James A. Russell
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Can Corporate Power Positively Transform Angola and Equatorial Guinea?
Can Corporate Power Positively Transform Angola and Equatorial Guinea? Published in Wayne Visser ed. Corporate Citizenship in Africa. Greenleaf Publications, UK, 2006. Authors: Jose A. Puppim de Oliveira Brazilian School of Public and Business Administration – EBAPE Getulio Vargas Foundation – FGV Praia de Botafogo 190, room 507 CEP: 22253-900, Rio de Janeiro - RJ, BRAZIL Phone: (55-21) 2559-5737 Fax: (55-21) 2559-5710 e-mail: [email protected] & Saleem H. Ali Rubenstein School of Environment and Natural Resources University of Vermont 153 S. Prospect St., Burlington VT, 05452, USA Ph: 802-656-0173 Fx: 802-656-8015 Email: [email protected] 1 ABSTRACT While there is considerable literature on the adverse effects of oil development on developing economies through “Dutch Disease” or “Resource Curse” hypotheses, studies have neglected to pose the question in terms of positive causal factors that certain kinds of oil development might produce. We do not dispute the potential for negative effects of certain kinds of oil development but rather propose that some of the negative causality can be managed and transformed to lead to positive outcomes. Using a comparative study of oil company behavior in Angola and Equatorial Guinea, the research detects three main factors that have affected the behavior of oil companies since the Earth Summit in 1992. First, there is a growing movement of corporate social responsibility in businesses due to changes in leadership and corporate culture. Second, the ‘globalization’ of environmental movements has affected the behavior of companies through threats of litigation and stakeholder action. Third, governments in Africa have increasingly become stricter in regulating companies for environmental and social issues due to a transformation of domestic norms and international requirements. -
Transforming the Rentier State: Prospects for Saudi Arabia
TRANSFORMING THE RENTIER STATE: PROSPECTS FOR SAUDI ARABIA: A SMALL N CASE STUDY OF RENTIER STATE ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION AND ITS EFFECTS WITH APPLICATION TO SAUDI ARABIA’S VISION 2030 by MOHAMMED ALJUMIE A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-Newark Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey In partiaL fulfiLLment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of PhiLosophy in GLobaL Affairs Graduate Program in GLobaL Affairs Written under the direction of Carlos Seiglie and approved by Newark, New Jersey October 2020 ©2020 Mohammed ALjumie ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Transforming the Rentier State: Prospects for Saudi Arabia: A SmaLL N Case Study of Rentier State Economic Diversification and its Effects with Application to Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 BY MOHAMMED ALJUMIE Dissertation Director: Dr. Carlos Seiglie This research project sought to determine, to the extent feasible prior to fulL implementation of the eLements of Saudi Vision 2030, the degree to which a strategy for economic diversification incLuding major legaL, regulatory and governmentaL activities and culturaL shifts is LikeLy to achieve its fundamentaL goaLs of economic diversification and an end to reLiance on rentier state resources. Saudi Vision 2030 depicts a comprehensive approach to achieving economic diversification whiLe diminishing the Kingdom’s reLiance on oiL and gas sector revenues. The researcher compared the possible impact of diversification via Saudi Vision 2030 to case studies of simiLar diversification in Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, and the UAE. The comparison identified the specific deveLopment initiatives undertaken by the five target states and their known economic impacts, and then further considered whether simiLar eLements or proposaLs of Saudi Vision 2030 might achieve simiLar ends. -
White Elephant‟ Industrialization in Algeria”
