ECONOMIC CHANGE in NORTH-EAST LANCASHIRE, C. 1660-1760

ECONOMIC CHANGE IN NORTH-EAST LANCASHIRE, c. 1660-1760

Suzanne Schwarz

During his tra\'els throughout Britain in the third decade of the eighteenth century, Daniel Defoe developed a strong sense of the widespread, and often conflicting, impact of economic change. He described how:

The fate of things gives a new face to things, produces changes in low life, and innumerable incidents; plants and supplants families, raises and sinks towns, removes manufactures and trades; great towns decay and small towns rise; new towns, new palaces, new seats are built every day; great rivers and good harbours dry up, and grow useless; again new ports are opened, brooks are made rivers, small rivers navigable, ports and harbours are made where none were before, and the like. Several towns, which antiquity speaks of as considerable, are now lost and swallowed up by the sea, as Dumvich in Suffolk for one; and others, which antiquity knew nothing of, are now grown considerable. In a word, new matter otters to new observation, and they who write next, may perhaps find as much room for enlarging upon us, as we do upon those that have gone before.

Defoe's view of the country indicates that diversification and development were characteristic features of the economic structure in the early eighteenth century, trends which are amply demonstrated in his observations on Lancashire. His work highlights regional variations in the pace and progress of economic change, not just along the expected north-south 48 Suzanne Schwarz

divide but also within the confines of a county like Lancashire.' In many ways Defoe's Tour highlights the limitations of using the aggregate national estimates in Gregory King's 'Scheme of the Income and Expense of the Several Families of England calculated for the year 1688' to determine the features of the early modern economy. King's 'Scheme' provides a photographic glimpse of the economy and society of the whole country and so gives little recognition to the variations in regional development and change identified by Defoe. Furthermore, it has been criticized by Lindert and Williamson for overestimating the importance of agriculture and underestimating the extent of trade and industry in late seventeenth-century England and Wales. 2 This paper aims to elucidate the extent and nature of rural industrialization in the late seventeenth and early- eighteenth century through a study of occupational change in Lancashire. Using evidence derived from the north eastern part of the county in the period 1660-1760, it is based on the belief that a better understanding of the early modern economy can be achieved through the accumulation of a representative group of local studies rather than through the generalized, and seemingly inaccurate, overview provided by King. A study of the changing occupational profile of a locality, as in this study of Blackburn hundred, can 'throw light on the relative rates of expansion in agricultural employment, in employment in traditional types of occupations . . . and in the new industrial occupations'. 3

D. Defoe, A four through the whole island of Great Britain, ed. Pat Rogers (Harmondsworth, 1971), pp. 44, 540-557. P. H. Lindert and J. G. Williamson, 'Revising England's social tables, 1688-1812', Explorations in Economic History, XIX (Oct. 1982), pp. 385-394, 405-406; cf. Maxine Berg and Pat Hudson, 'Rehabilitating the industrial revolution', Econ. H.R. XLV (1992), p. 28. The Cambridge Group has recently highlighted the use of occupational evidence from a local level as 'one important method of tracing the shift from the traditional to the modern world': 'A new research initiative: occupational structure in the past', Local Population Studies [hereafter L.PS.], XXXVIII (Spring 1987), pp. 6-7. Economic Change in Lancashire 49

This approach is consistent with the trend of recent historical scholarship, which has stressed the importance of the continuity of long-term changes in the early modern economy rather than a myopic focus on the perceived discontinuities of the last quarter of the eighteenth century.4 It is an approach, however, that is not new in the Lancashire context. In the early 1930s Wadsworth and Mann perceptively observed that 'the general preoccupation with the mechanical inventions and the factory system have tended to distort the history of the cotton industry, to produce a foreshortening of the picture, a too great sharpening of contrasts.' As early as 1927 G. H. Tupling, in his now classic study of Rossendale, traced the development of the domestic woollen industry from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. More recently J. T. Swain found that in Colne chapelry and Pendle Forest in the sixteenth and early- seventeenth century 'the ability to derive an income, in part at least, from industry, was of crucial importance for the well-being of the household economy, well before the Industrial Revolution'. 5 Notwithstanding these important contributions to an understanding of the county in the early modern period, it still remains true that far more attention has been paid to the socio-economic development of nineteenth-century Lanca shire. Surprisingly few historians have systematically examined the economy of the seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century county, with the consequence that there is still a great deal of work to be done on the industrial complexion of the county as a whole. The north-eastern part of the county, in particular Blackburn hundred, provides an appropriate focus for further research. Although the area was

M. Berg, The age of manufactures. 1700-1820 (Oxford, 1985); Regions and industries: a perspective on the industrial revolution in Britain, ed. P. Hudson (Cambridge, 1989). A. P. Wadsworth and J. de L. Mann, The cotton trade and industrial Lancashire, 1600-1780 (Manchester, 1931), p. 3; G. H. Tupling, The economic history of Rossendale (C.S. new series, LXXXVI, 1927); J. T. Swain, Industry before the Industrial Revolution: north-east Lancashire c. 1500-1640 (C.S. 3rd series, XXXII, 1986), p. 208. 50 Suzanne Schwarz

closely associated with the development of factory cotton spinning in the late eighteenth century, the landscape exhibits characteristics that in other contexts have been associated with the spread of early forms of industry. 6 This study of occupational change, based principally on occupations recorded in parish registers, is intended to reveal the pattern and pace of rural industrialization in the course of the long eighteenth century.

Blackburn hundred covered 174,437 acres and encompassed the parishes of Blackburn, Whalley, and Chipping in addition to parts of Mitton and Ribchester. It was bounded to the north and east by Yorkshire, to the west by the hundreds of Leyland and Amounderness, and to the south by Salford hundred (figure 7). The greater part was covered by the parishes of Whalley and Blackburn, which were divided into a number of chapelries. 7 Past and present commentators seem constantly to reiterate the less than favourable natural conditions which obtained in this area of Lancashire. Holt in 1795 outlined how 'the north-east part of the county, Blackburn, Clitheroe, Haslingden etc. is rugged interspersed with many rivulets, with a thin stratum of upper soil'. Joan Thirsk refers to north-east Lancashire as an area which 'consisted for the most part of Millstone Grit moorlands yielding poor acid pastures' and was an area which 'could be used for little else but cattle rearing'. Natural conditions in most parts of north-east Lancashire made arable agriculture a difficult and uncertain activity, although the lower-lying western fringe of the hundred showed more potential (figure 8). In many areas of the hundred high rainfall, steep

Cf. P. Hudson, 'Proto-industrialisation: the case of the West Riding wool textile industry in the 18th and early 19th centuries', History Workshop Journal [hereafter H.W.J.], XII (Autumn 1981), pp. 41-43. I'C.H. Lanes. VI, pp. 235, 349. Economic Change in Lancashire 51

Figure 7 The hundreds of Lancashire

gradients, low temperatures, and a lack of sunshine combined to minimize the extent of arable activity. Darwen township in Blackburn parish, for example, was 'in a bleak and elevated situation, surrounded with moors, and little cultivated'. This area of Lancashire was first and foremost a pastoral region. Aiken described in 1795 how the 'wetness of climate is unfortunate to the growth of corn . . . but it is Cn NO

Figure 8 Relief map of north-east Lancashire Economic Change in Lancashire 53 serviceable to pasturage and produces an almost perpetual verdure in the fields'. 8 There were few notable centres of population in the mid seventeenth century, as the market towns of Blackburn, Clitheroe, Colne, and Padiham had populations ranging between c. 300 and 1,100. The hilly terrain must have contributed to the comparative isolation of the population and limited the potential of trading activity. Although Defoe visited Lancashire in the 1720s and noted the growth of Liverpool and Manchester, he did not comment on the north eastern part of the county, which again emphasizes the small contribution which the area made to the national economy at this date. However, this apparently unpromising agrarian environment experienced a four-fold population increase between 1664 and 1801, a rate that far outstripped the national average. 9 Using a range of different multipliers to account for average household size suggests a hearth-tax population of 20,000-22,000, whereas the 1801 census enumerated approximately 87,000 people (table 1 and figure 9).'° Aggregative analysis of Whalley parish register and the

8 J. Holt, A general view of the agriculture of Lancashire (London, 1795), p. 8; J. Thirsk, 'The farming regions of England', The agrarian history of England and Wales, vol. IV, 1500-1640, ed. J. Thirsk (Cambridge, 1967), p. 81; L. Dudley Stamp, The land of Britain, vol. IV: Northern England (London, 1941), pp. 53 54; J. Aiken, A description of the country from thirty to forty miles round Manchester (London, 1795), pp. 17,273. 9 Wrigley and Schofield indicate that the national population increased from some 5,067,047 in 1666 to 8,664,490 in 1801, an increase of 71%: E. A. Wrigley and R. S. Schofield, The population history of England, 1541-1871: a reconstruction (London, 1981), table 7.8, pp. 208-209. 10 The tables appear on pp. 84-93. Multiplier of 4.3: T. Arkell, 'Multiplying factors for estimating population totals from the hearth tax', !./?,$'., "XXVIII (Spring 1982), pp. 51-55; multiplier of 4.5 widely recommended; multiplier of 4.767, very close to Laslett's 4.75, based on evidence contained in the Commonwealth Church Survey of 1650 for Padiham chapelry (which includes the inhabitants of Padiham, Hapton, Simonstone, Higham Booth, and West Close), recording 232 families and 1,106 persons: Lancashire and Cheshire church surveys, 1649-1655, ed. H. Fishwick (R.S.L.C., I, 1879), p. 164; cf. P. Laslett, 'Size and structure of the household in England over three centuries, Part I', Population Studies, XXIII (July 1969), p. 211. Figure 9 Population change in Blackburn hundred, 1664-1801 Economic Change in Lancashire 55 chapelry register of Great Harwood, combined with Rickman's parish register abstracts of 1801, suggests that the population showed sustained signs of growth from 1730 (figures 10-12)." Although there is a close parallel between economic growth and demographic expansion in eighteenth- century England and \Yales, the case of nineteenth-century Ireland indicates that population expansion is not of necessity associated with economic vitality. The mechanisms underlying demographic expansion are outside the scope of this article, but it is relevant to consider whether there was a close association between economic diversification and population growth in north-east Lancashire. In a predominantly pastoral farming economy, which sustained only a narrow distribution of wealth in the mid seventeenth century, the scale of population growth does raise the question of how the increased numbers derived an income. There is some comparative evidence available from Blackburn hundred in the sixteenth and early seventeenth century which points to the importance of rural industry in the earh' modern economy. Swain showed that as a result of population growth and the subdivision of holdings 'a large and growing proportion of the inhabitants of the Colne area looked to textiles as a means of making a livelihood or as a source of supplementary income'. Sarah Pearson's survey of rural housing in the Pennines suggests that in some areas of Blackburn hundred textile manufacturing was associated with a more developed profile of wealth. She correlates the survival of large numbers of substantial houses in the townships around Burnley and Colne with wealth generated from by- employments in the textile industry. In contrast, Swain found that the Ribble valley chapelries of Downham, Clitheroe, and

