THE PERSISTENCE OF TRADITIONAL WAYS IN
AN INUIT COMMUNITY
By
BARBARA LOUISE BUTLER
B.SC.N., McMaster University, 1974
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
in
THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
(Department of Geography)
We accept this thesis as conforming
to the required standard
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
April 1985
^) Barbara Louise Butler, 1985 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.
Department of <-?£oGAAPHy
The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3
DE-6 (3/81) ii
Abstract
The persistence of traditional ways in a Canadian Arctic Com• munity is demonstrated by the examination of the Inuit community of Pelly Bay, NWT. The discussion is concerned with the manner in which the modern community continues to function in an Inuit man• ner despite the adoption of elements of western society such as modern technology and an economic system based on cash.
Data for the study are, for the most part, the result of fieldwork in Pelly Bay in 1982. Data are presented on various as• pects of the modern community with a particular emphasis on re• source utilization and economic activities. i I i
Table of Contents
Abstract ii
List of Tables iv List of Illustrations vi
Chapter
One Introduction 1
Two Change and Development 18
Three An Historical Perspective 28
Four Pelly Bay: The Modern Inuit Community 49
Five Tradition and the Young People of Pelly Bay . . 122
Six Summary and Conclusions 138
Bibliography 146
Appendices
1 Household Survey 154
2 Student Survey 156
3 Youth Survey 157 iv
List of Tables
Number Page
1 Years of Schooling, 1967 40
2 Employment of Inuit in Pelly Bay, 1967 45
3 Chronology of Important Events for Pelly Bay Inuit 48
4 Population Characteristics, Pelly Bay 1982 .... 50
5 School Enrollment, Pelly Bay 59
6 Educational Levels, Inuit Population Aged 15
and Over 63
7 Job Training 63
8 Labour Force Activities, Pelly Bay Inuit 64
9 Participation of Inuit Household Members in
Economic Activities 66
10 Approximate Hunting Costs 76
11 Nutritional Value of Game 76
12 Value of Subsistence Foods, 1982 78
13 Summary of Game Harvests, Pelly Bay 79
14 Imputed Value of Caribou Harvest 80
15 Imputed Value of Seal Harvest 81
16 Imputed Value of Polar Bear Harvest 83
17 Imputed Value of Fish 85 V
18 Fur Export Data, Pelly Bay, 1976-1983 89
19 Hunters Subsidies 90
20 Wage Income for Pelly Bay, 1982 91
21 Annual Employment Incomes, Pelly Bay, 1981 .... 92
22 Cominco Employees from Pelly Bay 95
23 Income from Permanent Employment by Source, 1982 . 97
24 Participants in Handicrafts/Arts 100.
25 Social Assistance, Pelly Bay, 1970-71 and 1982-83. 101
26 Social Assistance, Kitikmeot Communities, 1982-83. 101
27 Social Assistance, Pelly Bay, 1982-83, 1983-84 . . 102
28 Income From All Sources, 1982 102
29 Summary of Monetary Income Data, Pelly Bay .... 103
30 Per Capita Income, Pelly Bay 105
31 Employment Status of Pelly Bay Youth 124
32 Occupations of Pelly Bay Youth, 1982 125
33 Work Preferences of Pelly Bay Youth 126
34 Student Survey 127
35 Desire for Mobility, Pelly Bay Youth 134 vi
List of Illustrations
Number Page
1 Pelly Bay Location References 6
2 Pelly Bay Location References 7
3 Pelly Bay Site Plan 8
4 Sale of Fox Pelts 33
5 Income from Fur Sales 34
6 Age and Sex Pyramid, Pelly Bay 1982 51
7 Population Growth, Pelly Bay 53
8 Pelly Bay Location References 69
9 Hunting Areas Pre-1935 70
10 Hunting Areas, 1935-1967 71
11 Hunting Areas, 1967-1974 72
12 Hunting Areas, 1982 73
13 Hunting Areas, Inuit Place Names 74
14 Summary of Economic Activities by Percentage of
Total Income 77a
15 Per Capita Income 104
16 Projected Labour Force for Pelly Bay (to 1977). . . 130 THE PERSISTENCE OF TRADITIONAL WAYS IN AN INUIT COMMUNITY
Chapter One
Introduction
A modern Inuit settlement has telecommunications, modern transportation facilities, public services and a cash economy. It continues to exist, however, as a truly Inuit community. This study examines the manner in which traditional ways have persisted in an Inuit community, not in the form of residual artifacts and ceremonies from previous decades, but rather as a way of life.
Arguments are presented in the thesis to support the follow• ing three premises:
1. The community continues to function in an Inuit manner.
All aspects of life in the present day Inuit community are guided to some extent by Inuit traditions.
2. The Inuit have retained their culture and attachment to traditional ways despite adoption of elements of western society such as modern technology and an economic system based on cash.
The values and ideologies associated with elements of western so• ciety have not been wholly adopted.
3. Traditional ways have served to aid the adaptation to a changing lifestyle and the development of the modern community. 2
These premises will be demonstrated in this study by the ex• amination of the hamlet of Pelly Bay, an Inuit community in the
Kitikmeot region of Canada's Arctic.
The Meaning of Tradition
The Inuit of Pelly Bay view and approach their environment in a way which is different from the ways of southern Canadians. ".
. . every culture has different eyes, different ways of looking at things, situations and events" (Freeman, 1981, 269).
Even those elements which are common to both the modern Inuit and Western cultures, such as the cash system, education and em• ployment, differ in meaning. The term 'tradition,1 for example, is viewed by most southern Canadians as something which is old.
Thus, those outsiders who look for evidence of the 'traditional'
Inuit culture search for the presence of old artifacts and skills such as carving of tools, sewing of skins, certain hunting prac• tices or even drum dancing. The Inuit however, have a different view of tradition; to them, it implies a part of one's culture which is retained. In this study, the term 'tradition' is util• ized to indicate that which is part of the Inuit culture, as op• posed to something which has been adopted from outside. Thus, a traditional way implies a manner of functioning which has been utilized by the Inuit culture over a period of time. As Gusfield suggests, "Tradition is not something waiting out there, always 3 over one's shoulder. It is rather plucked, created, and shaped to present needs and aspirations in a given historical situation"
(1967, 358).
This study suggests that the Inuit culture is evident in the manner in which White ways are conceived and adapted to present day lifestyles by the Inuit themselves. Examples of these tradi• tional approaches to modern life can be summarized as follows.
