delta—are still active, despite Buhari’s promises for transparency, suggesting that substantial governmental reform is needed to resolve the insurgency of terrorism in the South.27 Moreover, corruption actively harms the government’s ability to effectively combat terrorism. Since 2014, senior soldiers, military leaders, and government officials have seen the war budget as a means for the elite to draw money for personal gains. There are also examples of counter-terrorism funds stolen by the national security adviser, as well as cases of war money and funds stolen by service chiefs.28 As a result, delegates must acknowledge the historical factors of ethnic struggles and widespread corruption present in both the North and South of Nigeria in order to put an end to the reign of terrorism.
24 https://www.britannica.com/topic/Boko-Haram 25https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1998/06/09/corruption-flourished-in-abachas-regime/a995b277- 125d-4837-91e0-176197443b9d/ 26https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/11/nigeria-election-mr-honesty-muhammadu-buhari-tainted-by- failure-to-tackle-corruption 27 Ibid. 28 https://theconversation.com/why-terrorism-continues-in-nigeria-and-how-to-turn-the-tide-143479 Current Situation
Niger Delta Militant Groups The Niger Delta militant groups are characterized by a score of domestic terrorist movements in the South of Nigeria; these groups were most prominent from 2006 to 2009. Such groups include but are not limited to MEND, NDPVF, and NDVF.29 Their original activities initially began as protests and riots, which were primarily sparked by the government’s insensitivity to public complaints following a crackdown on law and order in the late 1990s. However, over the next decade, these actions escalated into a more sophisticated form of violence, such as kidnapping both international and domestic oil workers, destroying oil facilities, and seizing control of the oil resources in the region.30 Despite terrorizing the country, most Niger Delta Militant groups have justified their activity as a call to the government to recognize and address the injustices plaguing the region. As well, militant groups in the Niger Delta also have the support of many local communities, with young individuals identifying with their mission and joining their ranks. Indeed, the government and foreign companies continue to neglect oil spills that have ruined livelihoods and caused illnesses within the populace, thus causing a widespread disdain for the government throughout the region.
Oil Industry The rising instances of such violence have had a drastic and negative impact on crude oil production in the region. According to a government report, fifty attacks on oil installations and rampant crude theft resulted in the state and oil companies losing at least USD 23.7 billion in 2008 and reducing produced oil barrels to a mere 700,000 per day.31 Furthermore, Nigeria’s oil and gas industry makes up a significant amount of the government’s revenue, and is generally the most sought-after employment sector in the nation.32 Many citizens in Nigeria are employed by prominent oil and gas firms, such as Shell, Chevron, and Exxon Mobil, and rely on this industry for their livelihood. In addition, as stated by the U.S. Energy Information Administration, “Security concerns [around terrorist attacks] have led some oil services firms to pull out of the country and oil workers’ unions to threaten strikes over security issues.”33 Consequently, Nigeria’s overreliance on the oil industry and subsequent lack of economic diversification mean terrorist attacks have crippling effects on not only the global economy,
29 https://www.cfr.org/sites/default/files/pdf/2009/09/CFR_WorkingPaper_2_NigerDelta.pdf 30 Ibid. 31https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-02-02/ex-nigerian-militant-boyloaf-says-oil-amnesty-is-price-of- peace#:~:text=The%20enrollment%20of%20about%2030%2C000,currently%20about%2065%20billion%20naira. 32 https://www.futurelearn.com/info/blog/biggest-employment-industries-in-nigeria 33 https://www.eia.gov/international/content/analysis/countries_long/Nigeria/nigeria.pdf but also the lives of local citizens whose main sources of income are dependent on this industry.