1 1 For Rickman's data: Wrigley and Schofield, Population history, pp. 597-630; aggregated data for Blackburn hundred: Abstracts of the answers and returns: parish registers (London, 1801), p. 142. Similar trends are reflected in the parish register of St Mary's, Whalley, and the chapel register of St Lawrence's (later St Bartholomew's), Great Harwood, which was part of Blackburn parish: Lanes. R.O., PR 3 6 (Whalley); The parish register of Great Harwood, 1547-1812, ed. A. Sparke (L.P.R.S., LXXV, 1937). 2500 -p

1700 1710 .1720 1730 1740 1750 1760 1770 .1780 1790 1800 year Figure 10 Totals of baptisms and burials in Blackburn hundred, 1700-1800, from Rickman's parish register abstracts number of events

1660

a 3 1680 ::

1700 E:

^ -< 3 0 5L 9 1720 ~-i a S'

1740 iz

1760 :

tj a a c

JJIl/SHJUHJ III J$UL>l/'J number of events OP c 8 8 fe 8 I n>

^Cr^

1720 +

1740 ± s

1760 1

<2s

L V]

CT a 8 §- ^eg coa

8S Economic Change in Lancashire 59

Whalley were not much involved in textile production in the period 1500-1640, which in his view is explained by the fact that 'good arable land and a more labour intensive economy removed the need for extensive dependence on textile by- employments'. 12 The present study, however, reveals vastly increased levels of textile employment in a number of these townships during the eighteenth century. This diversification into industrial employments could possibly be linked to the failure of work opportunities in agriculture to keep pace with an expanding population. It is these townships on the western side of the hundred, amongst others, that will form the basis of a detailed survey of occupational change in the period c. 1660-1760. With the exception of Blackburn, these townships have not been the subject of close scrutiny in the early modern period. The studies of Tupling, Swain, King, and Pearson concentrated on the upland pastoral areas in the centre and east of the hundred, and little attention has been paid to the relatively low-lying west. 13

Ill

This study of rural industrialization focuses on fourteen townships (figure 13). Apart from the market towns of Blackburn and Clitheroe, all were small rural settlements between 1660 and 1760. They have a number of other features in common, although this study reveals that during the course of the eighteenth century there was an increasing divergence in patterns of economic activity between townships in close geographical proximity. Whalley, Read, Wiswell, Worston, Little Mitton, Chatburn, Downham, Clitheroe, and

12 Swain, Industry before the Industrial Revolution, pp. 129-130. 199; Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England, Rural houses of the Lancashire Pennines, 1560-1760 (London, 1985), pp. 111-117. 13 Ibid.; Blackburn is referred to extensively in N. Lowe, The Lancashire textile industry in the sixteenth century (C.S. 3rd series, XX, 1972); W. King, 'The economic and demographic development of Rossendale, c. 1650-1795' (unpub. Ph.D. thesis, Leicester Univ., 1979). o> o

Figure 13 Townships of Blackburn hundred Economic Change in Lancashire 61

Twiston yield few obvious signs of an industrial heritage. It is the comparatively unspoilt beauty of the landscape, the remains of the monastic community at Whalley, and the picturesque churches of Whalley and Downham which draw the attention of the visitor, particularly when set against the heavily industrialized and densely populated towns of Accrington and Blackburn. Yet a number of these communities by the mid eighteenth century were heavily involved in the production of textiles. The signs are not readily visible, as the expansion in production took place in small household units, involving traditional means of production. Blackburn, another of the sample townships, was clearly regarded as a town by contemporaries. In 1750 Pococke described it as 'a town which thrives by the cotton and woollen manufacture'. 14 Given that towns of this period usually acted as distributive and servicing centres to manufacturing concentrations in rural settlements, Pococke's comment also draws attention to the spread of industrial activity in the nearby townships. 15 Great Harwood and Billington (lying between Blackburn and Whalley) and Old and New Accrington (east of Blackburn) are included in the occupational sample to illuminate the pace of economic development amongst populations close to this emergent market centre. This assessment of economic change is based on the use of occupational labels which were ascribed to male adults in a variety of sources: the poll tax of 1660, parish and chapelry registers, probate wills and inventories, and the census of 1811. Although each of the sources raises particular technical problems, the survey of occupational change is based on a fairly straightforward methodology. In the first instance, a comparison between the occupational data in the poll tax of 1660 and the census of 1811 provides a broad indication of

14 The travels through England of Dr. Richard Pococke, I, ed. J. J. Curtwright (Camden Society, new series, XLII, 1888), p. 11. 15 Cf. Leeds: Defoe, Tour, pp. 497-502; for the role of small towns: P. Corfield, 'Small towns, large implications: social and cultural roles of small towns in eighteenth century England and Wales', British Journal for Eighteenth Century Studies, X (Autumn 1987), pp. 125-138. 62 Suzanne Schwarz the major direction of economic change in the sample townships. The results derived from this exercise are fairly generalized as far as the timing and form of industrial change are concerned. Therefore, the long runs of occupational data contained in parish and chapelry registers are used to assess whether extensive restructuring was indeed a feature of the economy in the early decades of the eighteenth century. Finally, the careful linkage of diverse sources at the township level can yield some clues to the dynamic of economic change. Poll tax listings of 1660 provide the starting point: a photographic still of the economy from which it is possible to study the occupational structure of twelve of the fourteen townships in the mid seventeenth century: New Accrington, Old Accrington, Blackburn, Chatburn, Clitheroe, Downham, Little Mitton, Read, Twiston, Whalley, Wiswell, and Worston. 16 The central importance of agriculture in the mid seventeenth- century economy is apparent from the occupational data, particularly if one takes into account the manufacturing and trading occupations closely allied with agrarian activity. 17 If labourers are included under agriculture in the sample of eleven townships (excluding Blackburn), 18 those directly involved in working the land account for 213 out of a total of 417 male heads of household (table 2). Industry, though, was of vital importance to the economy of a number of these townships, with recorded levels significantly higher than Gregory King's national estimate of 4% for the proportion of families headed by artisans and craftsmen (60,000 out of 1.3 million heads of families). 19 In the group of eleven townships (excluding Blackburn) for which occupational data

16 P.R.O, E 179/250/4. 17 For a discussion of classification systems see M. B. Katz, 'Occupational classification in history', Journal of Interdisciplinary History [hereafter J.I.H.], III (1973), pp. 63-88. 18 This decision is based on the results of nominal linkage between the poll tax of 1660 and Whalley parish register. Fifteen of the nineteen individuals described as labourers in the poll tax for Whalley and Wiswell townships were described as husbandmen in the register: Lanes. R.O., PR 3. 19 P. E. H. Lindert, 'English occupations, 1670-1811', Journal of Economic History, XL (Dec. 1980), p. 687. Economic Change in Lancashire 63 were provided, the manufacturing and building trades accounted for 128 of 417 male heads of household (31%), whilst textile craftsmen alone accounted for 43 of the 417 male heads of household (10%). In New and Old Accrington, for example, a fifth of male householders were classified as weavers or clothiers. Downham and Twiston also demonstrated fairly high levels of textile activity, with 10 of the 60 male householders (17%) ascribed to this category. The reliance on industry in the mid seventeenth century is significant, as it indicates that the much higher levels of manufacturing activity in the early nineteenth century were not achieved suddenly. Combining the data for the same eleven townships in the 1811 census indicates that only 268 families out of a total of 1,541 (17%) were considered to be chiefly employed in agriculture (table 3). Another striking area of change is in the extent of industrial and commercial activities, which had increased significantly between 1660 and 1811. 2() In 1660 dealing and manufacturing accounted for 129 of the 417 male heads of household (31 %), whilst the census of 1811 recorded that 1,117 families out of 1,541 (72%) were 'chiefly employed in trades, manufactures and handicrafts'. Blackburn, one of the two sample townships in the sample exhibiting urban characteristics in this period, shows a similar pattern of economic change, as the proportionate level of employment in agriculture was far lower in the early nineteenth century than in the mid seventeenth. In 181 1 only 45 families out of a total of 3,090 (1.4%) were considered to be chiefly employed in this sector, as compared with 10% of male householders in 1660 (16 out of 155).21 Although Blackburn in 1664 had a population lower than the