1. There is a lack of future orientation. As noted by Will• iamson (1976), the Inuit live on a day-to-day or season-to-season basis. There continues to be an orientation towards survival and consumption rather than the accumulation of assets, which is re• flected in attitudes towards money, education and employment.
2. Decision-making appears to be based on group concensus.
All members are allowed to express their opinion, and thereby con• tribute to the selection of a course of action. There is no cen• tral leader; rather, respected community members are elected to decision-making bodies such as the Council or Board of Directors of the Co-op.
3. Traditional sharing methods are evident in job sharing and allocation of work on the basis of need and family responsib• ility. Through these means 'cash' is distributed among community members.
4. Status is based on traditional values including respect for elders, and intelligence, in the forms of knowledge and wis• dom. There is no social stratification based on choice of econ• omic strategy or from differing income level. 4
5. A strong attachment to the land and land-based activities continues. The game harvested and the seasonal variations remain similar to those of previous decades although the adoption of white technology has given the Inuit the flexibility to partici• pate in other economic sectors as well.
6. Most Inuit choose to participate in a variety of economic pursuits, a strategy called "economic generalization" by Jansen II
(1979). This allows them to capitalize on opportunities as they arise. It reflects a traditional orientation towards living on a day-to-day basis.
Patterns such as these are examined more fully throughout this thesis, and a further discussion of the meanings of the terms
'traditional' and 'modern' is included in Chapter Two.
The Community
The Physical Setting
Pelly Bay is a small community and exists in relative isola• tion from the rest of Canada. It is located 1,312 kilometers northeast of Yellowknife in the Kitikmeot region of the Northwest
Territories. The settlement itself is situated on the west side of the Simpson Peninsula, near the mouth of the Kugaardjuk River and is bounded by rocky outcrops and the steep rocky shoreline of
St. Peter's Bay. The area inland is a relatively level plain interrupted by rocky areas and small lakes. A ring of islands, 5 approximately one kilometer offshore from the community, contrib• utes to its picturesque setting.
The People
Pelly Bay is also known as Arviligjuat, and its people as the
Arviligjuarmiut. It translates to mean "people of the large whale" because nearby hills are reminiscent of that shape.
Pelly Bay people originate from the Netsilik Inuit, although today they ally themselves with the Inuit of Repulse Bay as much as with the 'seal people' of Spence Bay. Ninety-five percent of the community's population of 255 are Inuit, almost all of whom are related to one another. White residents, with the exception of the priest and the husband of one Inuit woman, are not perma• nent inhabitants.
Local Government and Services
The community is highly organized. A mayor and eight coun• cillors are elected to Hamlet Council positions. There are also community committees which deal with education, health, housing and recreation matters. The people elect a Board of Directors who act as a decision-making body for the Koomiut Co-op.
The settlement appears as a group of coloured houses and in• cludes a new community complex, a six-room hotel, co-operative store, snowmobile repair shop, craft store, school, television satellite dish and local radio station. A new nursing station is currently under construction to replace the one-nurse station
0 10 20 30 40 50 I 1 1 1 1 1 miles 8 Figure 3 Pelly Bay Site Plan
Legend 1. Mission Church lk. Kugaardjuk River 2. Fish Plant (closed) 15. Pelly Bay 3. Co-op Store k. Hamlet Office/Post Office 5. School 6. Craft Store 7• Community Complex 8. Nursing Station 9. Power Plant 10. Fuel Tanks (storage) 11. Airport Buildings 12. Air Strip 13. Hotel 9 built in 1969. There are fifty housing units administered by the
North West Territories (NWT) Housing Corporation through a local
Housing Committee. A housing reabi1itation program began in 1979 and will result in the installation of plumbing and running water in the housing units. Telephones are available to all housing units.
The Hamlet Council provides water, sewage, garbage and road services. Water is obtained from the Kugaardjuk River 2.5 kilo• meters upstream from the community or from two lakes near the air strip, and is delivered to each household twice weekly or as need• ed. A dump and a natural gravel deposit which provides material for maintenance and building sites, are located approximately two kilometers from the community. Fuel is delivered to the communi• ty's storage tanks once a year by airlift and is delivered to households on a regular basis by the Koomiut Co-op.
The community is accessible only by air and skidoo. The Ham• let Council operates the air strip, and weather and communication services are provided during working hours. Scheduled air service is provided, weather permitting, twice weekly from Yellowknife via
Cambridge Bay. Flights from Hall Beach are scheduled if suffi• cient bookings are made.
Police protection is available through the Spence Bay RCMP detachment, but only infrequent visits are made to Pelly Bay.
A more complete description of the community as it exists to• day is included in Chapter Four. 10
Methods of Data Collection
The data for the study are, for the most part, the results of
six months of fieldwork in Pelly Bay in 1982. Data were collected
on various aspects of the modern community with a particular em•
phasis on resource utilization and economic activities. The atti•
tudes and activities of the young people were a major focus of the
study.
Field Techniques
Participant Observation: In addition to the collection of
quantitative data, the importance of examining subjective informa•
tion concerning human behaviour and attitudes is recognized. Par•
ticipant observation was, therefore, an important research tech•
nique .
In addition to participation in community events and activ•
ities, the role of hotel manager for five months served to justify
the researcher's presence in the community. The Council gave its
permission for the research to be conducted and the members were,
therefore, fully aware of the researchers' purposes. For the most
part, the people were superficially helpful and friendly, although many avoided interaction for fear of being asked questions. The
role of hotel manager eased these apprehensions and served to in•
crease interaction with members of the community on both a busi•
ness and social level. 11
Interviews/Questionnaires: A number of structured and un• structured interviews were conducted to complement and verify data collected through participant observation in the community. Ini• tially, all households were visited to make introductions and ex• plain the purpose of the research. In the following months, each household was visited again to gather data on economic activities.
The interviews consisted of administering a formal questionnaire along with informal discussion. The interviews were conducted, for the most part, through an interpreter.
All the young people (aged 15 to 24) in the community com• pleted a separate questionnaire and most (70 percent) participated in informal group discussions. Communication with the young peo• ple was primarily in English, which is, in reality, their second language. However, a research assistant aided in translation and in obtaining the co-operation of the young people, and a high lev• el of confidence is placed in the information gathered.
Senior students at Kugaardjuk school completed a question• naire related to their educational levels and future aspirations.