Clement Henry, “Between the Shocks: „White Elephant‟ Industrialization in Algeria” Algeria took major strides in the late sixties and seventies toward building an industrial base. The first oil shock of 1973-74 permitted Belaid Abdesselam, who founded Algeria‟s Société Nationale des Hydrocarbures (SONATRACH) in 1964 and then served from 1965 to 1977 as minister of industry and energy, to double the planned investments and ride roughshod over any reservations or criticisms of economic planners, finance ministers, or rival politicians. He enjoyed the full support of President Houari Boumediene, who had seized power in 1965, consolidated it by 1968, and aspired to legitimacy based on economic achievement. Not only were some $45 billion invested from 1967 to 1978. Price controls apparently inoculated Algeria against Dutch disease – the presumed illness of other oil or gas rentier economies -- during these boom years, but at the cost of rising discontent due to housing and other shortages.1 Industrialization from above already seemed dysfunctional in 1977, when Boumediene broke up Abdesselam‟s industrial empire and demoted him to be minister of light industry, hence in charge of developing those enterprises that in the perspective of “industrializing industry” were supposed to mushroom from a heavy industrial base. Within a year of Boumediene‟s death in December 1978 Algeria‟s industrialization policies were reversed: not only was yet another import substituting factory project of tires for trucks and automobiles stopped, but so also was an extension of a gas liquefaction plant, designed to maximize oil and gas exports to accumulate the capital for further industrial investment. -
How Territory, Bureaucratic Power and Culture Coalesce in the Venezuelan Petrostate
Culture as renewable oil: how territory, bureaucratic power and culture coalesce in the Venezuelan petrostate Book Accepted Version Plaza Azuaje, P. (2018) Culture as renewable oil: how territory, bureaucratic power and culture coalesce in the Venezuelan petrostate. Routledge Research in Place, Space and Politics. Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group, United Kingdom, pp192. ISBN 9781138573772 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/72517/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . Publisher: Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online It’s July 2014. On a weekly routine trip to the nearest PDV petrol station in Caracas, whilst waiting for the tank to fill (Venezuela has the cheapest fuel in the world) I looked up to the fuel dispenser and its empty shelves, instead of the usual adverts for PDV lubricants or motor oil, it featured the nineteenth century white filigree gazebo of El Calvario park in Caracas; looming over it appeared a Gulliver-scale version of an oil worker wearing red coloured gear. I got off my car to take a photograph and noticed that the dispenser on the opposite lane also had a similar advert with another giant oil worker grazing the multicolour ceramic mural that covers Libertador Avenue in Caracas. -
ABSTRACT Saudi Arabia and the United States' Plan for Middle East Defense William J. Bowers Chairperson: George W. Gawrych, Ph
ABSTRACT Saudi Arabia and the United States’ Plan for Middle East Defense William J. Bowers Chairperson: George W. Gawrych, Ph.D. The Dwight D. Eisenhower administration’s Cold War concerns shaped the United States’ policy in the Middle East during the 1950s. Relations with Saudi Arabia proved critical as the U.S. pursued its interests in the region. At first, the administration did not recognize the importance of Saudi Arabia and later it over evaluated the kingdom’s significance. Saudi Arabia proved decisive in the politics of the region throughout Eisenhower’s time in office. This study examines the U.S.-Saudi relationships, the environment in which it developed, and results that were derived from it. Primary sources, published and unpublished, as well as secondary sources in the form of monographs and periodicals were utilized in the research of this study. TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Abbreviations v Acknowledgments vi Chapter 1. Historical Background to the U.S.-Saudi Relations and Middle East Security 1 2. The United States’ First Moves toward the Baghdad Pact 11 The Administration’s Final Effort to Implement the Middle East Defense Organization 11 The Administration Looks to Alternatives to MEDO and Egypt 19 United States Turns to the Northern Tier 22 The United States Still Included Egypt in Northern Tier Plans 29 Nasr No Longer Considered for Role in the Baghdad Pact 32 Saudi Arabia Considered for the Baghdad Pact 35 3. Saudi Arabia Rebuffs the Baghdad Pact 38 Saudi Arabia’s Perception of U.S. Loyalty Pushed It Away the Pact 39 Saudi Arabia’s Fear of the Hashemites and its Impact on the Baghdad Pact and U.S. -
Why Do Resource Abundant Countries Have Authoritarian Governments?