20 The 1811 census provides figures for the proportion of families employed predominantly in agriculture or 'chiefly employed in trade, manufacture or handicrafts'. There is also the perplexing heading of 'All other families not comprised in the two preceding classes'. No information is given as to which occupations were included in each group. 21 P.R.O., E 179/250/4, ff. 7-12. The level of 10% in 1660 is likely to be an underestimate, as no occupational data are provided lor those male householders who paid on estates of £5 or more per annum, which particularly affects the wealthier groups in Blackburn. For this reason Blackburn is not included with the other eleven townships. 64 Suzanne Schwarz

limit of 2,500 suggested by Corfield as representing an 'urban experience',22 it seems clear that the population was heavily reliant on non-agrarian occupations. The poll tax returns for the township listed 155 male heads of household, of whom 87 were given an occupational description; 28 were described as websters, accounting for almost a third of those with occupational titles and 18% of all of the male householders in Blackburn township (table 2). Given the complete absence of occupational data relating to those in the £5 or more per annum section of the returns, this figure represents a high level of textile activity and indicates the importance of this occupation in Blackburn's economy in the mid seventeenth century. Unfortunately, there is no means of ascertaining the economic activities of the 68 householders in Blackburn who were not given an occupational description. The complete absence of individuals described as clothiers certainly seems unusual in a market town which has been identified as an important centre for textile manufacturing and distribution in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries.23 Thomas Pennant in 1773 indicated that Blackburn 'is at present rising into greatness, resulting from the overflow of manufactures in Manchester'. 24 The population has been estimated at about 5,000 in 1770, which, if correct, points to an increase of 350% from the mid seventeenth-century level of c. 1,100.25 This indicates that although growth was particularly rapid between 1770 and 1801, the town had undergone a substantial increase also between 1664 and 1770. It seems from the evidence of the 1811 census that Blackburn consolidated its position as a distributive and manufacturing centre during the eighteenth century, as 2,861 families were then chiefly employed in these sectors out of a total of 3,090 families (93%). In short, then, the main characteristic of change identified between the poll tax of 1660 and the census of 1811 was that trade and manufacturing replaced agriculture as the main source

22 P. Corfield, The impact of English towns, 1700-1800 (Oxford. 1982), pp. 2, 6. 23 Lowe, Lancashire textile industry; Wadsworth and Mann, Cotton trade and industrial Lancashire. 24 T. Pennant, A tourfrom Downing to Alston Moor (London, 1801), p. 65. 25 Wadsworth and Mann. Cotton trade and industrial Lancashire, p. 311. Economic Change in Lancashire 65 of employment in the townships covered. The precise extent of the reliance on commerce and manufacturing varied between townships. Downham, Little Mitton, Read, Twiston, Wiswell, and Worston, for example, retained an important reliance on agriculture in the early nineteenth century, but overall this was at a lower level than in the mid seventeenth century. Although indicative of the main direction of economic change during the eighteenth century, this comparison of the poll tax of 1660 and the census of 1811 does not pinpoint the timing of change. The shifts identified could have occurred at a steady pace throughout a century and a half or, alternatively, in the last two decades of the eighteenth century. As long runs of occupational data are available for a number of the sample townships in the parish and chapelry registers of the early and mid eighteenth century, it is possible to assess the timing and character of rural industrialization with more precision. Sampled decade by decade, the results provide a moving picture of the major areas of change in economic structure.21'

26 Occupational data are available in parish registers for ten of the fourteen sample townships. Blackburn, Clitheroe, Little Mitton, and Worston are excluded from further consideration as there is no substantial source of data to compare with the poll tax of 1660. The Whalley registers are exceptional in providing occupational data in both the birth and death registers between 1653 and 1660 and also in the baptism and burial registers between 1721 and 1800. The entries mainly relate to the townships of Whalley, Wiswell, and Read, although a significant number of entries are for the inhabitants of Billington township, actually in Blackburn parish. When combined with the surviving registers from Langho chapelry, the entries in the Whalley register can be used to construct a picture of economic change in Billington: Lanes. R.O., PR 3-6; PR 296571/2 (chapelry registers of Langho, Billington); The registers of the parish church of Blackburn, part II. 1653-1680, ed. R. Dickinson (L.P.R.S., XC, 1953). The registers of Downham provide occupational data between 1721 and 1750 which mainly relate to the townships of Downham, Chatburn, and Twiston: Register of the parish church oj St. Ijonard, Doii'tiham, 1605-1837, ed. William Bennet Price (L.P.R.S., CXVIII, 1979). The registers of Altham chapelry, which included the townships of Old and New Accrington, provide occupational details in both the baptism and burial registers between 1721 and 1730: Lanes. R.O., PR 2819; PR 3060. Although the chapelry registers of Great Harwood provide occupational data in the baptism register between c. 1730 and 1780, the quality of recording is comparatively poor: Registers of Great Harwood, ed. Sparke. 66 Suzanne Schwarz

This evidence confirms the impression gained from Defoe's Tour that economic change was a feature of the early eighteenth century. The occupational data from the registers indicate that Whalley, Billington, Wiswell, Downham, Chatburn, and New and Old Accrington all had proportion ately fewer individuals in agriculture in the early eighteenth century than in 1660. In a number of the townships a shift towards manufacturing was apparent in the 1720s which became more pronounced in the period 1750-70. The diversification apparent supports Berg's assertion that we should look on industrialization as 'long-term rather than as short-term and dramatic'.27 These observations on the timing and character of industrialization can be clarified by more detailed reference to three of the townships. A closer focus on Whalley, Billington, and Great Harwood is profitable, as they reveal in some depth the major features and direction of economic change in north east Lancashire in the early and mid eighteenth century. The shift away from agriculture was clearly defined by the mid eighteenth century. In Whalley, for example, just over a fifth of adult males were ascribed agrarian occupations in the baptism register of 1751-60, which compares with almost half the adult males a century earlier. 28 Manufacturing showed a corresponding increase from just over a third of the adult male workforce in the death register of 1653-60 to more than half in the baptism register of 1761-70 (table 4). In the adjoining township of Billington entries drawn from the parish register of Whalley and the chapelry registers of Langho indicate that the level of manufacturing increased in broadly similar proportions, from 31% (19 of 61 adult males) in the death register of 1653-60 to 63% (50 of 79 adult males) in the baptism register of 1761-70 (table 5).29

27 Berg, Age of manufactures, p. 17. 28 For a discussion of methodology see E. A. Wrigley, 'The changing occupational structure of Colyton over two centuries', L.P.S. XVIII (Spring 1977), pp. 9-21; E. J. Buckatzsch, 'Occupations in the parish registers of Sheffield, 1655-1719', Econ. H.R. 2nd series II (1949), pp. 145-150. 29 Lanes. R.O., PR 3-6; PR 296571/2. Economic Change in Lancashire 67

Similar trends are apparent in the registers of Great Harwood chapelry, which were used principally by the inhabitants of Great Harwood and Rishton. 30 Throughout the period 1731-70 the proportion of entries with a description relating primarily to agriculture was low. The highest recorded level was in the decade 1731-40, when twenty-nine entries related to husbandmen and one to a farmer (15% of the total of 194 entries). In the decade 1751-60 the proportion of entries relating to husbandmen and crofters was low, accounting for 28 of 425 entries (7%). ;il The proportion declined still further. In the decade 1761-70 only 3% of entries (15 of 480) were ascribed to agriculture. This decline in agricultural employments accords closely with the evidence from the townships discussed above. However, in the case of Great Harwood chapelry it is difficult to quantify the trend precisely, as it is not clear whether the substantial number of 'not stated' entries concealed significant levels of involvement in agriculture. What the registers do reveal is an expansion in manufacturing, particularly textiles. Textile manufacturing expanded rapidly in these townships, and was the main industrial sector to gain from the redistribution of the labour force. The precise composition of the manufacturing group varied between townships, but in each case textiles assumed a clear importance by the mid eighteenth century as the number of productive units expanded in absolute and relative terms. There is some evidence to suggest that even before this eighteenth-century expansion, textiles were viewed as an important source of income and employment on the western side of Blackburn hundred. A quarter sessions petition of 1667 from 'some of the inhabitants within Great Harwood, Billington, Whalley and Rishton being cloathiers' raises a number of questions. It claimed that 'some of them have come to Preston for the

30 This survey relies on a simple counting of entries for the whole chapelry, and as such will strongly reflect features of Rishton township, contiguous with Blackburn: Registers of Great Harwood, ed. Sparke. 31 Lower still if the term 'crofter' was used to describe bleach-field workers in the linen industry. I am grateful to the anonymous referee for drawing this to my attention. 68 Suzanne Schtuarz

market there with cloath to sell of their and theire servants makeinge for the space of 50 years and upwards'. No indication is given of the extent of production in these townships, although the claim was made that the unspecified hindrance which was the cause of the petition was making 'many poor people want work which have been accustomed to worke and bee imployed in such tradinge 1 . The petition gives no indication whether the fourteen individuals who added their signature or mark were representative of the full extent of textile activity or just part of it. The document is damaged, so that all fourteen names cannot be deciphered; those that are legible are not identified by township so that it is not possible to establish how many clothiers came from each of the four townships. However, they included Edward Baron and Richard Dobson, who were described as weavers in the township of Whalley in the poll tax of I860.32 The nature of the petition might suggest a tendency towards exaggeration, but the evidence would still seem to indicate a significant level of textile activity in the townships concerned. 33 In Whalley township the poll tax of 1660, a source nearly contemporary with the petition, indicates that 6 of the 65 male heads of household were linen weavers and woollen weavers (9%), a level consistent with the death register of 1653-60, which ascribes 5 of the 70 adult males to textile manufacture (7%). This number increased to 13 adult males in the burial register of 1751-60 (13% of 100 male adults), a figure which had reached 19 in the burial register of 1761-70 (28% of 69 male adults). The importance of textile activity in Whalley township is confirmed by the comments of Dr Richard Pococke, who, on a tour of the area around Blackburn, noted in a letter of June 1751 that Whalley was a village 'chiefly supported by farming and spinning woollen yarn'. Thomas Pennant in 1773 viewed the area around Whalley and Clitheroe from a high point on Ingleborough and commented on the 'rich pastures covered with cattle'.