Environmental Degradation While the oil industry is booming in the South, many rural citizens who reside in the areas most affected by the exploitation of oil still rely on the agriculture industry to survive. However, in recent years, the region has seen mass environmental degradation, such as oil spillages, flooding, land subsistence, and earth tremors, as a result of the oil industry’s growth. These activities have destroyed the ecological balance in the region, resulting in massive damage to crops and causing food insecurity and widespread poverty.34 As such, these environmental disasters have been one of the main driving forces behind the terrorist actions of the militant groups, who accuse the government and international oil companies, such as Shell, of benefitting from the resources while neglecting the region’s communities. In fact, while many natives have joined the Niger Delta militant groups because of their outrage at the government’s negligence, others have joined simply as a means of escape from crippling poverty. On the other hand, however, many native citizens of the Niger Delta make their living working for oil corporations—thus suggesting a division in beliefs, even in the local communities.
Community Safety In 2009, the Niger Delta region saw a significant decrease in militant activity due to the implementation of the Presidential Amnesty Program (PAP). The program provided over 30,000 members of Niger Delta militant groups with a state pardon, education, and monthly cash transfers in exchange for the surrender of their weapons.35 The PAP aimed to establish a sense of security in the region and reintegrate as many militants as possible back into civilian life. A study conducted three years after the implementation of the program stated that violence had dropped significantly and crude oil production had risen back up to 2.6 million barrels per day.36 Seeing this success, the program’s original end date of December 2015 has been extended numerous times.37 However, the fragile sense of peace the PAP brought to the Niger Delta region has come with a heavy cost and increasingly subpar results. The Nigerian government has spent an annual average of USD 500 million just to sustain the program, and
34 Ibid. 35 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/opec.12168 36https://www.researchgate.net/publication/299561024_The_Federal_Government's_Amnesty_Programme_in_the_ Niger_Delta_An_Appraisal 37 Ibid. has considered ending it multiple times over the past decade.38 Moreover, in 2016, violence rose yet again, following a national budget cut on the PAP. Although the violence today is nowhere near what was recorded in the mid to late 2000s, militant groups still pose a significant threat to regional stability, the national economy, and the safety of communities across the Niger Delta.
Boko Haram
Dominating the North of Nigeria since 2009, Boko Haram first began its rapid expansion following the decrease of activity from Niger Delta militant groups.39 The name “Boko Haram” roughly translates to “Western education is forbidden,” which ultimately characterizes the group’s motives.40 The founder of Boko Haram, Mohammed Yusuf, strongly criticized the process of globalization in Nigeria, stating that “Western-style education is mixed with issues that run contrary to our belief in Islam.”41 Currently, the group has been split into three main factions: one remains peaceful and welcomes an end to widespread violence, the second wants a governmental peace agreement, and the third refuses to negotiate and wishes to implement strict Sharia law across Nigeria.42 Previously, there were four factions, but the fourth split from Boko Haram in 2012 under the name of Ansaru. While Ansaru’s beliefs are more closely aligned with al-Qaeda—that is, Ansaru has vowed to restore "dignity of Muslims in black Africa”— the group partakes in similar acts of violence and operates with the same motives as Boko Haram.43 The division into different factions has also complicated attempts to solve the issue peacefully, as the government finds it difficult to grapple with each faction’s unique motives and demands.44 Nevertheless, as a whole, Boko Haram has continued its campaign of attacks, bombings, and kidnappings since 2009. Notably, the 2014 kidnapping of 276 Chibok schoolgirls attracted substantial international attention and efforts continue today to locate the girls who are still missing.45 Similar to the Niger Delta militant groups, Boko Haram justifies their actions as a sort of violent activism that creates public awareness of the unfair policies and corruption of the government which, Boko Haram claims, has made the North the most impoverished and underdeveloped part of the country.
