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Implementing the Scotland Act 2012. an Update
Implementing the Scotland Act 2012 An update Prepared by Audit Scotland December 2015 Auditor General for Scotland The Auditor General’s role is to: • appoint auditors to Scotland’s central government and NHS bodies • examine how public bodies spend public money • help them to manage their finances to the highest standards • check whether they achieve value for money. The Auditor General is independent and reports to the Scottish Parliament on the performance of: • directorates of the Scottish Government • government agencies, eg the Scottish Prison Service, Historic Scotland • NHS bodies • further education colleges • Scottish Water • NDPBs and others, eg Scottish Police Authority, Scottish Fire and Rescue Service. You can find out more about the work of the Auditor General on our website: www.audit-scotland.gov.uk/about/ags Audit Scotland is a statutory body set up in April 2000 under the Public Finance and Accountability (Scotland) Act 2000. We help the Auditor General for Scotland and the Accounts Commission check that organisations spending public money use it properly, efficiently and effectively. Implementing the Scotland Act 2012: An update | 3 Contents Summary 4 Part 1. Devolved taxes 8 Part 2. Scottish rate of income tax 16 Part 3. Financial management and reporting 20 Endnotes 26 Appendix. Audit methodology 27 4 | Summary Key messages 1 Revenue Scotland successfully implemented the two devolved taxes on time. The IT system and people needed to collect and manage the taxes were in place by the time the taxes were introduced. It cost £5.5 million to implement the devolved taxes, £1.2 million more than originally estimated, owing mainly to the need for additional staff in the set-up phase. -
Vol-12-1.Pdf
Cambridge Journal of International and Comparative Law Publication Copyright and open-access policy The Cambridge Journal of International The CJICL is an open-access publication gov- and Comparative Law is an open-access erned by our publishing and licensing agree- publication that is available online at ment. Any commercial use and any form of <http://www.cjicl.org.uk>. Hardcopies can republication of material in the Journal is sub- be ordered on request. Each volume consists of two or more main issues and a special is- ject to the express permission of the Editors sue examining the jurisprudence of the UK in Chief. Supreme Court. Contact information Editorial Policy Cambridge Journal of International and Com- All submissions are subject to a double-blind parative Law peer-review editorial process by our Aca- Faculty of Law, 10 West Road demic Review Board and/or our Editorial Team. CB3 9DZ, Cambridge United Kingdom Submissions The journal accepts the following types of E-mail: [email protected] manuscript: Web: http://www.cjicl.org.uk (i) Long Articles between 6,000 and 10,000 words but not exceeding 10,000 words in- Typeset in Crimson and Gentium Book Basic, cluding footnotes; distributed under the terms of the SIL Open Font (ii) Short Articles not exceeding 5,000 words including footnotes; license, available at <http://scripts.sil.org/OFL>. (iii) Case Notes not exceeding 3000 words in- cluding footnotes; and (iv) Book Reviews not exceeding 2500 words including footnotes. Please visit our website for submission dead- lines. ISSN 2050-1706 (Print) ISSN 2050-1714 (Online) © 2012 Cambridge Journal of International and Comparative Law and Contributors This volume should be cited as (2012) 1(2) C.J.I.C.L. -
Fourth Annual Report on the Implementation of the Scotland Act 2016
FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE SCOTLAND ACT 2016 EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION AND OPERATION OF PART 3 (FINANCIAL PROVISIONS) OF THE SCOTLAND ACT 2012 Fourth Annual Report on the Implementation of the Scotland Act 2016 Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Scotland by Command of Her Majesty April 2020 Eighth Annual Report on the Implementation and Operation of Part 3 (Financial Provisions) of the Scotland Act 2012 Presented to Parliament pursuant to section 33(1)(b) of the Scotland Act 2012 Presented to the Scottish Parliament pursuant to section 33(1)(c) of the Scotland Act 2012 April 2020 © Crown copyright [2020] This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3. Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. This publication is available at www.gov.uk/official-documents. Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us at [email protected]. ISBN 978-1-5286-1834-2 CCS0320342228 04/20 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fibre content minimum Printed in the UK by the APS Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office CONTENTS Chapter Page Foreword 1 Part 1: Scotland Act 2016 2 1. Introduction 3 2. Implementation Progress 5 3. Income Tax 13 4. Other tax powers and fiscal provisions 17 5. Borrowing powers 19 6. -
Welfare Reform (Further Provision) (Scotland) Act 2012