32 Edward Baron, woollen weaver, and Richard Dobson, linen weaver, both paid a capitation charge of 6d. in 1660: P.R.O., E 179/250/4. 33 Lanes. R.O., QSP 298/2. Economic Change in Lancashire 69

Moreover, he noted that the areas were 'also enlivened with some degree of commerce; in the multitude of the cattle, the carriage of the lime, and the busy noise of the spinners engaged in the service of the woollen manufacture of the cloathing towns'. 34 In the adjacent township of Billington the number of textile craftsmen expanded from 1 1 in the death register of 1653-60 (18% of 61 male adults) to 39 in the baptism register of 1761-70, thereby accounting for almost half of all recorded male adults (49% of 79 male adults). The inhabitants of Billington were, therefore, heavily reliant on textile occupations by the mid eighteenth century, with between a third and half of adult male individuals categorized in this economic group. Similarly, the occupational evidence recorded in the chapelry registers of Great Harwood between 1731 and 1770 points to high levels of involvement in textile manufacturing. In the baptism register of 1731-40 textile occupations accounted for 77 out of a total of 194 entries for adult males (40%). Of these entries 2 were woollen weavers, 4 serge weavers, 5 linen weavers, and 66 'plodweavers'. 33 The heavy reliance on textile manufacturing is again apparent in the baptism register of 1751-60, where 187 entries out of 425 related to plodweavers (44%). An increase in the number of entries relating to whitsters, who were involved in the process of whitening linen yarn and cloth, is also apparent, as this occupational group accounted for 22 of the 425 entries (5%). An increased involvement in industrial activities was not unique to the townships in the north-eastern part ol the county. The spread of textile manufacturing in the early decades of the eighteenth century can be traced in many

34 Travels of Dr. Richard Pocockt, ed. Cams-right. I, p. 201: Pennant. Tour from Downing to Alston Moor, pp. 80- 81. 35 A possible interpretation is that it related to the manufacture of plaid (also termed 'ploud', 'plod', and "ploid'). a long piece of twilled woollen cloth usually having a chequered pattern. Alternatively the description could refer to linen cloth production: V.C.H. Isaacs. VI, p. 338, lor 'the manufacture of rough linen cloths, checks or plaids' in Great Harwood. 70 Suzanne Schwan other Lancashire parishes, particularly those located close to the rapidly growing urban centre of Manchester. In Middleton, north of Manchester, 22 out of 71 male adults recorded in the marriage register for 1653-7 were described as textile workers (31%). In contrast the baptism register of 1746-50 recorded that 454 of the 603 entries relating to male adults were associated with textile activity (75%), whereas only 76 related to agricultural employments (13%). In Radcliffe, north-west of Manchester, the baptism register for 1742-8 indicates that 172 of 322 male adult entries related to the textile industry (53%). This is significantly higher than for the period 1656-9, when 28 of the 80 entries (35%) include the occupational description of webster. These figures show that by the mid eighteenth century the level of involvement in textiles had increased substantially over that of the mid seventeenth, and Radcliffe and Middleton were areas where the economy was directed primarily towards cloth production. Although there is a difference in scale in the extent of cloth production, a common link can thus be drawn between these areas and the townships of north-east Lancashire. In common with Radcliffe and Middleton, the townships of Whalley, Billington, and Great Harwood had a strong industrial element within the framework of a small rural township. 36 The output of cloth from north-east Lancashire obviously expanded in this period, as more households became involved in the processes of manufacturing. It is, however, difficult to quantify their output. There is little evidence on which to assess the number of women and children involved in the various processes of textile manufacturing and the number of hours they devoted to them. Neither can one assess the effectiveness of the organization of production, or whether any innovative techniques were applied to the processes in the context of the household unit. The wealth of occupational data in the parish and chapelry registers permits the construction of a series of moving

36 Wadsworth and Mann, Cotton trade and industrial Lancashire, pp. 52, 314-315. Economic Change in Lancashire 71 pictures documenting the patterns of economic change. Evidence from this locality thereby adds further weight to the gradualist approach, which emphasizes that industrial growth took place over the whole of the eighteenth century, not just in the last two or three decades.

The patterns and pace of economic change can be established from occupational labels, but the reasons for shifts in the economic profile are more difficult to establish. There were undoubtedly demographic, economic, and social pressures which persuaded people to adopt new occupations or to extend their involvement in existing ones. Identifying these pressures depends on the careful linkage of diverse sources and, as Hudson has pointed out, the local or regional level is the most appropriate context for understanding the imperative for change. 37 It is difficult to provide explanations for change which are specific to each of the fourteen townships studied here, but a number of factors can be tentatively cited to explain the increased emphasis on industrial pursuits. Many writers have argued that agrarian conditions within a locality exerted a powerful influence on the patterns of industrial development/'8 This view clearly underpins the work of proto-industrial theorists. E. L. Jones approached the 'agricultural origins of industry' with a different emphasis, but still highlighted the significance of the agrarian economy in the process of industrial change. His work is relevant to the circumstances of north-east Lancashire. He suggested that in the period 1650-1750 the southern and eastern counties of England became comparatively better at crop cultivation in relation to other areas of the country. The effect was that areas less than ideally suited to crop cultivation adopted other means of earning a livelihood, so that in the northern and

37 Hudson, Regions and industries, pp. 5-38. 38 e.g. Hudson, 'Proto-industrialisation', pp. 41-43. 72 Suzanne Schwarz midland counties 'concentrations of household manufacturing thickened and new ones arose'. 39 In a number of the townships studied it is apparent that industry based on the household unit assumed a new prominence in the early and mid eighteenth century, a pattern consistent with Jones's thesis. Probate inventories from a number of the sample townships were used to assess whether the shift in the occupational profile was associated with a fall in the relative level of involvement in arable agriculture between the mid seventeenth and the mid eighteenth century.40 The evidence, derived from almost 200 inventories, lends some support to Jones's thesis, as there was a reduction in the proportion of inventories showing evidence of crop cultivation in the first half of the eighteenth century. In the second half of the seventeenth century a total of 125 inventories relating to male 'supra' and 'infra' testators survive for the townships under consideration. Of these 53 list crops and provide proof of growth, in the form of ploughs, harrows, or direct references to acreages or crops sown upon the ground (42%). This is far higher than the proportion in the period 1701-60, when only 21 of the 74 testators had crops listed together with proof of growth (28%). The high proportion of labourers in Whalley, Downham, Clitheroe, and Worston in the poll tax of 1660 points to the comparative importance of arable cultivation in the mid seventeenth century (table 2). In the context of north-east Lancashire the land of the Ribble valley townships was comparatively low-lying and fertile. Rodgers's survey of land

39 E. L. Jones, 'The agricultural origins of industry', Past and Present, XL (1968), pp. 62, 66, 69-70. 40 A total of 175 'supra' and 24 'infra' surviving probate inventories for male adults were used from the townships of Downham, Read, Wiswell, Whalley, Twiston, Great Harwood, New and Old Accrington, Chatburn, and Worston. The presence of grain in an inventory does not necessarily mean that the testator had been responsible for its cultivation, unless there is other evidence: Lanes. R.O., WCW supra, esp. the instructive inventories of Nathaniel Aspden of Great Harwood, 1737; John Birch of Whalley, 1676; William Duckworth of Cowhouses in Accrington, yeoman, 1663; Evan Ryley of Accrington, 1701; Thomas Chatburn of Great Harwood, yeoman. 1 728. Economic Change in Lancashire 73 use in Tudor Lancashire, based on the final concords of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, indicates that 'to the north following the Ribble valley from Whalley to Preston is a chain of 4 township groupings, none of which had less than 56% of its useful acreage under the plough'. 11 It seems probable that the lower grain prices of the early eighteenth century lowered the potential profit margins for crop cultivation even in these townships, making it more profitable to concentrate on livestock rearing and dairying. In Whalley township, where there is a consistent recording of occupational titles in the parish registers between 1721 and 1780, there is a marked reduction in the proportion of labourers in the early and mid eighteenth century (table 4). This lends further support to the shift away from crop cultivation indicated in the sample of probate inventories. The probate inventories demonstrate that throughout the period 1660 1760 crop cultivation was mainly limited to the wealthier testators.42 A reduction in the involvement amongst this group would have affected those at the base of the social scale, as it would have reduced the work opportunities for day labourers in agriculture. Moreover, it would also have reduced the opportunities for women and children to supplement household income. As the results are based on a fairly small sample of probate inventories from north-east Lancashire one needs to be cautious in attaching too much importance to the results, particularly given the tendency towards more summary inventories in the eighteenth century, which would conceal the presence of low-value items. This evidence is suggestive, though, of a changed farming context influencing the spread of rural industry in north-east Lancashire. Another pressure which might have prompted a shift towards industrial occupations was that of population growth.

