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The Tea Party Movement, Framing, and the US Media

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The Tea Party Movement, Framing, and the US Media This article was downloaded by: [Jules Boykoff] On: 23 November 2011, At: 08:46 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Social Movement Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/csms20 The Tea Party Movement, Framing, and the US Media Jules Boykoff a & Eulalie Laschever b a Department of Politics and Government, Pacific University, Forest Grove, OR, USA b Department of Sociology, University of California, Irvine, CA, USA Available online: 22 Nov 2011 To cite this article: Jules Boykoff & Eulalie Laschever (2011): The Tea Party Movement, Framing, and the US Media, Social Movement Studies, 10:4, 341-366 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2011.614104 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Social Movement Studies, Vol. 10, No. 4, 341–366, November 2011 The Tea Party Movement, Framing, and the US Media JULES BOYKOFF* & EULALIE LASCHEVER** *Department of Politics and Government, Pacific University, Forest Grove, OR, USA, **Department of Sociology, University of California, Irvine, CA, USA ABSTRACT In February 2009, the Tea Party Movement (TPM) burst onto the political scene in the USA. Emerging out of popular unrest over the economic downturn of 2008 and the perceived radical agenda of President Barack Obama, the Tea Party quickly captured the imagination of disenchanted conservatives. Media coverage of the movement was abundant, with a frame contest between the TPM and its political opponents swiftly surfacing. Media frames bracketed discussions over the authenticity of the Tea Party, the composition of its members, the movement’s message, and whether the TPM was poised for a long-term impact. This study systematically analyzes the predominant media frames that materialized in 882 news packets from nine major print and television news sources between 19 February 2009 and 30 November 2010 in order to better understand the role the US media played in defining the Tea Party, and to determine whether Tea Party perceptions of its media coverage were accurate. Four sets of diametric frames appeared in the media—the Everyday American vs. Non-Mainstream, Grassroots vs. Establishment-Affiliated, Fiscal-Federal Frustrations vs. Amalgam of Grievances, and Election Impact vs. Flash in the Pan. Overall, the TPM succeeded in mobilizing symbolic media representations to advance their goals, achieving politically propitious coverage. US media depicted the TPM with supportive frames more than twice as often as the deprecatory characterizations the activists opposed. This study investigates how the media used these frames and discusses implications of Tea Party coverage as it relates to journalistic norms, social activism, and overarching framing processes. KEY WORDS: Tea Party Movement, mass media, framing, framing contests Introduction Downloaded by [Jules Boykoff] at 08:46 23 November 2011 On 19 February 2009, Rick Santelli of CNBC Business Network railed against President Barack Obama’s Homeowner Affordability and Stability Plan, ultimately calling for ‘a Chicago Tea Party in July’ to protest. Video of Santelli’s impassioned outburst caught fire on the Internet and in the blogosphere, and he appeared on NBC’s Today Show the following morning to elaborate on the issue. The energy was catching and the term ‘Tea Party’ spread across the USA. Within months of its inception, the Tea Party Movement (TPM) garnered regular television and newspaper attention—accompanied by con- troversy—including accusations of racism, extremism, and doubts about the movement’s ‘grassroots’ bona fides. Correspondence Address: Jules Boykoff, Department of Politics and Government, Pacific University, 2043 College Way, Forest Grove, OR 97116, USA. Email: boykoff@pacificu.edu 1474-2837 Print/1474-2829 Online/11/040341-26 q 2011 Taylor & Francis http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2011.614104 342 J. Boykoff & E. Laschever The TPM swiftly and successfully disseminated its socio-political opinions to a wide audience. Tarrow (1998, p. 110) explains the strategic logic undergirding claims-making processes: ‘social movements are deeply involved in the work of “naming” grievances, connecting them to other grievances, and constructing larger frames of meaning that will resonate with a population’s cultural predispositions and communicate a uniform message to power holders and others’. The TPM tapped into extant ‘cultural predispositions’; journalist John B. Judis (2010, pp. 20–21) identified three ideological strands inherent in Tea Party messaging that stretch back to the USA’s founding: apprehension over social and economic decline; a Jeffersonian propensity for ‘staunch anti-statism’; and a producerist mentality whereby hard-working people should enjoy the fruits of their labors rather than be forced to share them. While TPM ideas resonated with historical traditions of US political culture, the movement needed media to disseminate its vision to the wider public. As Gamson, (2004, p. 243) notes, ‘the mass media arena is the major site of contests over meaning because all of the players in the policy process assume its pervasive influence—whether it is justified or not’. While some view any media coverage as positive for social movements, others question this assumption (e.g. Rosie & Gorringe, 2009) and examine how media coverage can suppress social movements (e.g. Boykoff, 2007). However, as Cottle, (2008, p. 859) notes, ‘[t]oday’s media ecology arguably contains more political opportunities for dissenting voices and views from around the world than in the past’. The TPM garnered attention from mass-media critics, with right-wing analysts at the Media Research Center (2010) contending that activists were ‘hit with [a] hostile and crude media response’, while left-wing researchers at Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (Hart & Rendall, 2010) critiqued the corporate media for lavishing the movement with extensive coverage. Despite TPM-favorite Sarah Palin dismissing mainstream media as ‘lamestream’, a survey by the Washington Post found that 76% of local TPM organizers believed mainstream media coverage of their movement was ‘very fair’ or ‘somewhat fair’ (Gardner, 2010). In this article we systematically assess the dominant media frames that mainstream print and television outlets used when covering the TPM, beginning in February 2009 and concluding at the end of November 2010 when the activists’ influence on Washington, DC’s political topography was clear. In the process, we explore Gamson’s ‘contests over meaning’ on the US media terrain. The TEA Party Movement Downloaded by [Jules Boykoff] at 08:46 23 November 2011 Since this study explores the relationship between US media coverage and the TPM’s stated identity and objectives, we first analyze the Tea Party-produced literature and how the movement defines itself. The Tea (Taxed Enough Already) Party Movement1 is a collection of grassroots groups sparked in early 2009 by the perceived progressivism of the Obama administration. These decentralized groups share a loose set of beliefs and are sometimes linked with national-level organizations such as the Tea Party Patriots and the Tea Party Express, though largely they operate independently. While sometimes funded by political heavy-hitters like FreedomWorks and Americans for Prosperity, local Tea Party groups enjoy relative autonomy (Williamson et al., 2011, pp. 28–29). Rasmussen and Schoen (2010, pp. 146–160) distinguish the TPM into four major components. First, ‘Organizational Backers’ such as FreedomWorks provide infrastructural support for the movement. Second, the ‘Individual Organizers’ conduct on-the-ground planning and Media Framing and the Tea Party Movement 343 solidarity work. Third, ‘Symbolic Leaders’—nationally recognized figures identifiable to outsiders (e.g. Sarah Palin)—echo the movement’s sentiments. Finally, ‘The Base’ is the bulk of the movement: ‘a cross section of America’ that ‘represents a solid one-third of the electorate, if not considerably more, perhaps right up to 50 per cent’ (pp. 156, 158– 159). However, others question the movement’s pervasiveness (Williamson et al., 2011, pp. 27, 36). TPM activists credit the multibillion-dollar government bailouts of auto and finance industries—and underwater homeowners—with catalyzing the original protests. However, they emphasize that concern over out-of-control federal spending had mounted since the Reagan era. The first wave of protests occurred on 15 April 2009 because, according to TPM proponent John O’Hara (2010, p. 13), ‘on Tax Day every American is fiscally conservative’. Coalitions
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