These results are discussed in Chapter Five.
Other Data Sources: In addition to the fieldwork situation, statistical data from government surveys and studies conducted by other researchers were utilized. Where appropriate, these sources are noted in the following chapters. 12
Difficulties in Field Data Collection and Interpretation
A number of difficulties are encountered in interpreting da• ta, and in doing fieldwork in a cross-cultural situation.
Language
Data gathering and communication in English is difficult be• cause the majority of Pelly Bay Inuit speak little, if any, Eng• lish. There is a significant difference between the two languages and English words and ideas cannot, in many cases, be translated directly into Inuktitut. Comprehension and understanding from both sides is, therefore, sometimes incomplete. Moreover, the necessary use of Inuit interpreters includes the risk that trans• lations are skewed towards the translator's viewpoint.
Size
The size of the community (43 households) and the small num• ber of inhabitants were limitations in themselves. Greater con• fidence could be placed in the data to be gathered if it were pos• sible to interview all members of the community. This proved sometimes difficult however, because community members were often absent from the community during extended hunting/camping periods.
It also created difficulty in pre-testing questionnaires. 13
Culture
In the Inuit culture, it is considered impolite to ask direct
questions or to express an opinion overtly. Although the northern
indigenous people have become accustomed to the presence of re•
searchers in their communities, many remain uncomfortable with the
questionnaire or structured interview format and tend only to give
limited answers—"yes," "no," or "I don't know," when there is a wish not to answer. It is also common that the interviewee might
agree with a leading statement by the researcher rather than give
an opinioin. This latter response necessitates caution in the use
of questions which may contain hints of the interviewer's bias.
Western Bias
As already noted, westernized indicators of development may be out of context when applied to a study of a northern Inuit com• munity. In simple illustration of this point, one survey complet• ed by the NWT government (and conducted by this researcher) con• tained the question, "Where were you born?" Although this re• quires a relatively straightforward answer in western society, in an Inuit community which is only fifteen to twenty years old, re•
sponses varied from "Out behind the gravel pit" to "In an igloo on the ice." Similarly, some respondents had difficulty compre•
hending questions asked by this researcher. 14
Numerical Data
It was difficult to obtain complete data in some areas due to lack of records. In many cases it was necessary to rely on the recall of the inhabitants. In addition, a number of factors con• tribute to inaccuracies in available statistics. Income figures, for example are affected by the extent of work which is part-time or seasonal, by the numbers who participate in many types of work simultaneously, and by undeclared income from various sources.
Limitations such as these are noted further in Chapter Four.
Cross-Cultural Research
Clifford Geertz (1977) suggests that the researcher must set aside one's own conceptions and attempt to view the experiences of others within the framework of their own ideas. While this study represents an attempt to do as Geertz suggests, some difficulties were inherent because of the cross-cultural nature of the field- work situation. For example, although experience as a participant observer provided knowledge of actions and the ability to antici• pate behaviours and decisions, there remained difficulties in com• prehending the exact mechanisms through which decisions were reached. Many times this researcher felt she had achieved a level of understanding only to be confronted with a contradictory situa• tion. The researcher was not alone in this experience however.
Father van de Velde, for example, a Belgian priest who lived for many years in the community of Pelly Bay, noted, ". . . I wish I 15 would understand these Eskimos as well as (I thought) I did after
I had spent mny first year here" (quoted in Van den Steenhoven,
1959, 10).
The thoughts of this writer's experience with participant
observation are perhaps best summed up by Geertz (1977):
Understanding the form and pressure of . . . na• tives' inner lives is more like grasping a proverb, catching an illusion, seeing a joke~or, as I have sug• gested, reading a poem—than it is like achieving commu• nion (p. 492).
While it is probably not necessary to "achieve communion" with the
local people in order to study processes occurring in the commu• nity, one must be aware that the researcher, "cannot help but make
some sort of comparison with the society and culture whence they came. They will necessarily view the other ways of behaving,
thinking and feeling through the filter of their own" (Hsu, 1979,
526).
Scope of the Study
The thesis emphasizes an examination of the processes occur• ring at the community level. In particular, the focus is on the economic activities of the people of Pelly Bay.
Both quantitative and qualitative data are presented to de• monstrate the way of life of the people of Pelly Bay. It is rec• ognized that quantitative indicators of development such as 16 employment and income levels have limited meaning when utilized to examine cultural groups who have differing concepts not only of development, but also of "cash" and "making a living," for in• stance. Such indicators cannot gauge man's use of resources and the manner in which he relates to his environment in its totality.
The study therefore adopts a descriptive approach and utilizes anecdotal notes where appropriate to communicate further the mean• ing of development for the residents of Pelly Bay, and to demon• strate the manner in which traditional ways have persisted.
As previously noted, the persistence of traditional ways is shown to be evident in the manner in which decision-making occurs, education and employment are viewed, status is acquired and land- based activities are pursued. These traditional patterns are ex• amined in this thesis in the following manner.
Chapter Two reviews literature which is relevant to the the• sis. In particular, the concepts of development and change are examined, and there is further discussion concerning the meaning of the terms 'traditional' and 'modern.'
Chapter Three examines the changes which have occurred for the people of Pelly Bay from an historical perspective. The man• ner in which the Inuit have retained their traditional culture despite the adoption of the elements from the outside, such as
Christianity, government services, and equipment is discussed.
The present-day community of Pelly Bay and the way in which the modern way of life is approached is the subject of Chapter
Four. Current activities and attitudes, especially those which 17 relate to economic patterns, are examined in detail to demonstrate the persistence of traditional Inuit ways in the modern community.
The implications of the present system for the future life• styles of the young people of the community is explored in Chapter
Five. The activities and attitudes of the young people of Pelly
Bay are emphasized in this study because a large proportion of the population of the community falls into this age bracket. It is noted that the youth, like their parents and grandparents, con• tinue to live in a traditional manner, holding on to Inuit values and world views, and that they utilize these in their approach to a modern way of life.
In the final chapter, a summary is presented, conclusions are discussed, and the implications of this research for studies of other northern communities are briefly explored. 18
Chapter Two
Change and Development
The process of change which has been occurring for the Inuit of Pelly Bay, particularly since contact with the white man, is referred to as development. This chapter examines the concept of development as it pertains to the Inuit of northern Canada and to the study.