11 H. B. Rodgers. 'Land use in Tudor Lancashire: the evidence of the final concords, 1450-1558', Transactions of Institute of British Geographers, XXI (1955), pp. 81-83. 42 Of the 175 male 'supra' testators, 67 listed crops together with proof of growth. Their average inventory valuation was £108 1 9s. Id. as compared to just over £69 for the remaining 108 testators: Lanes. R.O., WCVV supra. 74 Suzanne Schwarz

From c. 1740, and even earlier in some parts of the hundred, there was a strong and sustained upward movement in population. From the data in the parish registers it is estimated that the population of Whalley township, for example, increased from c. 435 in 1700 to 625 in 1760. 43 Unless the opportunities in agricultural production expanded to meet this increase, there would have been a degree of unemployment, or at least underemployment, in the township. The argument that demographic pressures encouraged diversification is strengthened by the timing of population growth in Blackburn hundred. The upswing in textile manufacturing in Whalley and Billington townships and Great Harwood chapelry followed a period of significant population growth. The late seventeenth century was a period of stagnation or only marginal growth in population within Blackburn hundred, and in these circumstances the townships studied showed little diversification or development. The existence of unemployment or underemployment is significant, as Joan Thirsk has argued that, with the exception of the extractive industries, surplus labour was more important than raw materials in determining the location and development of industry. 44 Certainly, the evidence derived from probate inventories suggests that although agriculture was overwhelmingly pastoral in bias, the extent of sheep ownership was at a low level in north-east Lancashire. 40 Therefore, the raw materials for the expansion of the textile industry must have been drawn from other areas of the country, and an account book from Stonyhurst indicates that Coventry and parts of Lincolnshire were points of supply for wool.46

43 Using a multiplier of 4.5 for average household size suggests that in 1664 Whalley had a population of c. 430. From this base a rough estimate of population size in 1700 and 1760 can be obtained by adding or subtracting the levels of natural change indicated in the records of baptism and burial. 44 J. Thirsk, 'Industries in the countryside'. Essays in the economic and social history of Tudor and Stuart England in honour ofR. H. Taitney, ed. F. J. Fisher (Cambridge, 1961), pp. 70-73, 84-85. 45 Lanes. R.O., VVCVV supra and infra; cf. Holt, Agriculture of Lancashire, p. 166. 46 Lanes. R.O., DDSt 1 (Stonyhurst Wool Book, 1699-1700). Economic Change in Lancashire 75

Surplus labour created by population growth and changing patterns of farming in parts of north-east Lancashire are factors which could explain the increasing importance of industry in the area. In a wealthy area such changes might have been more easily assimilated into the economic structure. However, in an area such as Blackburn hundred, which revealed a very narrow profile of wealth distribution in the hearth tax returns of 1664, such pressures would have had a real impact on the livelihood of the inhabitants. If one accepts the correlation of hearth numbers with relative wealth levels, the evidence points to a social structure with an extremely broad base and narrow pinnacle. 47 Over three quarters of householders occupied one-hearth houses and only 364 households of the 4,751 recorded had three or more hearths (7.6%). Overall 35% of all households recorded in 1664 were exempt from payment, although this average conceals the extremes (figure 14).48 The mid-seventeenth-century pattern of wealth distribution in Whalley, one of the townships which experienced marked levels of industrial expansion in the early eighteenth century, shows some degree of polarization. There were a number of large households amongst the gentry and yeomen farmers, but also a high proportion of householders too poor to pay the hearth tax. Of the 96 households listed, 57 were exempt (59%). The 57 exempt householders were not all destitute and 'in receipt of alms', but a low standard of living amongst them is revealed by the fact that 28 were sufficiently poor to receive payments from the poor stock of Whalley in 1663-4. The original intention of the poor stock was to make small payments annually on St Thomas's day (from the interest raised on a fund made up of charitable bequests) to the 'neediest poor and impotent persons'. If the sample period is extended to cover 1661-70, then almost two thirds of the

47 The value of the hearth tax for an analysis of social structure has been debated extensively: The hearth ta\: problems and possibilities, ed. N. J. Alldridge (Hull, 1983); T. Arkell, 'The incidence of poverty in England in the later seventeenth century', Social History, XII (Jan. 1987), pp. 23-47. 48 P.R.O., E 179/250711 (Lanes, hearth tax, 1664). g 3

S- s

Figure 14 Hearth-tax exemption in Blackburn hundred, Lady Day 1664 Economic Change in Lancashire 77 exempt householders, 36 in number, received payments from the poor stock.49 A large number of these exempt householders were labourers whose low wealth ranking meant that they probably fluctuated between economic independence and dependence on charitable assistance. The added pressures of population growth identified in this township in the eighteenth century, together with a shift away from crop cultivation in the farming economy, may have provided the incentive to diversify. These changes must have pressed hardest amongst the lowest levels of society: labourers whose already precarious economic position in the mid seventeenth century would have been exacerbated if the shift away from arable cultivation led to reduced opportunities for wage labour. As Swain pointed out, though, surplus labour is of little value unless a demand existed for a product, unless the demand was recognized by those who needed extra income, and unless they were capable of supplying that need at some profit.'" The expansion of the domestic and overseas markets in the early and mid eighteenth century provided such a demand, and the proximity of Whalley. Billington, Great Harwood, and Rishton to the market towns of Blackburn and Colnc were undoubtedly important in its recognition. The trading expertise which was focused on these towns, together with trading contacts with Manchester, London, and the West Riding of Yorkshire, would have provided opportunities to sell and distribute manufactured goods outside the immediate locality.' 1 In the early and mid eighteenth century the heaviest levels of reliance on manufacturing amongst the sample group of townships were, in fact, found in the areas situated closest to Blackburn. The high proportion of textile workers in Great Harwood chapelry and Billington township indicate that easy access to the town may have been influential in prompting industrial diversification. The economic vitality which characterized these areas is reflected in demographic vitality,

49 Lanes. R.O., PR 2777/5 (annual lists of paupers receiving money Ironi interest on the poor stock of Whalley; 1661-1826). 50 Swain, Industry before the Industrial Revolution, p. 205. 5 1 Pennant, Tourfrom Downing to Alston +\loor, p. 65. 78 Suzanne Schwan

as the chapelry register of Great Harwood points to earlier and more extensive population growth there, as compared with Whalley parish. As with a number of other issues raised in this paper, this is a topic which would repay further detailed investigation. Identifying the presence of surplus labour and pointing to opportunities for its deployment still does not explain how the transition in the economic structure was achieved in a practical sense. In the same way that Hudson has questioned whether domestic workers were assimilated into a factory workforce, it can be questioned whether the inflated ranks of textile workers in the mid eighteenth century were made up of people who had changed from a mainly agrarian designation.52 Was it a case of agricultural workers leaving, or being displaced from, the agrarian sector and adopting a new occupation? Alternatively, did those with an industrial by- employment place a new emphasis on this activity in a different economic climate? It may have been the case that sons, and daughters, of agricultural workers adopted industrial employment when first establishing themselves in the workforce. Again, the human mechanism of change would repay further detailed examination. What is clear, though, is that the practice of a textile craft as a main occupation was not particularly lucrative. An assessment of occupational wealth levels from the poll tax, hearth tax, and probate inventories indicates that weavers occupied a similar socio-economic level to labourers. 53 A small number of weavers gathered sufficient wealth to be included amongst the group of 'supra' testators, but on average their position in the social hierarchy was extremely

52 Pat Hudson, The genesis of industrial capital: a study of the West Riding Wool textile industry c. 1750-1850 (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 16-17. 53 For example, a low wealth ranking amongst weavers is indicated by the poll tax as 38 of the 40 (95%) male adults concerned were assessed on estates worth less than £5 per annum. In contrast only 3 out of the 46 yeomen (6.5%) listed in the sample townships paid the capitation charge. The pattern for weavers approximates to the group of labourers as all 84 labourers paid tax on estates worth less than £5 per annum, although this profile takes no account of those excused by reason of their poverty: P.R.O., E 179/250/4. Economic Change in Lancashire 79

low.'4 It seems too simplistic, therefore, to argue that workers in agriculture were attracted to textile manufacturing by the financial rewards offered. This may have played some part, but economic pressures as much as financial opportunity seemingly determined the changes observed in the occupational structure.

From amongst the thousands of names which appear in the records consulted, two can be singled out as representing a number of interconnected changes. The parish register entry for the burial of Roger Wildman of Whalley township on 19 October 1741 has a significance wider than the personal record. He was the first individual to be accorded the occupational title of shopkeeper in the eighteenth century, and his presence in the township is indicative of structural changes in the local economy. Subsequent baptism and burial entries in the 1740s and 1750s point to the presence of other shopkeepers: John Aspinall, Henry Wigin, William Rushton, John Dobson, and Thomas Etough. William Bulcocke, a grocer whose wife was buried in 1747, would also have contributed to the provision of basic necessities for a population increasingly reliant on non-agrarian occupations." This shift away from agricultural employment, which has been traced in many Lancashire and Yorkshire parishes, depended on the ability of other parts of the country to provide food surpluses which could be distributed effectively through a market mechanism. As no inventories comparable with that of the Wigan mercer Matthew Markland survive for these shopkeepers, it is difficult to assess whether the inhabitants of Whalley and surrounding townships had ready

54 The median valuation of the seven linen weavers is low at £27 9s. 8d. (average £25 9s. Id.) and the figures indicate the narrow range of wealth amongst this occupational group. The average probate valuation of the two woollen weavers is similarly low at £25 Is.; Lanes. R.O., WCW supra and infra. 55 Lanes. R.O., PR 5-6. 80 Suzannc Srhwarz

access to an increased range of foodstuffs and consumer goods. 51' What is clear, though, is tliat Blackburn hundred was not economically isolated. There is evidence to suggest a growing interdependence not only with other parts of Lancashire but with other areas of the country. Increased numbers of carriers in Great Harwood chapelry in the mid eighteenth century, together with an improvement of the road network in north east Lancashire in the 1750s, suggests that the spread of manufacturing required increased movement of goods between points of supply and distribution. 37 In addition, increased numbers of horses evident in eighteenth-century probate inventories highlight the growing importance of the transport of goods and people. )H The phenomenal increase in the population of Blackburn hundred suggests that by the last quarter of the eighteenth century supplies of grain would have been drawn from outside Lancashire, from nearby counties such as Cheshire and from more distant counties by the coastal route through the growing port of Liverpool. 59 An area of generally poor agriculture such as north-east Lancashire could benefit from the productivity increases of the southern and eastern counties by using income generated from industrial and commercial enterprises to purchase foodstuffs. As Maxine Berg has pointed out, such 'productivity gains enabled a