38https://studies.aljazeera.net/en/reports/2016/06/resurgence-militancy-nigerias-oil-rich-niger-delta-dangers- militarisation-160608065729726.html 39 https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2014/05/06/explaining-the-emergence-of-boko-haram/ 40 Ibid. 41 https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.3.1.144 42 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/326316771_Factional_Dynamics_within_Boko_Haram 43 https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-21510767 44 Ibid. 45 Ibid. Humanitarian Crisis
However, the fact remains that the impacts of these terrorist acts are most strongly felt by the citizens of Nigeria, not its government. The area in which Boko Haram is most active is home to at least 30 million people, and Boko Haram-related violence has caused a humanitarian crisis around the Lake Chad Basin region.46 As of 2016, it was estimated that 5.6 million citizens required food-related aid and 2.8 million citizens were displaced in the region due to the violence.47 Most displaced citizens have been accepted by a range of host communities across the country; however, many live in government-funded camps that are overcrowded and kept in poor conditions. Moreover, a vast majority of displaced Nigerians have fled to the city of Maiduguri in Borno. However, Maiduguri continues to be subject to attacks and bombings, despite an increased presence of the Nigerian Army. The crisis has moved beyond Nigeria’s borders as well. As of 2017, roughly 206,000 Nigerians were displaced in Cameroon, Niger, and Chad.48 This has also led to Boko Haram’s expansion into the aforementioned nations, making it imperative that the international community intervenes before the group is allowed to continue a global expansion.
Exploitation of Children Unfortunately, the group has also turned to the use of children to bolster their attacks. In order to sustain its insurgency for over a decade, Boko Haram has often had to compensate for its logistical deficiencies and weaknesses. The group has done this by exploiting children to fill in the gaps of their forces and subjecting them to cruel punishment and abuse. Young teenage boys have been used as soldiers, and some children are also being used for suicide bombings. Additionally, there have been overwhelming cases of adolescent girls and young women being raped and impregnated by group members.49 In recent years, Boko Haram has led an abduction campaign that has forced thousands of young children into their ranks. With that said, the abhorrent ignorance of children’s rights is found on both sides of the fight. Many local and government militias that have played a key role in combating Boko Haram have also utilized children in their operations.50 Additionally, there have also been reports of Nigerian security forces and members of the Nigerian Army raping and abusing girls that have been freed from Boko Haram, suggesting that the abuse of children must be addressed at
46 https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R43558.pdf 47 Ibid. 48http://reporting.unhcr.org/sites/default/files/UNHCR%20Regional%20Update%20- %20Nigeria%20Situation%20- %20November%202017.pdf#_ga=2.92805661.1898583912.1517071586-1001581016.1501675973 49 https://www.unicef.org/wcaro/nigeriaregionalcrisis/UNICEF_Silent_shame.pdf 50 Ibid. a broader level. Cases of rape, sexual violence, and exploitation have additionally been reported in multiple government camps in Borno.51
UN/International Involvement
The OAU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism The OAU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism was adopted on July 1, 1999 and entered into force on December 6, 2002.52 The Convention requires that member states of the OAU—which include Nigeria—criminalize terrorist acts under their national laws as defined in the Convention. The Convention additionally marks the first major comprehensive legislative approach to addressing the rise of terrorism in Africa. It defines areas of cooperation among countries, establishes state jurisdiction over terrorist acts, and provides a legal framework for extradition, extra-territorial investigations, and mutual legal assistance. Nigeria has both signed and ratified the Convention.53 Overall, the Convention is still a major pillar of peace and security in Africa, and it acts as the groundwork for the enactment of future national counter-terrorism measures as well.