To North Americans, the term development, when applied to in• digenous people of the North, implies that the native peoples are becoming more like the metropolitan Canadian; that is, the Inuit are acquiring the values and way-of-life of the white man's soci• ety. This view is based on the assumption that development is synonymous with industrialized western society.
The manner in which Whites have interacted with the northern people and the northern environment is frequently analyzed in terms of a colonial framework (for example, Brody, 1975; Berger,
1977; Dacks, 1981). Brody (1975) states that the colonialist re• gards his own society as synonymous with culture, and perceives the 'colonized' as barely able to protect themselves, and there• fore to need the benefits of civilization. Although northern peo• ple themselves have not accepted the low economic and social 19
status which is assigned by their colonial or dependent status
(Dacks, 1981), this ethnocentric viewpoint has influenced those
interested in the North and its peoples. It seems, for example,
to have been the push behind the benevolent government policies of
the 1960s. Similarly, in the 1970s, it was demonstrated by those who advocated the need to protect the culture of Native people
from progress, even to the extent of suggesting a return to tradi•
tional lifestyles.
The ethnocentric focus of southern Canadians has also been
indicated by designs created for development research. In many cases, measurements of development in northern Canadian communi•
ties are based on the extent to which White ways have been adopt• ed. Mayes (1982) notes for example, that selected indicators are based on western norms such as infant mortality, number of tele• phones, percentage of children attending school, income and/or
protein intake, or on the degree of industrialization achieved.
These approaches assume that society progresses from primitive
subsistence to modern industrial. They also reflect a dualistic view of change according to which tradition and change are seen as opposed forces, the latter growing at the expense of the former.
This study attempts to focus on a less ethnocentric view of the process of development in the community of Pelly Bay. It is based on the following assumptions:
1. Change or development is a continunous process.
2. Change occurs as a result of not only outside factors, but also of processes occurring within the culture itself. 20
3. Development does not cause traditional ways to be dis• carded; rather, new ways are adopted within a Native context.
The first of these assumptions, that change is an ongoing process, suggests that no culture is static, but instead that it is constant and evolving. This is noted by Dacks (1981) who states:
. . . the natives' traditional values are no more static and unchanging than non-natives' traditional values are; a culture applies its time-tested ideas and forms of so• cial organization to new situations. In this way the culture evolves new forms, yet retains a coherence be• cause the old forms are adapted to the new. (p. 38)
Lineton suggests that change is the means by which indigenous people maintain their culture:
. . . the native people . . . are maintaining their cul• ture and expanding their numbers in one of the few ways possible for traditional primitive societies in the mo• dern world—by changing. (Lineton, 1978, 102)
That is to say, that cultural traditions can continue to be strong although the forms of the culture are constantly changing.
This is in agreement with the ideas of Milton Freeman (1981) who states that although culture, in the form of behaviours, values and attitudes, is passed on to the succeeding generation, what is passed on is not exactly what is received from one's parents.
Freeman argues that there is a core of the essential elements which constitutes the basis of a person's self-perception of who he is and why his group is distinctive, and that this is what is passed on. What is lost is made up for by greater cultural value 21 being accorded to elements which do remain. In this way visible manifestations of culture can change without weakening the culture of the group.
In this vein, Berger also concludes that the culture of northern Canada's native people is still a vital force in their lives. He notes that since the coming of the white man, the na• tive people of the North have clung to their beliefs, their own ideas of themselves, of who they are and where they came from, and have revealed a self-consciousness that is much more than retro• spective (Berger, 1977, 85). In reference to native culture, he states, "These values are ancient and enduring, although the ex• pression of them may change—indeed has changed—from general to generation" (Berger, 1977, 99).
The assumption that cultural groups are constantly undergoing change implies that the Native people of Canada's North did not exist in a static state before the arrival of the white man, nor that they moved along a line from one evolutionary stage of deve• lopment to another. This is in agreement with the thoughts of
Gusfield (1967) who argues not only against the idea of a static traditional culture, but also that tradition and modernity are not mutually exclusive systems. His theories suggest that there is an intermingling of the 'modern' and the 'traditional,' rather than a series of conflicts between the two.
Theories of change which focus primarily on a theme of con• flict, often portray development as the result of some outside 22 force. Causative status is delegated to new technologies, ideo• logies or other outside factors. Such forces are often seen to push the people of a cultural group who are subject to the impact, on to another stage of development. For example, Balikci (1964) attributes changes in traditional relationships of the Pelly Bay
Inuit to the land and to each other to the advent of the rifle.
Similarly, among those of the structural marxist following, capi•
talism is often portrayed as a force acting against a traditional
society (for example, McDonnell, 1983). However, the assumption
that change is brought about by outside forces does not recognize the mechanisms inherent within the indigenous society itself.
Brody (1982) points out in his book, Maps and Dreams, that it
is the fault of the social sciences, or rather of those who do re• search in the social sciences, that they tend to point to strong socio-economic and historical forces and to their inevitable con• sequences. This suggests that people are, as Brody expresses it, helpless victims without the "wit or freedom" to influence events.
Brody noted from his research with the Beaver Indians of British
Columbia, that this is not necessarily the case. While most cur• rent studies of northern communities do note that the native peo• ple are persisting in traditional modes to some extent, this is often interpreted as a reaction to some outside force. Seldom is any decision-making on the part of the indigenous society pointed out although native people have both accepted and rejected many innovations. 23
McConnell (1975), on the other hand, considers that both the ability to change and the push for change comes from within Inuit society. He discards a notion of determinism in development and suggests rather that the actions taken by the Inuit are the pro• duct of active decision-making between choices within the society.
McConnell argues that changes occur in Inuit society through a process which involves first inputs of new information or mate• rials and then consideration of the new options these may suggest.
In this manner, there is accommodation to new circumstances which are presented.
The premise of this thesis, that the development process oc• curs not only as a result of contact with outside factors but also of processes inherent in the culture itself, lies between the the• ories of McConnell and those who see native people as passive in the face of some stronger power. That is to say that contact with new technologies and systems is viewed as presenting new options to a native group, and many of these options are adopted and help to create new lifestyles. As the Inuit author, Minnie Freeman, notes, "... any good change is always welcome to any kind of culture. Inuit have always looked for better ways, for useful things to aid survival" (1981, 269). They were in other words, active participants in the process of change and not just the peo• ple upon whom changes were forced.