Welfare Reform (Further Provision) (Scotland) Act 2012 Annual Report – 2016 June 2016 Welfare Reform (Further Provision) (Scotland) Act 2012 Annual Report – 2016 Laid before the Scottish Parliament by the Scottish Ministers under section 4(2) of the Welfare Reform (Further Provision) (Scotland) Act 2012 30 June 2016 SG/2016/99 Executive Summary The Welfare Reform (Further Provision) (Scotland) Act 2012 tasks the Scottish Government with producing an Annual Report on the impacts of the UK Welfare Reform Act 2012 (the Act) on the people of Scotland. Changes in UK welfare policy since the Act was passed have been detailed in previous annual reports. This is the third annual report (an initial report was also published in 2013), and the first to be published since the passing of the Scotland Act 2016, which will devolve a range of disability benefits, carer benefits and components of the Regulated Social Fund to Scotland, as well as powers to create new devolved benefits and top-up existing reserved benefits. Impacts of the Welfare Reform Act In June 2016, Universal Credit (UC) was available in all jobcentres in Scotland for single jobseekers without children. The most recent data for May 2016 show that there are around 28,100 households in Scotland claiming UC. Measures announced in the Summer Budget 2015 have reduced the relative generosity of UC for in-work claimants by reducing the Work Allowances. Once fully rolled out, UC is expected to have mixed financial impacts, with „winners‟ and „losers‟ in terms of benefit entitlement. The Scottish Government will have the power to make certain administrative changes to UC. -
The Scotland Act 2012: a Consultation on Bond Issuance by the Scottish Government
The Scotland Act 2012: a consultation on bond issuance by the Scottish Government June 2012 The Scotland Act 2012: a consultation on bond issuance by the Scottish Government June 2012 Official versions of this document are printed on 100% recycled paper. When you have finished with it please recycle it again. If using an electronic version of the document, please consider the environment and only print the pages which you need and recycle them when you have finished. © Crown copyright 2012 You may re-use this information (not including logos) free of charge in any format or medium, under the terms of the Open Government Licence. To view this licence, visit http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open- government-licence/ or write to the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or e-mail: [email protected]. Any queries regarding this publication should be sent to us at: [email protected]. ISBN 978-1-84532-957-0 PU1271 Contents Page Chapter 1 Introduction 3 Chapter 2 Sub-sovereign debt issuance – theory and practice 9 Chapter 3 Potential implications for Scotland 17 Chapter 4 Potential implications for the UK as a whole 23 Chapter 5 List of questions 25 Annex A Credit rating comparisons across agencies 27 Annex B Glossary of key financial market terms 29 1 1 Introduction Scope of this consultation 1.1 The aim of this consultation is to gather views and evidence on the costs and benefits, to both Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom, of granting Scottish Ministers the power to borrow by means of bond issuance for capital expenditure up to the amounts stipulated in the Scotland Act 2012 (£2.2 billion). -
Devolution of Tax Powers to the Scottish Parliament: the Scotland Act 2012
Devolution of tax powers to the Scottish Parliament: the Scotland Act 2012 Standard Note: SN5984 Last updated: 23 January 2015 Author: Antony Seely Business & Transport Section At present there are two sources of revenue under the control of the Scottish Parliament: local taxes (council tax and business rates), in respect of its responsibilities for local government, and the power to impose a ‘Scottish Variable Rate’ (SVR) of income tax: that is, amending the basic rate of tax by up to 3p in the £. The Scotland Act 2012 devolved three further powers: the power to set a Scottish rate of income tax (SRIT) from April 2016, and to introduce taxes on land transactions and on waste disposal from landfill, replacing the existing UK-wide taxes Stamp Duty Land Tax and Landfill Tax from April 2015. The Act also provides powers for new taxes to be created in Scotland and for additional taxes to be devolved, subject to certain criteria. While the receipts from the SRIT are to accrue to the Scottish Government, HM Revenue & Customs will continue to be responsible for assessing and collecting income tax across the UK. In February 2013 the Scottish Government and HMRC agreed a memorandum on their respective responsibilities in establishing and operating the Scottish Rate.1 The Scottish Government has introduced legislation to establish a new Land and Buildings Transactions Tax, and a Scottish Landfill Tax, from April 2015. Operational responsibility for collecting these taxes will be given to Registers of Scotland and the Scottish Environment Protection Agency, respectively. The Scottish Government has also introduced legislation to establish Revenue Scotland – the tax authority responsible for the administration of all devolved taxes. -
Borderland: Assessing the Implications of a More Autonomous Scotland for the North of England 1