The AU Plan of Action on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism Following the formation of the African Union, the AU Plan of Action on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism was established. The plan aims to strengthen the existing commitments of countries including the implementation and enforcement of the 1999 OAU Convention. The Action Plan calls on member states to enhance their border control capability, update and harmonize legal systems, finalize African extradition, suppress the financing of terrorism, and enhance the exchange of information and intelligence relating to terrorism.54 Under this plan, the Commission of the AU monitored the plan’s implementation, and established the African Center for the Study and Research on Terrorism (ACSRT) to research and analyze the situation in Africa in order to better equip nations in ending terrorist activity.55
51 https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/08/world/africa/boko-haram-nigeria-security-forcesrape.html 52https://www.unodc.org/e4j/en/terrorism/module-5/key-issues/african- region.html#:~:text=The%20principal%20instrument%20against%20terrorism,as%20defined%20in%20the%20Con vention. 53 Ibid. 54 https://www.un.org/sc/ctc/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/nairobi_africanunion.pdf 55 Ibid. The UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy
The General Assembly adopted the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy on September 8, 2006. The Strategy is comprised of four main pillars which include: measures to address the conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism, measures to prevent and combat terrorism, measures to build states’ capacity to prevent and combat terrorism and to strengthen the role of the United Nations system in that regard, as well as measures to ensure respect for human rights for all and the rule of law as the fundamental basis for the fight against terrorism.56 In contrast to previous efforts that merely improved reactive responses to terrorist attacks, this document outlines the importance of international preventative strategies to combat terrorism. To this day, the General Assembly reviews the document biennially in order to ensure the strategy stays up-to-date on global priorities.57
The United Nations Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF)
The CTITF is currently the main body that the UN relies on to implement counter-terrorism measures in most regions across the globe; it was established in 2005 and was endorsed as part of the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy in 2006.58 The mandate of the CTITF is to strengthen the coordination and coherence of United Nations counter-terrorism efforts.59 However, this single entity alone has not been able to fight terrorism efficiently in countries such as Nigeria, primarily as a result of inadequate resources, corruption in local government, and the subsequent inability to implement UN mandates.60
Possible Solutions
International Cooperation One potential solution would be to increase overall international involvement in the measures implemented to combat terrorism in Nigeria. Given that the Nigerian government has been unable to eradicate terrorism for numerous decades due to underlying issues such as corruption and a lack of funds, it may be necessary for foreign countries to increase their intervention. This solution could look like foreign military presence, sale of arms to the Nigerian government, funding, or humanitarian aid. Additionally, another form of international cooperation could be enforcing stricter legislation on international oil
56 https://www.un.org/victimsofterrorism/en/about/ctitf 57 Ibid. 58 https://www.un.org/counterterrorism/ctitf/ 59 Ibid. 60 Ibid. companies in order to put an end to the environmental degradation and human rights abuses of locals in the region. However, these are all only plausible under the assumption that Nigeria would welcome foreign intervention; aspects of this solution, such as the presence of military organizations from international bodies, may end up causing more harm than good if implemented brashly. Especially in the case of Boko Haram, an expansion of Western intervention may only further provoke the group and increase instances of violence. To pursue this solution, delegates must also stay wary of foreign policy and historic tensions, and should refrain from infringing on Nigeria’s national sovereignty, as doing so may simply exacerbate the problem.
Military Intervention In the past, Nigeria’s counter-terrorism measures have been primarily through the usage of both domestic and transnational military and police intervention. Such intervention has generally included the use of security agencies who crack down on terrorist group members, stop and search operations, the imposition of curfews, and the declaration of a state of emergency in regions targeted by terrorist activities.61 This approach acts as a form of punishment and potentially drives off future terrorist activity. Previously, this approach has looked like massive military crackdowns on Niger Delta militant groups in 2008 and a joint Nigerian-Chadian military operation driving Boko Haram out of the Nigerian town of Damasak in 2015.62 Military intervention also ties in international intervention, as delegates may choose to pursue this solution by developing, supplying, or funding Nigeria’s military. However, it should be noted that these past military efforts have been accompanied by many downfalls. Firstly, military intervention fails to deal with the root of the issue and thus often results in only a temporary reduction in violence. Military crackdowns have further only entrenched the cycles of violence; terrorist groups often only escalate the severity of their attacks in response—and such was the case in 2009. Following the 2008 military crackdown, MEND destroyed several oil pipelines, and militants attacked a civilian helicopter for the first time.63 Additionally, since military intervention will always result in an increase in violence, harsh counterterrorism measures can also result in humanitarian disasters for communities. Given that the North of Nigeria is already plagued with violence from Boko Haram and the South has slowly deteriorated as a result of the failing agriculture industry, an emphasis must be placed on the safety and wellbeing of Nigerian citizens.