56 J. J. Baglcy, 'Matthew Markland, a Wigan mercer: the manufacture and sale of Lancashire textiles in the reigns of Elizabeth I and James F, T.L.C.A.S. LXVIII (1958), pp. 45-68. 57 In the decade 1731-40 only two entries out of a total of 194 referred to carriers (1%), compared with seventeen of 425 (4%) in the decade 1751-60: Registers of Great Hanvood, ed. Sparke. 58 Horses were listed in 114 out of 171 male 'supra' inventories (67%) in the period 1660-1760 and in 14 out of 24 'infra' inventories (58%). In die period 1661 -80 the average number of horses per inventory was 1 compared with 1.5 between 1741 and 1760: Lanes. R.O., WCW supra and WCW infra. 59 As the grain grown in Lancashire in the late eighteenth century 'would not support the inhabitants more than three months in the year', Holt concluded that 'the easiest way of obtaining corn, until the county is improved is to purchase it at other markets': Holt, Agriculture uj LmaiMre, pp. 71, 200, 206-207. Economic Change in Lancashire 81 smaller percentage of the labour force to feed the whole and labour could be released into manufacturing, trade and distribution'. E. A. Wrigley similarly developed the idea that the 'growth of employment in industry and commerce is a testimony to the predominantly "productive" use to which the growing relative surpluses in the agricultural sector were put'."" Phebe Chew was the only woman in the parish register samples accorded an economic title rather than one based solely on her marital status. Described as a widow and 'bredbaker' on her burial on 26 August 1723, this occupational ascription implies that her labour was directed to more than family consumption.1' 1 If the use of occupational titles for women in official records was atypical, female participation in the economy was not. A total of 49 probate inventories relating to women from the sample townships between 1660 and 1760 indicates the wide range of agrarian and industrial occupations with which they were concerned. The agricultural investment represented in the probate inventories ranged from Mary Bannister, a widow of Accrington, who owned one cow valued at £3 5.y., to Alice Nutter of Wiswell, whose inventory listed a total of 35 head of cattle. The inventory included '8 of the best oxen', '10 kyne and 1 heffer', 2 bulls, '5 oxe twinters', '8 stirkes', '1 heffer stirke', and 9 calves. She also had 64 sheep, 2 swine, 3 horses, and 37 ducks, geese, capons, and hens. In addition to the livestock the inventory listed crops to the value of £44- 4s. 6d., together with a plough, 2 harrows and, 'furniture for 3 horses for drawing'. 1'- It is difficult to know who used such equipment, but the regularity with which industrial implements and agricultural possessions were listed indicates that women's work was commonplace. The occupational data derived from parish registers

60 Berg, Age of manufactures, p. 95; E. A. \Yrigley. 'Urban growth and agricultural change: England and the Continent in the early modern period', J.I.H. XV (1985), pp. 704-705. 61 Lanes. R.O., PR 5. 62 Lanes. R.O., VVCVV supra; \\C\V infra, inventories of Mary Bannister of Accrington, widow, 1678, and Alice Nutter of Wiswell, widow, 1664. 82 Suzanne Schwarz

highlight the changing economic profile of north-east Lancashire, but it is difficult to assess how different this picture would appear if women's economic activity could be quantified. Maxine Berg points to the centrality of women's labour in the manufacturing sector and suggests that 'the shift of labour away from agriculture would be reinforced with the inclusion of female labour'. 63 If we apply this conclusion to the townships of north-east Lancashire, it suggests that we may need to think of a mid eighteenth- century workforce amongst whom only a very small proportion of individuals were principally involved in agricultural production. The increased level of manufacturing in north-east Lancashire, although marked, depended on a narrow industrial base. The emphasis on woollen, linen, and fustian cloth production reveals the type of sectoral specialization that Hudson claims is typical of regional economies in the eighteenth century. It is clear that 'growth was an uneven process' between different regions in England and Wales. 64 This study of north-east Lancashire, when combined with those of Swain, Brigg, and King, indicates that rural industry was subject to marked variations in extent, timing, and form even within a comparatively small geographical area. The first half of the eighteenth century, then, saw the spread of textile manufacturing into areas of Blackburn hundred which had shown little industrial orientation in the sixteenth and early seventeenth century. The reasons for this change are open to interpretation. It could be argued that pressures of population growth, coupled with stresses already apparent in the social structure, produced the circumstances for change, and that the expansion of industry in north-east Lancashire was a response to poverty and unemployment. On the other hand, the increased number of households engaged in textile production may indicate that this form of employment provided a viable and more attractive alternative

63 Maxine Berg, 'What difference did women's work make to the Industrial Revolution?', H.W.J. XXXV (Spring 1993), p. 40. 64 Hudson, Regions and industries, pp. 10,34. Economic Change in Lancashire 83 to farm labour. For those with few assets or prospects of inheritance, the domestic manufacture of textiles may have offered a way of earning a livelihood with greater independence and flexibility.65 The dichotomy between 'Revolution' and 'Evolution' continues to dominate the debate on industrialization.1'6 The evidence from north-east Lancashire reveals a mid seventeenth-century economy that was far more dependent on manufacturing than Gregory King's aggregate national survey would suggest. The more complex and diversified occupational profile of Blackburn hundred which had developed by the mid eighteenth century mirrored changes occurring in other rural parishes of England and Wales, notably those of the West Riding. 67 This restructuring depended on interrelated developments in agriculture, trade, and transport, and the localized changes in Blackburn hundred reflect the gradual shift towards a more integrated and specialized national economy.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The research on which this article is based was funded by the University of Liverpool. I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr Michael Power, for all his help and advice and in particular for his comments on the first draft of this paper. I am indebted to the late Roy Dottie, a former treasurer of the Society, whose tremendous enthusiasm for seventeenth- century history first sparked my interest in the period. Figures 9, 13, and 14 are based on a township map of Blackburn hundred prepared by Paul Laxton of the Geography department, University of Liverpool. I would like to thank Miss Janet Gnosspelius, who drew all the maps for this article.

65 The latter part of this paragraph is heavily reliant on suggestions made by the anonymous referee. 66 Berg and Hudson, 'Rehabilitating the industrial revolution', Ecan. H.R. XLV(1992), pp. 24-50. 67 Hudson, 'Proto-industrialisation'. 84 Suzanne Schwarz

TABLE 1 Estimates ofpopulation, 1664-1801

Township Estimated jtojntlutHni, 7667 Population. Percentage fx 4.3) (x 4.5) fx -1.767) 1801 growth. imt iHOI

Blackburn Parish Balderston 38 163 171 181 615 260 Billington 71 305 319 338 844 165 Blackburn 244 1,049 1.098 1,159 11,980 990 Clayton-le-Dale 34 146 153 162 419 174 Cuerdale 9 39 40 43 170 325 Darwen, Lower 84 361 378 399 1,646 335 Darwen. Over 87 374 391 413 3,587 817 Dinkley 22 95 99 105 197 99 Harwood, Great 107 460 481 510 1,659 245 Harwood, Little 19 82 85 90 104 22 Livesev with Tockholes 139 598 625 662 1,942 211 Mcllor with Eccleshill 110 473 495 522 1,785 261 Osbaldeston 21 90 94 100 252 168 Pleasington 58 249 261 276 614 152 Ramsgreave No data in the hearth tax 298 Rishton 77 331 346 367 1,051 204 Salesbury 32 138 144 152 236 64 Samlesburv 99 426 445 471 1,664 274 Walton-le-Dale 126 542 567 600 3,832 576 Wilpshire 20 86 90 95 275 205 Wit ton 26 112 117 1 24 461 294

Total 1,423 6,119 6,403 6,783 33,631 425

Whalley Parish Accrington, New 65 279 292 310 2,246 669 Accrington, Old 46 198 207 219 831 301 Altham 33 142 148 157 328 122 Bowland \vith Leagram 54 232 243 257 318 31 Briercliffe with Extwistle 72 310 324 343 956 195 Burnley No data in the hearth tax 3,305 Chatburn 46 198 207 219 415 100 Church 19 82 85 90 323 280 Glayton-le-Moors 38 163 171 181 1,130 561 Clitheroe 135 580 607 643 1,368 125 Cliviger 87 374 391 415 1,058 171 Colne 196 843 882 934 3,626 311 Downham 65 279 292 310 470 61 Foulridge 88 378 396 419 833 110 Habergham Eaves 83 357 373 396 1,919 414 Hapton 48 206 216 229 395 83 Haslingden 128 550 576 610 4,040 601 Economic Change in Lancashire 85

Township Households. Estimated population, 1664 Population. Percentage 1664 fx 4.3) (x 4.5) (x 4.767) 1801 growth, 1664-1801

Heyhouses 13 56 58 62 156 169 Huncoat 39 168 175 186 Ightcnhill Park 17 73 76 81 126 66 Marsden 160 688 720 763 2,322 222 Mcarley 10 43 45 48 75 67 Mitton, Little 9 39 40 43 76 90 Oswaldtwistle 106 456 477 505 2,710 468 Padiham 72 310 324 343 2,118 554 Pcndle Foresl 303 1,303 1,363 1,444'152 4,272 213 Pendleton 32 138 144 914 535 Read 37 159 166 176 311 87 Rossendale 401 1,724 1 ,804 1.911 9,156 407 Simonstone 24 103 108 114 298 176 Trawden Forest 79 340 355 376 1.443 306 Twiston 17 73 76 81 189 149 VYhalley 96 413 432 458 876 103 Wisweli 56 206 216 229 349 62 Worsthorne with Hurstwood 45 193 202 214 443 119 \Vorston 32 138 144 152 128 -11

Total 2, 751 11,829 12,379 13,114 46,218 273

Chipping Parish Chipping 140 602 630 667 827 31 Thornley with Wheatley 78 335 351 371 387 10

Ribchester Parish (part) Dilworth 37 159 166 176 524 216 Dutton 47 202 211 224 388 84 Rihchester 132 568 594 629 1,172 97

Mitton Parish (part) Aighton, Bailev, and Chaigley 143 615 643 682 1,260 96

Total for hundred 4, 751 20,429 21,379 22,648 87,712 295

The percentage growth in population is calculated by comparing the population size in 1801 with the estimate of the hearth tax population based on a multiplier of 4.5. Burnley is excluded from the calculations of percentage change as no data are available in the hearth tax of 1664.