REPORTBORDERLAND ASSESSING THE IMPLICATIONS OF A MORE AUTONOMOUS SCOTLAND FOR THE NORTH OF ENGLAND Katie Schmuecker, Guy Lodge and Lewis Goodall November 2012 © IPPR North 2012 Institute for Public Policy Research ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katie Schmuecker is associate director at IPPR North. Guy Lodge is associate director for politics and power at IPPR. Lewis Goodall, at the time this report was written, was a research assistant at IPPR North. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors would like to thank Jim Gallagher and James Ramsbotham for their input into the seminar held as part of this research. We would also like to thank David Bell, Nick Pearce and Ed Cox for their helpful comments on earlier drafts, and Richard Darlington, Ellie Geddes and Joanne Thomas, without whom there would not be a publication. We are also grateful to the James Madison Trust for the donation that made this research possible. ABOUT IPPR NORTH IPPR North is IPPR’s dedicated thinktank for the North of England. With bases in Newcastle and Manchester, IPPR North’s research, together with our stimulating and varied events programme, seeks to produce innovative policy ideas for fair, democratic and sustainable communities across the North of England. IPPR North specialises in regional economics, localism and community policy. Our approach is collaborative and we benefit from extensive sub-national networks, regional associates, and a strong track record of engaging with policymakers at regional, sub-regional and local levels. IPPR North 3rd Floor, 20 Collingwood Street Newcastle Upon Tyne NE1 1JF T: +44 (0)191 233 9050 E: [email protected] www.ippr.org/north Registered charity no. -
Edinburgh Speech 18 March 2011
Edinburgh Centre for Constitutional Law, 2 October 2012 Approaching the Independence Referendum: The Legal Issues Lord Wallace of Tankerness QC, Advocate General for Scotland In May last year, those who’d actually gone to bed on election night woke up to find an SNP majority in the Scottish Parliament. The SNP emerging stronger as the largest party was expected but the achievement of an outright majority took many by surprise – including the clutch of senior SNP figures with whom I shared panels on BBC and STV as the results unfolded. Perhaps some were also surprised that their manifesto commitment to hold a referendum on whether Scotland should become an independent country was to be tested. I don't think it would be giving away state secrets to say that in the aftermath of that clear victory, the UK Government had given a lot of thought to that manifesto commitment to hold an independence referendum. We had been asking the new Scottish Government to set out their plans for a referendum and we were also interested in how they intended to address the legal issues associated with such a referendum. All those of you with some knowledge of the Scotland Act 1998 will know that the essential aspects of the British constitution are reserved to the UK Parliament, including the Union of the Kingdoms of Scotland and England. The Scotland Act 1998 makes it clear that the Scottish Parliament does not have the power to pass legislation that relates to a reserved matter. Any legislation that fails the competence tests in the Scotland Act is, to quote directly from the rather blunt wording of section 29 of that Act, “not law”. -
LG Seminar – Human Rights and the Supreme Court
ILG Seminar – Human Rights and the Supreme Court John Scott will cover the Supreme Court and the human rights protections of the Scotland Act, including discussion of the recent controversy involving the First Minister. This seminar will benefit anyone with an interest in human rights, constitutional matters and criminal law. HUMAN RIGHTS IN SCOTLAND PRE-SCOTLAND ACT The good start for ECHR, which I will describe soon, was made much easier because of the extremely unreceptive attitude towards ECHR pre-Scotland Act. I am thinking, in particular, of what Lord Ross said in Kaur v Lord Advocate (1981 SLT 322)- that the Convention was irrelevant in legal proceedings unless and until its provisions had been incorporated or given effect to in legislation and therefore the court was not entitled to have regard to it either as an aid to construction or otherwise. It might be thought that there was more to the Scottish approach than just barely concealed hostility. I think it is possible over the passing years to detect an underlying superiority complex. As ever, it probably didn’t help that the Convention was explicitly a European treaty. The extreme view expressed in Kaur softened over time and, even before the Scotland Act, by 1999 the Convention was being expressly considered. On the civil side in 1996 we had T Petitioner 1997 SLT 724 (re gay adoption) and on the criminal we had McLeod Petitioner 1998 SCCR 77(a decision from late 1997 which is still the leading Scottish authority concerning disclosure). L J-G - In seeking to formulate the approach of our law we may, however, look at the decisions of the Strasbourg court just as we look at the decisions of any other court of authority to see what persuasive effect they may have. -
Finance and Constitution Committee Inquiry Into the European Union (Withdrawal) Bill