61https://www.researchgate.net/publication/289506990_Analysis_of_the_Economics_of_Terrorism_in_Nigeria_Bok o_Haram_and_Movement_for_Emancipation_of_the_Niger_Delta_in_Perspective#pf48 62 https://www.cnn.com/2014/06/09/world/boko-haram-fast-facts/index.html 63 https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/fr/node/245925 Addressing Internal Issues
Given that terrorism in Nigeria is rooted in dissatisfaction with the government, delegates may choose to address the internal root issues behind the widespread civil unrest. Historically, the Nigerian government has been unable to exercise full control over all regions within its national borders, particularly when combating terrorist groups in both the North and South. Factors such as political corruption and human rights violations not only spark terrorist activity, but also perpetuate it as an increasing number of dissatisfied citizens join the ranks of terrorist groups. Thus, a solution to this cycle would be prompting the Nigerian government to invest in programs, such as oil spill clean ups or clean water initiatives, that would improve the wellbeing of its citizens. Legislative reform will also be a necessary aspect to crackdown on corruption, increase transparency within the government to implement such programs, and ensure that more funding is diverted towards combating these militant groups. Additionally, it is important to address the root causes of why many citizens join these militant groups in the first place. Food insecurity, environmental degradation in the Niger Delta, and poverty have made many individuals join terrorist organizations out of anger or even as a mechanism of survival. While governmental reform cannot guarantee that militant groups will be appeased and refrain from further violent activity, it is highly likely that internal government reform can prevent the emergence of future groups and reduce public support of current groups. However, this solution is difficult to implement as the corruption starts from the president itself, and corrupt policies are deeply rooted in Nigeria’s political climate. Nevertheless, it is of the utmost importance that the committee ensures that democracy stays intact within Nigeria.
Addressing Environmental Damage The environmental damage in Nigeria is severe, with the U.S. Energy Information Administration stating that “poorly maintained, aging pipelines and pipeline sabotage from oil theft have caused oil spills… [resulting] in land, air, and water pollution, severely affecting surrounding villages.”64 A potential solution to the issues around environmental pollution could be implementing stricter regulations for the oil and gas industry, such as harsher industrial waste management standards and caps on carbon emissions. Furthermore, as stated above, programs such as oil spill clean ups or clean water initiatives are critical to ensuring the health and wellness of local villages and citizens. While this solution could certainly improve the state of the environment, the Nigerian government may be hesitant to agree with these restrictions, given its economic dependency on oil exports. However, addressing the
64 https://www.eia.gov/international/content/analysis/countries_long/Nigeria/nigeria.pdf environmental degradation in Nigeria is certainly the first step to appeasing the Niger Delta terrorist groups, and it plays a key role in improving the country’s living standards overall.
Bloc Positions
Nigeria Intuitively, Nigeria plays the largest role in combating terrorism within its borders. However, the federal government has been unable to effectively resolve its internal issues for the past couple of decades. Factors such as widespread corruption and cultural limitations have prevented Nigeria from implementing strong counter-terrorism measures. Thus, militant groups and terrorism as a whole have prevailed throughout the nation, negatively impacting the economy, national politics, and the safety of Nigeria’s citizens. As a result of these consistently inadequate responses, terrorism within Nigeria has only continued to escalate, impacting nations across the globe. For these reasons, it is imperative that Nigeria prioritizes collaboration with the rest of the committee in order to bolster its national response. Currently, Nigeria has placed an emphasis on military intervention; however, other solutions should be explored as well to prevent further destabilization.