That is not to say that the culture itself does not create some constraints on individuals in terms of what options are ac• ceptable. However, the Inuit culture has been noted by several 24
researchers to be flexible. Lange (1977), for example, focuses
on the notion of flexibility in traditional Inuit culture as an adaptive and an integrative mechanism. He refers to flexibility
as the high degree of tolerance the Inuit afford each other re• garding dissimilar means of achieving approved ends, as long as
the different means are equally effective. Lange suggests that it
is because of this flexibility that the Inuit have maintained
their traditional values in their day-to-day life in modern times.
Put in other words, the Inuit culture allows its members to choose between many options. This does not imply permissiveness, but rather that there are many feasible courses of action which
are acceptable within the context of the Inuit culture. Those in
Pelly Bay for example, who choose to support their families by means of working at a regular job, are not regarded as any less
Inuit than those who are primarily hunters.
Culture, while creating some constraints may also aid in the adjustment to new options offered to the community through contact with those outside. Thus, an individual is able to pursue a new mode of, for example, 'earning a living' without threatening his ties tojTjj^cultural group. New methods, systems and technologies which are acceptable to the cultural group are adopted into the community and adapted to a native way of doing things. In this way, change is allowed to occur. John Beveridge, in reference to the writings of Gusfield sums this up as follows: 25
Aspects of traditional cultures often had considerable effect on the acceptance, rejection or fusion of modern forms, often supplying the skills and sometimes the source of legitimation for new goals and new processes in a selective change process. Tradition and modern• izing processes such as communication, transportation, and economic and political development sometimes acted to strengthen cultural traditions. (Beveridge, 1979, 112)
As mentioned earlier in this chapter, researchers have ex• amined evidence of the use of western technology or methods as indicators of the presence or absence of traditional ways. There are two faults with this mode of thinking. First of all, one must be aware that the adoption of certain technology is not necessa• rily seen as a westernized way of doing things by the indigenous people themselves. Inuit who use, for example, skidoos and rifles to hunt do not consider this a white way of hunting (McConnell ,
1975).
Secondly, it fails to examine the manner in which these mo• dern items are incorporated into native ways, and it ignores tra• ditional processes which continue to be present. In support of this, Berger (1977) notes that the adoption of items of western technology does not mean that western values are adopted with them. He also referred to Derek Smith who cautions against equat• ing technological adaptations with a change in values, "Technolog• ical change, which is very visible, should not be allowed to obs• cure the less visible . . ." (in Berger, 1977, 110).
In this vein, Rapaport's (1981) study of the Bedouin demon• strated that despite the giving up of tents with which the Bedouin 26 had come to be identified, in favour of houses, settlement pat• terns were retained. Thus patterns rather than actual structures could be seen to be more indicative of the persistence of tradi• tional values.
Although the Inuit have given up many traditional structures or technology, many patterns and their way of viewing the world appear to have been adopted more from traditional modes of func• tioning than from the infusion of western artifacts. In Pelly
Bay, tradition is present in the manner in which the Inuit manage their affairs and behave towards one another. For example, the manner in which decisions are reached reflects the pattern of group concensus that is associated with the Inuit culture. Like• wise, traditional sharing methods are reflected in the manner in which hiring for jobs is done; hiring is most often on the basis of need and jobs are shared by or rotated among community members.
Attitudes towards the economic system also differ from those of western society in their orientation towards consumption and per• haps survival rather than towards accumulation of assets for fu• ture security.
These findings reflect the third assumption and primary theme of this thesis, that development does not cause traditional ways to be discarded; rather new ways are incorporated into a native way-of-life.
. . . the capacity for human beings to adapt, to incor• porate new situations and experiences into their world view without fundamentally altering it, has often been underestimated. Even under conditions of political and 27
economic domination or policies of assimilation, many of the essential elements of traditional cultures have per• sisted. (Beveridge, 1979, 111)
Traditional patterns in the community of Pelly Bay will be explored more fully in the following chapters. 28
Chapter Three
An Historical Perspective
Life in a permanent Arctic community in the 1980s is certain• ly different than life on the land in the 1930s. The changes which have occurred for the Inuit of Pelly Bay are substantial when viewed from an historical perspective. The influences of the
Church, the DEW (Distance Early Warning) Line, trading posts, new technology of various kinds, and successive government programs have all offered opportunities for change, and some elements from the outside were absorbed into the Inuit way of life.
Explorers, Missionaries and Fur Traders
The Explorers
At the time of contact with 'whites' the Inuit followed a seasonal migratory cycle and had a subsistence economy based on hunting and fishing. Winter was spent in a large group of up to sixty people on the sea ice. During this time sealing at breath• ing holes was the main hunting activity, and socializing and com• munal events were common. 29
In spring, families travelled back to the land to establish
fishing camps, and also engaged in hunting baby seals. In late
summer, the Arviligjuarmiut moved inland, and autumn was the time
when caribou hunting occurred. With the exception of the winter
gatherings on the ice, camps were small, often consisting of only
one or two extended families.
It is thought that the Arviligjuarmiut's first contact with
Whites was with John Ross' expedition of 1829 which wintered in
the area east of the Boothia Peninsula. The contact with the ex•
plorers seems to have been minimal. However, a ship abandoned by
the expedition on the shores of Lord Mayor Bay became a source of metal and wood. Previously such resources were rare and obtained
through trade with Inuit and Indian groups to the south. In 1847
John Rae was reported to have visited the Pelly Bay site, and con•
tact did not occur again until 1923 when Rasmussen spent some time
in the region.
The Missionaries
The first white person to reside in the area was an Oblate missionary, Father Henry, who established a mission in 1935. He
was joined in 1938 by Father van de Velde who remained the sole
priest in Pelly Bay for over twenty-five years. The mission was
the first permanent structure in Pelly Bay. By 1957 it consisted
of seven small stone and earth buildings including a greenhouse.
The original stone church is still present today, although it is
now in use only as a museum. 30
The mission was located at the mouth of the Kugaardjuk River, a site which had frequently been utilized as a fishing camp by a number of Arviligjuarmiut. In the years following 1935, the mis• sion buildings became a nucleus around which an increasing number of Pelly Bay Inuit set up their igloos. It was not until the
1960s, however, that it became a permanent base for the majority of residents.