Why do Resource Abundant Countries Have Authoritarian Governments? Leonard Wantchekon Yale University October 15, 2002 Abstract This article provides a theoretical and empirical investigation of the correlation between resource wealth and authoritarianism. Building on the rentier state literature, I argue that resource wealth facilitates the consolidation of an already established authoritarian government. Re- source wealth also generates a breakdown of democratic regimes due to a combination of incumbency advantage, political instability, and po- litical repression. There is strong empirical support for the theoretical argument. Controlling for GDP, human capital, income inequality and other possible determinants, I find a robust and statistically significant association between resource dependence measured by the ratio of fuel and mineral exports as a percentage of total exports and authoritari- anism. 1 I. INTRODUCTION This study investigates the following surprising and troubling empiri- cal regularity: natural resource dependence and rentier economies tend to undermine democratic governance and generate authoritarian governments. Although the correlation between dictatorships and resource dependence has been mentioned in various case studies, there has never been an empirical or a theoretical investigation of such correlation.1 There are, however, a few noticeable exceptions to these perverse effects of resource dependence on democratic governance such as Botswana, Venezuela, and Norway. This raises several questions. For instance, -
Authoritarianism and the Rentier State - Venezuela and Nigeria
Fordham University Fordham Research Commons Senior Theses International Studies Spring 5-22-2021 Authoritarianism and the Rentier State - Venezuela and Nigeria Victoria Zobeida Castillo Fordham University Follow this and additional works at: https://research.library.fordham.edu/international_senior Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Castillo, Victoria Zobeida, "Authoritarianism and the Rentier State - Venezuela and Nigeria" (2021). Senior Theses. 60. https://research.library.fordham.edu/international_senior/60 This is brought to you for free and open access by the International Studies at Fordham Research Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Fordham Research Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. “Authoritarianism and the Rentier State - Venezuela and Nigeria” Victoria Z. Castillo Abdallah [email protected] B.A, International Studies, Global Affairs Fordham University - Lincoln Center Thesis Advisor: Professor Jose Aleman Seminar Advisor: Professor Caley Johnson Castillo 1 Table of Contents I. Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………p 2 II. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..p 3 III. Literature Review……………………………………………………………………….p 5 IV. Overview of Case Studies…………………………………………………………… p 13 V. Historical and Colonial Context……………………………………………………...p 14 VI. Nationalization………………………………………………………………………..p 19 VII. Analysis………………………………………………………………………………p 29 A. A Rentier Effect……………………………………………………………….p 29 B. A Repression Effect…………………………………………………………p 31 C. A Modernization Effect………………………………………………………p 33 VIII. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………… p 34 IX. Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………p 36 Castillo 2 I. Abstract The oil states scattered throughout the developing world are no more democratic or peaceful than they were at the beginning of the twentieth century's natural resource era. In fact, some countries are worse, tainted by civil unrest, plummeting per capita income, and rising inflation. -
Why the Global Energy Transition Does Not Mean the End of the Petrostate
Why the global energy transition does not mean the end of the petrostate Short version of title: energy transition and petrostates Andreas Goldthau, Royal Holloway, University of London Kirsten Westphal, German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), Berlin Abstract The world going low carbon is believed to put an end to petrostates, and to force incumbent oil pro‐ ducers to diversify their economies away from fossil fuels. This article challenges this assumption. Whether petrostates are in for the long game or end up with a ‘panic and pump’ strategy, it is ar‐ gued, is a function of the lifting costs and the social costs of producing oil. What is more, the low car‐ bon energy transition may well throw petrostates an additional lifeline, as fast decarbonizing OECD countries will shed some of their most energy‐intensive sectors, including refineries and petrochemi‐ cals, which opens up new export opportunities. Particularly for Middle Eastern petrostates it may therefore be very rational to further specialize in the high‐carbon segment. The policy challenge, therefore, will be two‐fold: managing a rapidly changing energy system in order to secure the trans‐ formation dividends it will bring, for human security and economic welfare; and balancing the (geo)political afterpains of the incumbent fuels leaving the system. Petrostates and the low carbon energy world The global energy transformation is believed to fundamentally threaten incumbent oil producers. Not only will the Paris climate targets require a third of all oil reserves to stay in the ground and leave the balance sheets for good (along with 80 percent of current coal reserves and half of natural gas) (McGlade and Ekins 2015). -
Nigeria: a Prime Example of the Resource Curse? Revisiting the Oil-Violence Link in the Niger Delta
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Mähler, Annegret Working Paper Nigeria: A Prime Example of the Resource Curse? Revisiting the Oil-Violence Link in the Niger Delta GIGA Working Papers, No. 120 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Mähler, Annegret (2010) : Nigeria: A Prime Example of the Resource Curse? Revisiting the Oil-Violence Link in the Niger Delta, GIGA Working Papers, No. 120, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47794 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die -