The population data for 1801 are taken from A comparative account of the population of Great Britain in thejean 1801, 1811, 1821 and 1831 (1831), pp. 130-139. TABLE 2 Occupations of male heads of households, 1660

Occupation Old New CHotbmn Clitheroe Doifriflani Little Read Tail-ton Whallev Ifisu'elf Wonton Blackburn Acmngton Accrington Mitton o>00 No. % .Ho. % Mo. % JVo. % JVo. % JVo. % .No. % .No. % Ma °/ JVo. % ,'Vo. % JVo. %

I AGRICULTURE Yeoman - 9 25.7 18 19.1 2 4.3 1 5.2 3 21.4 3 4.6 5 15.1 5 31.2 Husbandman 3 11.5 8 13.1 9 25.7 16 17.0 Hi 34.8 3 37.5 4 21.0 5 35.7 9 1 3.8 fi 18.2 4 25.0 16 10.3 TOTAL AGRICULTURE 3 11.5 8 13.1 18 51.4 34 36.2 18 39.1 3 37.5 5 26.2 8 57.1 12 18.4 1133.3 956.2 16 10.3

II BUILDING Freemason 1 5.3 - - - Mason ~~ 11 Z.o9 fl - 1 0.6 Slater 1 1.6 - - Waller 1 3.8 1 2.2 Carpenter - - 1 2.8 1 ii .un 4- 6.1 - Plasterer 1 5.3 _ - _ - _ - £ Plumber/glazier - _ _ j 1.0 1 0.6 s3 3 Limeburner - - 1 2.2 ^ TOTAL CX5 BUILDING 1 3.8 1 1.6 2 5.6 2 2.1 2 4.4 - 2 10.6 - 4 6.1 _ _ _ 2 1.3 3-

1 III MANUFACTURING Gunsmith 1 3.8 a Tailor 1 1.6 - 3 3.2 3 6.5 - - - 4 6.1 5 15.1 2 12.5 10 6.5 Shoemaker 1 1.6 2 2.1 2 4.3 - 1 5.3 - - 4 6.1 - 4 2.6 Miller 2 7.7 1 2.8 _____ 2 3.1 - - 3 1.9 Butcher 2 7.7 ----- 1 2.2 _ _ _ - - - 5 3.2 Blacksmith - - 2 3.3 - 3 3.2 2 4.3 - 1 5.3 1 7.1 2 3.1 1 3.0 2 12.5 5 3.2 Cutler 1 5.3 - 1 3.0 - - Currier - ______1 1.5 Skinner - - _ _ _ _ 2 2.1 - - - 1 5.3 - - - - 1 3.0 - - 1 0.6 Tanner - 1 1.0 - 1 5.3 3 4.6 _ Saddler - 1 1i .Un - _ i 0.6 Cooper '' 1 3.0 - - - Joiner - - 1 1.6 - - 1 1.5 Wheelwright 1 3.8 1 2.8 _____ 2 3.1 - - 3 1.9 '7ft W,.,.,, ro- A. 1 :(.2 _ VVixillcmveaver 2 l.:i :i 21.1 3 -1.6 5 15.1 - - I.incii\\-ca\'c-]- - 1 1.6 5 10.9 3 4.6 2 6.1 - - - TOTAL MANUFACTURING 10 38.5 15 24.6 4 11.4 15 15.9 15 32.6 631.6 428.6 2538.4 1648.5 425.06038.7

~~IV TRANSPORT Carrier - 1 1.0 1 2.2 3 1 9~~

V DEALING ; Alchousckcrprr 1 3.8 1 1.6 1 2.8 1 1 0 Mercer ______2 3.1 _____ WoollendrapiT - - - 2 2.1 81 Clothier 2 7.7 3 4.9 - : : : : : : : : Chapman - . _ _ _ 1 1.0 - - - -- 11. 5 ____4 2.6 os TOTAL S DEALING 3 11.5 4 6.5 1 2.8 4 4.2 - - - 34 A 4 9 fi n VI PUBLIC AND PROFESSK )NAL SERVICE a Attorney - - - - 1 2.2 - Vicar - - - 1 2.8 - 1 1.5 - - - - Clerk ______2 2.1 1 1.5 - - - - 1 0.6 inLancashl Harlin- ______II.1 1 JT ___ TOTAL PUBLIC AND PROFESSIONAL SERVICE - - - - 1 2.8 2 2.1 1 2.2 - - - 3 4.6 - - 1 0.6

~~VII MENIAL OCCUPATIONS 3 Labourer 16 26.2 5 14.3 32 34.0 8 17,1 1 12.5 - 14 21.5 5 15.1 3 18.7 1 0.6~~

VIII STATUS DESCRIPTIONS Gentleman 1 3.8 2 3.3 - 4 4.2 - - 4 50.0 1 7.1 3 4.6 1 3.0 _ _ - - Esquire ------1 5.3 ------Baronet ------1 1.5 - _ _ _ _ TOTAL STATUS 1 3.8 2 3.3 - 4 4.2 - - 4 50.0 1 5.3 1 7.1 4 6.1 1 3.0 - - -

~~IX NO DESCRIPTION 8 30.11 15 24.6 1 11.4 1 2.2 5 26.3 1 7.1 - 6843.9 oo OVERALL MALE 26 100 61 100 35 100 94 100 46 100 8 100 19 100 14 100 65 100 33 100 16 100 155 100~~

~~FEMALES 3 8 1(1 - 35 - 6 7-3 15 7 - 7 - 32 88 Suzanne Schwarz~~

~~TABLE 3 Employment offamilies by sector, 1811~~

~~Place Families Chiefly employed Chiefly employed All other in agriculture in trade, families not manufactures and comprised m handicrafts the ftco preceding classes JVb. % JVb. % No. %~~

Whalley parish New Accrington 410 60 14.6 347 84.6 3 0.7 Old Accrington 173 2 1 .2 169 97.7 2 1 .1 Chatburn 96 7 7 .3 88 91.7 1 1 .0 Clitheroe 313 60 19 .2 208 66.4 45 14.4 Downham 109 29 26.6 22 20.2 58 53 .2 Little Mitton 12 8 66.7 3 25.0 1 8 .3 Read 75 27 36.0 48 64.0 - - Twiston 34 14 41 .2 6 17.6 14 41 .2 Whalley 205 24 11 .7 168 81.9 13 6 .4 Wiswell 86 27 31 .4 58 67.4 1 1 .2 Worston 28 10 35 .7 - - 18 64.3

~~Blackburn parish Billington 152 32 21 .0 114 75.0 6 4.0 Blackburn 3,090 45 1 .4 2,861 92.6 184 6.0 Great Harwood 316 24 7 .6 291 92.1 1 0 .3~~

~~Source: Abstract of the Answers and Returns. Preliminary Observations. Enumeration Abstract, Parish Register Abstract, 1811 (London, 1812), pp. 150-152. TABLl'L 4 Occupations in Whalley township~~

OcniJHilwn Births Burin Burials Baptisms Burials Baptisms Burials Baptisms Burials Bunals 1653 60 1653 60 1721 30 1741-50 1741 50 1751-60 1751 -HO 1761 70 1761 70 1771 HO .Ab. % . Vo. ..Vo. % .'Vo. % jVo. % . Vo. % .Vo.