The missionaries' purpose was to convert the Inuit to Chris• tianity. By living among the people and setting examples of the
Christian life, the priests converted the Arviligjuarmiut to the
Roman Catholic faith. Nevertheless, traditional legends, beliefs, taboos and practices continue in use to some extent (Several sources, Personal Communications, Summer 1982). Like several other customs or ways adopted after contact with Whites, Christi• anity has not replaced the native system of belief completely, but rather co-exists with it. Today, the Catholic Church is an impor• tant spiritual and social element in the community despite the traditional religious beliefs which linger on.
The priest functioned in several major roles following the founding of the mission. For example, he diagnosed illness and dispensed medical supplies, a very important role because of the impact of diseases introduced by the Europeans. The mission was also a school for young people, and became a centre of administra• tion, the local store, and a trading post. 31
The missionaries became fluent in Inuktitut and introduced syllabics to the Pelly Bay Inuit, so that they might read the Bi• ble. The acquisition and use of the English language, however, was not encouraged by the priests.
The mission secured a trading license and accepted furs in exchange for staple goods such as tea, tobacco, sugar, ammunition, powdered milk and matches. The mission store, which opened in
1947, remained small in comparison to the larger trading posts set up in other communities by the Hudson's Bay Company. The mission• ary did not actively encourage the Arvi1igjuarmiut to acquire large numbers of material goods and he, in fact, saw his roles as a trader and missionary as conflicting ones (Treude, 1975; van den
Steenhoven, 1959).
The mission provided a link between the Arvil igjuarmiut and the outside world through the performance of administrative du• ties, interpretation of government directives and later the dis• tribution of government cheques. Although the missionary was ac• tive and influential in many aspects of the lives of the Arvili- gjuarmiut, he made no attempt to alter the subsistence hunting economy of the people. Van den Steenhoven noted that:
Although Rev. Van de Velde--who was able to live off the country like the Eskimos—has gained a position of considerable prestige, I had several opportunities to notice how little he was given to influencing the Eski• mos as to where and when to trade, hunt or fish, and it struck me how he did not even allow the slightest self- interest to interfere with what the Eskimos consider to be a domain of their own exclusive sovereignty: their daily freedom of movement (Van den Steenhoven, 1959, 10). 32
The Fur Traders
Trapping and trading furs was less important for the Pelly
Bay Inuit than it was in neighbouring areas such as Spence Bay and
Gjoa Haven (Treude, 1975). The number and value of fur pelts taken over several years (Figures 4 and 5) show Pelly Bay behind the other communities. One reason is the missionary, who was not a commercial trader, did not encourage fur trading into the mis• sion on a large scale. Secondly, the Arviligjuarmiut themselves viewed trapping as a secondary activity, pursued on a sporadic ba• sis and primarily when staple goods were needed. Van den Steen- hoven observed in 1957 that, "all grown men are devoted hunters and fishermen; they do some trapping but they don't want it to interfere too much with hunting and fishing" (Van den Steenhoven,
1959, 3). That trapping was a secondary activity to hunting is f—A illustnatt.ed by the fact that the traps were set near food caches or along the routes to hunting areas (Several sources, Personal
Communication, Summer, 1982). Those few Arvi1igjuarmiut who de• cided to incorporate fur trading into their economic base to a greater extent moved out of the area and closer to one of the established posts (Balikci, 1964). A third reason why trapping remained in the background was because ice conditions and shallow waters made the arrival of trading boats impossible, and there• fore, no Hudson's Bay Company post was established in Pelly Bay.
Thus the only option from trading with the priest was to trade 33
" '•• " Sale of Fox Pelts, 1958-1983 Figure k •
5950
1957/8 9612345678971234567898 123 0 0 0
Gjoa Haven
Pelly Bay
Spence Bay
data source: Games Branch records3 &.A/.u. T. Income From Fur Sales Figure 5
1957/8 9612345678971234567898123 0 0 0
GJOA HAVEN
PELLY BAY
SPENCE BAY
data source: Games Branch records^ &. w.uJ. T, 35 with the post at Repulse Bay or less commonly at Gjoa Haven and
Spence Bay.
Although the trading post at Repulse Bay was 322 kilometers southeast of the mission site and considerably further away than
Spence Bay, 209 kilometers northwest, people preferred to go to
Repulse Bay. Van den Steenhoven (1959) suggests that this was because of lower prices for goods, attractive food caches along the route, and the fact that people could earn extra revenue by transporting mission freight on the return journey. It is also possible that preferred hunting areas existed along the way to
Repulse Bay, and especially that there was a desire to visit rela• tives in that area.
Although the Inuit of Pelly Bay welcomed material gains from trading furs, it appeared to alter their lifestyle only minimally.
As already noted, fur-trapping remained for the most part a spora• dic activity which supplemented, but did not replace, the tradi• tional hunting economy. For this reason the Pelly Bay Inuit were less affected than some other northern native communities by fluctuations in world demands and in available supplies of fox.
One of the most significant acquisitions of the fur trade era for the Pelly Bay Inuit came from the availability of rifles.
With the advent of this new technology, hunters were able to har• vest substantial numbers of game with less effort than had been required previously. While this was a boon to the people at the time, it was also thought to have caused some profound changes, particularly with respect to hunting patterns. Brice-Bennett (in 36
Freeman, 1976) pointed out that firearms extended the caribou hunting season into winter. More extensive polar bear hunting al• so resulted; prior to the availability of guns, interactions with polar bear were primarily on the basis of defence (Freeman, 1976).
Treude (1975) noted that declines in caribou stocks which occur• red following the acquisition of the rifle, made it necessary to travel further distances to obtain game. Consequently, more dogs and more game for dog food were required. Treude (1975) also sum• marized that the availability of the rifle made co-operative hunting efforts unnecessary and encouraged the harvesting of game on an individual basis.
There is no doubt that the adoption of the rifle did affect the lifestyle of the Inuit. However, its effect as an agent of culture change was perhaps less profound than was stated by Ba• li kci (1964). Although the rifle had been cited as the cause of decreased number of game, for example, it is also possible that migratory patterns could account for decreased stocks in the Pelly
Bay area. This would seem to be borne out by the fact that, to• day, caribou are in more abundance in the area than at any time within the memories of the inhabitants. It should also be remem• bered that a hunter is restricted to the number of caribou which can be transported to camp; the advantages created by the rifle are therefore not without some constraints. Lastly, it should be noted that the Inuit remained flexible in their adaptation to la• ter technological influences. The adoption of the snowmobile, for example, had an effect opposite to that noted by Treude; because 37 of the danger of mechanical failure, hunters with snowmobiles tended to hunt in at least pairs rather than individually (Vil• liers, 1969).