Neighbouring Countries to Nigeria While Boko Haram is most active in Nigeria, the group’s violence has had an increasingly drastic impact on the nations in close proximity. Namely, these nations include Benin, Chad, Cameroon, and Niger. Over the past decade, Boko Haram has been able to expand past Nigeria’s borders and into these countries. As such, it is a top priority for all of these states to address the group’s violent tactics. All of these countries have previously collaborated with Nigeria on the topic at hand; a summit took place in 2014 between the presidents of these 4 countries and Nigeria, in which an agreement was reached to combat Boko Haram on a coordinated basis.65 However, despite the countries’ best efforts, Boko Haram continues to pose a threat to Nigeria and its neighbouring countries. This bloc will find it in their best interest to continue collaborative efforts with Nigeria and the rest of the international community in order to effectively put an end to Boko Haram as a whole. These countries will be the most focused on keeping the threat of terrorism outside of their borders; thus, they would consider military intervention as a viable option.
65 https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-27451966 United States and Europe
By official foreign policy, the United States and its NATO allies unite in a strong stance against terrorist activity, engaging in counter-terrorism measures both at home and across the globe. The US, specifically, has made a clear effort to invest money and manpower into combating terrorism that is threatening Africa and the rest of the world, especially after the 9/11 attacks. However, this anti-terrorism stance has made the US and the rest of Europe a consistent target for retributive terrorist attacks, since Boko Haram and other Jihadist organizations feed off anti-Western sentiments to justify their violence. Additionally, insecurity in the Niger Delta is of high interest for these countries. It is in the United States’ best interest to improve its energy security and reduce the flow of arms and illicit oil and money transfers stemming from Nigeria. A stable Niger Delta region producing a consistent supply of oil would also help to moderate global oil pricing. For these reasons, it is imperative that the United States and European nations offer Nigeria as much help as is needed to combat militants in both the North and South. Although these countries have a large arsenal at their disposal, it would be in their best interest to pursue international cooperation as a means to protect their oil supply.
China, India, and Russia All three of these countries have historically contributed to the fight against global terrorism. More specifically, they have all collaborated with Nigeria and its surrounding countries in their attempts to eradicate the presence of Boko Haram. In Lagos, in 2014, Premier Li Keqiang of China promised to provide “any useful information acquired by China’s satellites and intelligence services” to assist Nigeria in the fight against Boko Haram.66 Moreover, Russia has consistently supplied arms to Nigeria’s federal government to help combat Boko Haram in the North of Nigeria.67 Outside of Nigeria, Cameroon has asked for additional help from India to help keep its borders secure.68 While NATO members are the most upfront contributors to counter-terrorism efforts across the globe, these global economic powers should play a large role in committee as well, especially in efforts against Boko Haram since the group has a significant international presence. Generally speaking, these countries would also support the incentivization of diplomacy as they have significant investments in Nigeria’s oil sector.
66https://ecfr.eu/wp-content/uploads/ECFR_193_- _TERROR_OVERSEAS_UNDERSTANDING_CHINAS_EVOLVING_COUNTER_TERROR_STRATEGY.pdf 67 http://www.fahamu.org/ep_articles/how-russian-arms-are-helping-nigeria-fight-boko-haram/ 68https://www.business-standard.com/article/news-ians/cameroon-seeks-india-s-help-in-fight-against-boko-haram- 115102701502_1.html Discussion Questions
1. What is the principal and underlying reason behind the persistent nature of terrorism in Nigeria? 2. How has the presence of terrorist groups impacted the Nigerian economy and local communities? Has their presence helped to curb environmental pollution and degradation? 3. What methods of intervention are available and acceptable for Nigeria and its neighbouring countries in regards to distributing aid and military support? 4. How is the UN able to provide these forms of intervention and aid, while remaining conscious of Nigeria’s national sovereignty? 5. How will the UN prevent future uprisings in Nigeria? Can these tactics be broad enough to be applied to future terrorist threats as well? 6. What are the motives of these terrorist organizations and how are they relevant when constructing resolutions?
Additional Sources/Works Cited
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