Crisis in Venezuela – Briefing Paper the Organization of American States Washington D.C., United States of America • 10 July 2019
Crisis in Venezuela – Briefing Paper The Organization of American States Washington D.C., United States of America • 10 July 2019 “In Venezuela, the purpose of politics has been lost, they have forgotten to defend the general and collective long-term good, over short-term individual gain ... Immoral politics loses this vision because its only interest is staying in power.” Luis Almagro, Secretary General of the Organization of American States (OAS) The Organization of American States The Organization of American States (OAS), a regional organization founded in 1948, is mandated to promote peace and stability in the Western hemisphere. The organization has 35 member states representing most countries in North, Central and South America, as well as the Caribbean. The OAS is tasked with promoting peace and security on the continent, promoting representative democracy and the peaceful resolution of domestic and international disputes. The bloc also seeks to promote the economic, social and cultural development of the region through cooperative action and coalition building. The OAS was founded by a Charter that explicitly includes the sovereign right of each member state and the principles and rights of each member state, including a commitment to collective security of all member nations. Background Information: Venezuela, the Petro State The ongoing crisis in Venezuela has deep economic, political and cultural roots dating back decades. In the 1920s speculators discovered crude oil in Venezuela, instantly bringing the small South American nation into the forefront of global energy production. Over time, it was discovered that Venezuela held the world’s largest reserves of crude oil, surpassing other oil- producing nations like Saudi Arabia or the United States of America. -
The Emergence of Hajj Stampedes: Lessons for Hajj Trauma Centers Mohammadjavad Hoseinpourfard,1 Mostafa Ghanei,1 Shahram Tofighi,1 Ali Ayoubian,2 and Morteza
Trauma Mon. 2017 July; 22(4):e39455. doi: 10.5812/traumamon.39455. Published online 2016 October 9. Review Article The Emergence of Hajj Stampedes: Lessons for Hajj Trauma Centers Mohammadjavad Hoseinpourfard,1 Mostafa Ghanei,1 Shahram Tofighi,1 Ali Ayoubian,2 and Morteza Izadi3,* 1Health Management Research Center, Baqiyatallah University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran 2Department of Health Service Management, Islamic Azad University, Tehran North Branch, Tehran, Iran 3Health Research Center, Baqiyatallah University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran *Corresponding author: Morteza Izadi, Baqiyatallah University of Medical Sciences, Nosrati Alley, Sheikhbahaei Janoubi Street, Molasadra Avenue, Vanak Square, Tehran, Iran. Tel: +98-82483250, Fax: +98 8248 3253, E-mail: [email protected] Received 2016 June 05; Revised 2016 September 21; Accepted 2016 September 26. Abstract Context: The Hajj pilgrimage is one of the most important obligations of Muslims. Hajj is the 2nd largest annual gatherings in the world after the Arbaeen pilgrimage to Karbala. Many of the health risk factors during the Hajj can be prevented or controlled. Evidence Acquisition: 17 available papers pertaining to the Hajj pilgrimage from 2000 to 2016 were aggregated, coded and used in the current study. The data were collected from the ISI web of knowledge, Scopus, Google Scholar, Lancet, PubMed, MEDLINE, Wiley, Highwire and EMBASE. The search strategy included the Hajj pilgrimage and trauma centers or Islamic ethics, Islamic rights, and accreditation. Results: On average 1,379,500 pilgrims from 188 different countries as well as 800,000 from Saudi Arabia visited Mecca every year. The health risk factors classified categories included communicable and noncommunicable diseases. -
SUKKAR Atif-Theses Nosignature.Pdf
POLITICAL REFORM AND ITS IMPACT ON POLITICAL STABILITY: A CASE STUDY OF THE KINGDOM OF SAUDI ARABIA DURING THE PERIOD FROM 1990 TO 2010 by Atif Abdullah Sukkar Master of Development Administration (Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan, USA) Bachelor of Political Science (King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah, the KSA) A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, Education and Human Development, School of Social Sciences and Psychology, Victoria University as the requirement of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (August, 2010) i ABSTRACT This research investigates the process of political reform in Saudi Arabia. Central to the study is an examination of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia‘s constitutional reforms implemented between 1990 and 2010, focusing on the Consultative Council (Majlis al-shūrā) and municipal councils as case studies. The research analyses the objectives, values and concerns that have informed the Kingdom‘s policies of political reform. Also, the study examines the extent to which Saudi Government reforms have responded to internal and external pressures for more far reaching reform and democratization. The study investigates how the events of the 1990-1991 Gulf War, the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Global Financial Crisis have influenced the direction of the Saudi Government‘s political reforms. Furthermore, the study examines how the Saudi Government dealt with various key stakeholders, co-opting some and excluding others from the reform process. It is argued that the Saudi Government‘s political reforms have been limited. These limitations refer to the government‘s objective to undertake reforms that do not lead to increased social mobilisation through independent political institutions but instead seek to preserve power and sustain the government‘s legitimacy.