The Role of Government
Prior to 1950, the federal government had shown little inter• est in the North and especially in the Inuit peoples. Services had been provided by institutions such as the police, the Hudson's
Bay Company or the Church. However, after World War II, these functions were gradually transferred to the government, and new programs instituted. Government programs and services which af• fected the Inuit of Pelly Bay included education, health, housing and social service programs, construction of the DEW (Distance
Early Warning) line stations, and the establishment of communica• tion and transportation networks. The federal government was also primarily responsible for the introduction of the wage economy in
Pelly Bay. Following is a discussion of the manner in which these government programs were adopted by the Pelly Bay Inuit.
Social Services
The legislation of family allowances in 1945 and of old age pension in 1948, meant that children and the elderly contributed to the amount of cash flow, or at least to the availability of 38 credit at trading posts, through transfer payments. Social as• sistance was instituted in the 1950s, but these monies did not form any substantial proportion of the economy of the Pelly Bay
Inuit. The acceptance of social assistance was not encouraged by
Church teachings, and Van den Steenhoven (1959) noted that by
1957, there were still no "relief" cases among the Arvil igjuar• miut. This pattern continued for the most part until modern day, as discussed more fully in the following chapter.
Medical Care
As previously noted, the mission provided limited medical
supplies in the years following its establi1shment in 1935. A government nursing station was not constructed until 1969. In the
1950s and early 1960s, visits by doctors to the area were, for the most part, sporadic and infrequent (Van den Steenhoven, 1959; Sev• eral sources, Personal Communications, Summer 1982).
The Pelly Bay Inuit were affected, however, as were most northern communities, by diseases introduced to the North. The people were susceptible to tuberculosis, for example. Although medical care decreased the threat of death from this illness, it was feared for its method of cure as well. Treatment generally meant the removal of the infected individual from the community to hospitals in the South or in other predominantly white communities in the North. The patient remained separated from family and com• munity for months, and often years. Van den Steenhoven (1959) noted that as of 1957, of a population of 118, 25 people or 39 approximately 20 percent of the population had been evacuated from
Pelly Bay at some time for treatment in outside hospitals.
A few casualties resulted from influenza in 1949 owing partly to lack of antibiotics (Van den Steenhoven, 1959). An influenza epidemic in 1959 and 1960 which swept across the Arctic, and fol• lowed a year of famine, killed 16 people in Pelly Bay alone (Jen- ness, 1972).
Van den Steenhoven (1959) reported that officially there were no polio cases at Pelly Bay. However, the missionary stated that there had been a few "suspicious" cases, and research in 1982 in• dicated evidence of polio in the area at some time in the past.
Cases of mumps and measles are reported to have occurred since
1954.
Education
As previously noted, the missionary ran some classes out of the Church. In later years, primarily in the mid- and late 1950s, some students were flown out of the community to attend the
Church-run, residential school in Chesterfield Inlet. Van den
Steenhoven (1959) reports that 15 pupils were ready to attend the
Chesterfield Inlet school in 1957. However, the plane did not arrive before the fall fishing began, and accordingly, no students went out to school that year.
The government built a school in Pelly Bay in 1961 which ac• commodated grades one to six. To attend higher grades after that 40 time students were flown to Inuvik for the year. Students who at• tended the Inuvik school from Pelly Bay were, for the most part, females; the young males tended to spend more time hunting and did not achieve higher grade levels. It was perhaps also felt that they were needed more at home to learn hunting techniques and to contribute to the family's meat supply. Villiers (1969) reported that education received less emphasis in Pelly Bay than in other
Central Arctic communities.
Of those who attended the Inuvik school, only one acquired a high school education. As a result of her prolonged attendance at the school, which allowed only English to be spoken, she is re• ported to have lost her fluency in Inuktitut. This occurrence was spoken of in a derogatory manner, even by the young Inuit of the community today.
TABLE 1. Years of Schooling, 1967
Pelly Bay Inuit
Years Men Women 0 30 23 1 2 2 2 4 1 3 3 3 4 2 1 5 1 1 6 0 3 7 1 2 8 0 0 9 0
Total 44 36
Adapted from Villiers, 1967. 41
Those who did receive their education outside of the communi• ty tend to have greater understanding of, or even to have acquir• ed, some of the customs of white society. Many of them today hold responsible positions in the community which necessitate frequent dealings with whites. However, they appear to gain little status from holding these positions. For example, although they are re• spected for their knowledge and intelligence, they are rarely elected to decision-making positions such as the Council, the
Board of Directors of the Co-operative, or even to the Education
Committee. Many of them recognize that some of their views, such as those concerning the value of education, are different from others in Pelly Bay, but they appear to support traditional modes of functioning within the community.
DEW Line Construction
The building of the DEW line site from 1955 to 1957, approxi• mately twelve kilometers from the Pelly Bay mission, provided only minimal work for the Arviligjuarmiut. According to Van den Steen• hoven (1959), the Pelly Bay Inuit were prohibited from employment there as a result of a civil administration ruling in 1956.
Treude (1975) reported that the missionary discouraged employment at the site. In any case, the young men who did spend time at the site during its construction phase were often ridiculed by their families for doing so (Several sources, Personal Communication,
1982). Only very few Pelly Bay Inuit worked at the DEW line in 42 the years following 1957. Their duties were primarily related to maintenance and frequently lasted only a short period (Personal
Communication, 1982). Visiting the site, which is by invitation only, has become more common in the past few years.
Although the DEW line created little employment, the Arvili- gjuarmiut did make use of the equipment which was discarded after the construction phase. Heavy machinery was repaired, and util• ized for many years by the Inuit for community projects, including the construction of an air strip.
There are many other examples of the adoption and efficient use of resources, such as construction materials, which government projects introduced to the community. These include the use of surplus building supplies for various purposes such as komatiks
(sleds), furniture and snowmobile shelters, scrap metal to make skidoo parts, and the body of a crashed plane which served as sev• eral sheds. The government buildings projects of the past few years have resulted in a relative abundance of scrap wood, metal and machine parts to be discarded near the community. So adept were the people of Pelly Bay in the past at adapting these scarce resources, that dismay and discomfort are expressed concerning the present "waste" of these materials.