FINANCE AND CONSTITUTION COMMITTEE INQUIRY INTO THE EUROPEAN UNION (WITHDRAWAL) BILL Submission by Dr Chris McCorkindale (University of Strathclyde), Professor Aileen McHarg (University of Strathclyde), and Professor Tom Mullen (University of Glasgow) In this submission, we address three sets of issues raised by the European Union (Withdrawal) Bill (EUW Bill), which have implications for the devolution settlement and for the Scottish legal system, namely: the continuity of European Union (EU) law; ministerial powers; and future powers to legislate in areas currently governed by EU law. Continuity of EU Law One of the key aims of the Bill is securing continuity of what it terms “retained EU law” after Brexit. A number of problematic issues arise concerning the definition of retained EU law, its status in the domestic legal system, and the interpretation of retained EU Law. Defining retained EU law The Bill has to specify which laws are to have their effect extended beyond Brexit. It does so by reference to their sources in EU or domestic law, distinguishing three categories: 1. EU-derived domestic legislation (clause 2) includes: (i) delegated legislation made under section 2(2) of the European Communities Act 1972 (ECA) in order to implement the UK’s obligations under EU law; (ii) Any legislation, whether primary or delegated, made in order to implement the UK’s obligations under EU law, or which operates for such a purpose (i.e. legislation which predated the relevant EU law, but which has been relied on to secure compliance with it) ; and (iii) A miscellaneous category of legislation relating to the EU/EEA. -
English Votes for English Laws
House of Commons Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee The Future of the Union, part one: English Votes for English laws Fifth Report of Session 2015–16 HC 523 House of Commons Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee The Future of the Union, part one: English Votes for English laws Fifth Report of Session 2015–16 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 26 January 2016 HC 523 Published on 11 February 2016 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £0.00 The Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee The Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the reports of the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration and the Health Service Commissioner for England, which are laid before this House, and matters in connection therewith; to consider matters relating to the quality and standards of administration provided by civil service departments, and other matters relating to the civil service; and to consider constitutional affairs. Current membership Mr Bernard Jenkin MP (Conservative, Harwich and North Essex) (Chair) Ronnie Cowan MP (Scottish National Party, Inverclyde) Oliver Dowden MP (Conservative, Hertsmere) Paul Flynn MP (Labour, Newport West) Rt Hon Cheryl Gillan MP (Conservative, Chesham and Amersham) Kate Hoey MP (Labour, Vauxhall) Kelvin Hopkins MP (Labour, Luton North) Rt Hon David Jones MP (Conservative, Clwyd West) Gerald Jones MP (Labour, Merthyr Tydfil and Rhymney) Tom Tugendhat MP (Conservative, Tonbridge and Malling) Mr Andrew Turner MP (Conservative, Isle of Wight) Powers The committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 146. -
Scotland and Brexit: the State of the Union and the Union State
Scotland and Brexit: the state of the Union and the union state Christopher McCorkindale, University of Strathclyde I. Introduction The constitution of the United Kingdom has always had something of a Jekyll and Hyde nature: an internal and uneasy tension between its unitary and union state identities. JDB Mitchell’s famous assertion that the Union parliament was ‘born unfree’1 might be contested, but it reminds us that from its very inception the ability of the unitary state to hoard political power at the centre – to sustain the claim that the legitimacy and authority of all other institutions flows from, through and back to2 the sovereign Crown-in-Parliament – has depended upon the persuasion that a layer of constitutional protection exists in order to preserve the distinct civil, political and cultural identities of its constituent nations against the abuse of that power. Where the constituent nations are no longer so persuaded there the unitary state is confronted with a dilemma: to adapt or to fail. As a result of the 2016 EU Referendum the capacity of the UK constitution to straddle its unitary and union state identities is under strain. On the one hand, that the wish of the Scottish (as well as that of the Northern Irish) majority to remain in the EU was rendered impotent against the nationwide majority who voted to leave has caused some to reflect on a persistent democratic deficit at the centre.3 On the other hand, the way in which a political right with no mainstream counterpart in Scottish politics have taken control (though I use this term loosely!) of Brexit– aided and abetted by the disavowal of any responsibility on the political left either convincingly to make the case for remain or to present a compelling alternative vision of what it means to leave - has reopened the case for greater autonomy, or even independence, in Scotland.