I AGRICULTURE Yeoman 3 7.0 4 5.7 1 1.2 I 1 .(i 1 1.2 1 1.0 1 1.1 1 1.4 1 1.3 Husbandman 20 46.5 29 41.4 10 II.O 2 2.3 5 5.9 2 2.0 1 Mi 2 2.9 12 16.0 j Farmer 2.3 1 l.(i ! 4.7 3 3.0 0 6.9 2 2.9 2 2.7 TOTAL AGRICULTURE 23 53.5 33 47.1 10 11.0 5 5.8 2 3.3 10 11.8 6 6.0 11 12.6 5 7.3 15 20.0 t*l II BUILDING s Mason 2 2.2 1 1.2 2 3.3 1 1.2 1 1.0 1 1.4 0 Slater 2 4.6 1 1.4 1 I.I 1 1.2 1 1.0 1 1.1 1 1.3 S Carpenter - 3 4.3 3 3.5 4 6.5 3 3.5 4 4.0 3 3.4 2 2.9 2 2.7 2 - - - - House-carpenter- 1 1.1 1 I.I 2 2.7 a Plasterer - - - - - 1 l.fi s Honsewright - - - 1 1.2 - 1 1.0 ^ Plumber/glazier- - - 1 1.1 1 1.2 2 2.3 - - 2 2.3 1 1.1 1 1.3 :- Limeburner ------I-1 Pavior - - - _- 2 2.3 2 3.3 3 3.5 5 5.0 3 3.4 2 2.9 1 1.3 a TOTAL s BUILDING 2 4.6 4 5.7 4 4.4 8 9.3 9 14.7 10 11.8 12 12.0 10 11.5 7 10.1 7 9.3 g 3's- III MANUFACTURING Clockmaker - 1 1.1 - - - 2 2.0 Jackmaker - - 1 1.1 - - - Hatter - 1 1.1 - - - Tailor 2 4.6 2 2.8 5 5.5 5 5.8 2 3.3 4 4.7 5 5.0 4 4.6 4 5.8 2 2.7 Shoemaker 3 7.0 2 2.8 7 7.7 3 3.5 4 6.5 4 4.7 8 8.0 4 kti 4 5.8 7 9.3 Cobbler - - 1 1.4 - - .. - - Clogmaker - - - 2 2.3 1 I.I 2 2.9 - FIcelmaker - - - - - 1 I.I 1 1.4 - Miller - - 1 - 1.4 2 2.2 1 1.2 2 2.3 2 2.0 1 1.1 2 2.9 00 Butcher 1 2.3 2 2.8 1 1.1 3 3.5 1 1.6 3 3.5 3 3.0 9 2.3 3 4.3 3 4.0 Breadmaker - - 1 1.1 - - - _ Blacksmith 1 2.3 2 2.8 4 4.4 2 2.3 3 4.9 2 2.3 3 3.0 4 4.6 - _ Farrier - - - - 1 1.2 1 1.6 ------TABLE 4 contd. Occupation Births Burials Kuiials Ila/ili.sma Burials Baptism* Burials ttaptistiis /fwrm/.v Itltriali 1653 GO 1653 -fill 1721-30 17-11-50 1741-50 1751 HO 1751 (ill 1761 71) 176! 71) 1771 ,10 " . \ 0. ":fO .Vo. % .Vo. % .\a. ..Vo. .Vo. % .Vo. "» .Vo. ", j\a. ",, Ml. ", Culler - - 1 1.2 - - ID Nailer I 1.1 1 1.2 - 4 4.7 4 4.0 5 5.7 4 5.11 3 4.0 O Tinner . - - - 1 1.4 _ Potter _ - _ - - 1 1.0 - Dishthruvver _ _ - 2 3.3 1 1.2 1 I.I 2 2.9 1 1.3 Currier 1 2.3 1 1.4 - - - - Tanner 1 2.3 2 2.8 1 1.1 4 4.6 2 3.3 1 1.0 2 2.3 1 1.4 Saddler 1 2.3 1 1.4 - 3 3.5 - - - - 3 4.0 Packsaddler _ - - - 2 2.3 '_> 2.0 Tallowchandler - - - - - 1 1.3 Cooper 1 1.4 3 3.3 1 1.2 - 2 2.3 1 I.I) - - 2 2.9 2 2.7 Chairmaker - - 1 I.I - - _____ 1 1.3 Joiner 2 4.6 2 2.8 4 4.4 4 4.6 2 3.3 2 2.3 1 1.0 1 1.1 Turner - - _. _ 1 1.2 - 1 1.2 1 I.I) 5 5.7 Wheelwright - 3 4.3 - 1 1.2 1 1.6 1 1.2 1 1.0 - 1 1.3 Woodsawyer ------2 2.7 Weaver - - a 9.3 5 8.2 12 14.1 10 10.0 16 IK.4 18 26.1 9 1 2.0 Sergeweaver ~ 1 1.1 - - - - Jerseycomber - I 1.1 - - - 1 1.2 1 1.0 - - Knitter 1 2.3 2 2.8 - - - _ _ Spinner - - - 1 1.4 - Plodweaver - 1 1.1 Shiitweaver - - 2 2.3 Linenweaver 1 2.3 3 43 1 11 Ropier ------' - 1 1.1 1 1.3 Dyer - - 1 1.1 1 1.2 1 1.6 1 1.2 2 2.0 _ _ -. _ - TOTAL MANUFAC TURING 14 32.5 25 35.7 38 41.7 42 49.0 24 39.3 44 51.7 48 48.0 48 55.0 45 65.2 36 48.0

~~IV TRANSPORT Carrier - - 1 1.1 1 1.2 - - -~~

V DEALING Innkeeper - - - 2 2.3 1 1.6 3 3.5 4 4.0 4 4.6 1 1.4 1 1.3 Grocer - I 1.1 - - 1 1.6 ------Victualler - - 1 1.1 Haberdasher 1 2.3 - Mercer 1 I.I Lincndraper - 1 I.I - Woollendraper - - 1 1.1 Apothecary - - - 1 1.2 1 1.0 1 I.I 1 1.4 Shopkeeper - - - - - 1 1.2 2 3.3 2 2.3 1 1.0 1 1.1 Chapman - 1 1.4 - - _ _ Sailer ------1 1.1 - TOTAL DEALING 1 2.3 1 1.4 5 5.5 3 3.5 4 6.5 6 7.0 9 9.0 6 6.9 3 4.3 1 1.3

VI PUBLIC AND PROFESSIONAL SERVICE Exciseman/ ganger - - - - 2 2.3 1 l.li - 1 1.1 1 1.4 1 1.3 Vicar 1 2.3 2 2.8 1 1.1 1 1.2 1 Ml 1 1.3 E? Schoolmaster 2 2.2 1 1.2 1 1.0 - 1 1.4 0 Clerk - - - 1 1.1 1 1.2 1 Ml - - 1 1.4 3 5 Sexton ------1 1.0 - 1 1.3 Soldier ------1 1.2 2 2.0 - - - Barber - _ _ 1 1.2 1 1.6 1 1.2 I 1.0 - - 1 1.3 sQ Surgeon ------1 1.2 _ _ _ _ 3 °^ Dancing master - - - 1 I.I TOTAL PUBLIC ~- AND PROFESSIONAL r- SERVICE 1 2.3 2 2*8 4 4.4 ~ VII Ml.MAI. OCCUPATIONS l.al,m,r,T - 22 24.2 14 Hi. 3 20 32.8 (1 10. 1, II 14.0 10 11.5 5 7.2 7 9.3 ?! Srrvam 3 3.3 T, (iardrnrr - - i) 2.2 2 2.3 1 1.2 TOTAL MENIAL OCCUPATIONS - - - 27 29.7 16 18.6 20 32.8 10 11.8 14 14.0 10 11.5 5 7.2 7 9.3

VIII STATl'S DESCRIPTIONS (ii'Mllanan 2 4.6 3 4.3 1 1.1 2 2.3 2 2.7 Ksquirr - 1 1.1 TOTAL STATUS 2 4.6 3 4.3 1 1.1 2 2.3 - - - - - 1 1.4 2 2.7 IX NO s DESCRIPTION 2 2.8 1 1.1 4 4.B - 1 1.2 1 1.0 - . 3 4.0

~~TOTAL MALE 43 100 70 100 91 100 86 100 61 100 85 100 100 100 87 100 69 100 75 100~~

~~I-'KMAEES I 15 33 1 15 5 21! 10 21) 17 TABLE 5 Occupations in Billington township~~

~~Occupation Births Burials Burials Burials Burials Baptisms 1653 fill 1653-60 1721-30 1741-50 1751 -fit) 1761-70 .No. Ma. % ..Vo. %~~

I AGRICULTURE Yeoman 4 8.5 5 8.2 - 1 2.6 9 5.1 5 6.3 Husbandman 2'J 61.7 33 54.1 17 34.0 5 13.2 11 28.2 3 3.H Farmer - - - 1, 1 5.8 1 2.6 7 8.!) TOTAL AGRICULTURE 33 70.2 38 62.3 17 34.0 12 31.6 14 35.9 15 19.0 Fisherman - 1 2.0 - - On II BUILDING C Waller 1 2.1 ------Carpenter 1 2.1 2 3.3 - 1 2.6 - - - TOTAL BUILDING 2 4.2 2 3.3 - - 1 2.6 - - -

III MANUFACTURING Tailor 1 2.1 - - 2 4.0 1 2.6 - 2 2.5 Shoemaker 1 2.1 _ - 2 4.0 2 5.3 4 10.2 2 2.5 Clo^maker ------1 1.3 Miller - 1 1.6 1 2.0 1 2.6 1 2.6 3 3.8 Maltster - - - - 1 2.6 - - Butcher 1 2.1 1 1.6 - - - - Blacksmith - - 1 1.6 1 2.0 1 2.6 - 1 1.3 Spurrier - - 1 1.6 - - - - - Piginmaker - - - 1 2.0 - - - - Tanner 1 2.1 1 1.6 - - - - - Cooper 1 2.1 3 4.9 - - 1 2.6 1 2.6 1 1.3 Joiner _ .- - 2 4.0 2 5.3 1 2.6 1 1.3 Weaver - - - - 6 15.8 12 30.8 39 49.4 Woollenweaver 2 4.3 2 3.3 2 4.0 - - - - - Plodweaver - - - - 3 6.0 _ _ _ I.inenwcaver - 5 8.2 1 2.0 _ _ Shearman 1 2.1 4 6.6 _ _ CK.lhdresser 1 2.1 ______TOTAL MANUFACTURING 9 19.1 19 31.1 15 30.0 15 39.5 19 48.7 50 63.3

~~IV TRANSPORT ( larrier - - 1 1.3 Horse-rider - 1 2.0 _ - TOTAL TRANSPORT - - - - 1 2.0 - - - - 1 1.3~~

V DEALING Innkeeper - - - - 1 2.6 3 3.8 vi PUBLIC; AND PROFESSIONAL SERVICE Attorney ------1 2.6 - Schoolmaster 1 2.1 - - - - 1 1.3 Surgeon - - 1 2.6 - - TOTAL PUBLIC AND PROFESSIONAL SERVICE 1 2.1 2 5.3 - - 1 1.3

~~VII MENIAL OCCUPATIONS Laliourcr - - - - 8 16.0 7 18.4 4 10.2 7 8.9~~

~~VIII STATUS DESCRIPTIONS Gentleman - - 1 1.6 3 6.0 1 2.6~~

~~IX NO DESCRIPTION 2 4.3 1 1.6 5 10.0 1 2.6 2 2.5~~

~~OVERALL MALE 47 100 61 100 50 100 38 100 39 100 79 100~~

~~FEMALES (j - 18 7 - 12~~