Communi cati on/Transportati on
In 1958, the first radio transmission set was installed in
Pelly Bay. Since that time the government has provided and im• proved systems of communications in Canada's North. Television 43 reception was established by the erection of a dish in 1980 in
Pelly Bay.
As well as providing better access to government services, these better systems of communication, such as television, radio and movies, have provided a medium through which information about white values, southern technology, and the wage economy are trans• mitted to the Inuit.
As mentioned previously, the Inuit of Pelly Bay constructed
their own air strip with equipment discarded from the DEW line
station, and with gravel from the natural deposit beside the com• munity site. The government has since provided monies for the airport's maintenance and upgrading. This has allowed for air
transportation in and out of the community since the mid 1960s.
Just as communication lines have allowed for greater contact with
the white culture, so transportation facilities have allowed for contact with increasing numbers of whites who arrived to deliver
government services and programs. In 1967, for example, fifty-
four chartered flights were made to Pelly Bay by the Departments of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, and Health and Welfare
for administrative health purposes (Villiers, 1969).
Housing
In 1967, the government airlifted 32 housing units to the
Pelly Bay site, thus establishing it as a permanent community.
With the advent of permanent dwellings, the Inuit ceased to travel as extensively throughout their territory. Although seasonal 44 camps continued, the government housing pattern was largely re• sponsible for curtailment of the Inuit migratory pattern.
Although the Pelly Bay Inuit gave up their igloos in favour of permanent dwellings, much of the traditional settlement pattern continued. In traditional times closely related family groups tended to camp close to one another:
Somewhere everyone is related to everyone over here. .But if you wish to know who really at a given time want to belong together, then take a look at how our tents are grouped, or, in winter, how precisely our igloos are grouped. You will learn much from that! (Quoted in Van den Steenhoven, 1959, 74)
According to Van den Steenhoven (1959) and Treude (1975), such traditional groupings were maintained when the people of
Pelly Bay established residence near the mission after its found• ing in 1935. To some extent, even today, closely related family continue to reside in houses in close proximity to one another.
However, increased incidence of inter-marriage, the assignment of houses on the basis of availability, and a pattern of frequent moves in and out of houses, itself indicative of a traditional way of life, has tended to obscure the traditional pattern.
The Wage Economy
The wage economy was slow to show much influence in Pelly Bay in early years. Before the establishment of the native co-opera• tive in 1966, regular wage employment was restricted to a very few who were employed in the mission or school. 45
The only permanent government employee before 1966 was the janitor of the school. In 1967, the positions of teaching assist• ant, school cook and lay dispenser were created.
Most of the available work was on a sporadic, seasonal basis, often initiated by government building programs. In 1967, the construction of thirty-two low cost housing units, and surfacing of the airstrip, for example, provided a boost to cash income.
However, by 1968, only two employees were required to complete these projects.
TABLE 2. Employment of Inuit in Pelly Bay, 1967
Permanent Employment
Occupation Number Male Number Female
Teaching assistant 1 School cook School janitor 1 Lay dispenser Co-op manager 1 1 Co-op clerk 1 Co-op driver 2 3 Total
Seasonal and Casual Employment
Employer Number Male Number Female
Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development 28 2 Great Slave Lake Railway 4 Koomiut Co-operative 1
Total 33
(Adapted from Villiers, 1967) 46
As will be discussed in the following chapter, government services and programs continue to be the major source of wage em• ployment in Pelly Bay.
One cannot deny that the federal government programs affected
Inuit lifestyles. It was in part to avail themselves of govern• ment services and programs, such as medical care, that increasing numbers of Arviligjuarmiut spent their winters exclusively at the
Mission site. After 1958 only a handful of people existed at smaller winter camps and by 1967 these families had moved in as well. In this way, the federal government played an important role in the process which established a permanent community at the
Pelly Bay site.
The government has been criticized by some for the design and manner in which it instituted programs with regards to northern peoples (for example, Berger, 1977; Brody, 1975; Dacks, 1981;
McDonnell, 1983). In retrospect many of these criticisms are well deserved. The government's philosophy in its attempts to provide services for the indigenous peoples appeared to reflect the belief that the best way to help northern peoples was to acculturate them into a white way of life. To this aim, school systems and policy• making were based on southern Canada's culture. It is true that school systems which required students to leave their families at an age when they would have been learning traditional skills, or medical care which necessitated long absences from home, played a part in acquainting the individuals involved with white culture, 47 and perhaps, in alienating them from their families and community.
However, there seems to be little evidence, that, after their re• turn to Pelly Bay, those involved in the early programs were not capable of pursuing an Inuit lifestyle. In fact family ties re• mained strong and most chose to return to the community as soon as possible.
It is also important to note that many of the government pro• grams of the 1960s and 1970s aimed to provide services, such as health, education, housing and social services, communication and transportation programs and facilities, within the community.
This was true even of settlements such as Pelly Bay with small populations and in relatively isolated locations. The availabil• ity of such services made it unnecessary for the Pelly Bay Inuit to move away from the community in order to obtain these benefits.
They were, therefore, able to adopt desired elements of government programs into their lifestyle without the need to seek residence outside of their own environment.
This chapter has outlined the changing nature of the commu• nity of Pelly Bay from the time of contact with whites until the late 1960s when the last residents moved in from a camp lifestyle.
The emphasis has been on the resources and ideas which the Inuit have adopted and adapted to their own way of life. The metal from
John Ross1 ship, the advent of the rifle in the fur trade era,
Christianity, permanent housing, the cash economy and the increas• ing numbers of material goods have all been accepted and contrib• uted to new Inuit lifestyles. 48
The following chapter will look at the modern hamlet of Pelly
Bay and the way in which the economic system has been adapted to present-day Inuit life.
TABLE 3. Chronology of Important Events for Pelly Bay Inuit
1979 - Liquor plebiscite—prohibition 1973 - Hamlet status granted 1969 - Nursing station established 1967 - 32 low cost units built 1966 - Koomiut Co-operative established and opens store 1961 - School opens 1959-60 - Influenza epidemic—16 people die 1958 - First radio transmission set installed 1957 - Radar post of DEW line system installed near Pelly Bay 1947 - Mission store opens 1935 - Roman Catholic mission established 1923 - K. Rasmussen spent seven months in Netsilik terri• tory—5th Thule Expedition 1919 - Hudson's Bay Co. store opens at Repulse Bay 1906 - First rifle acquired by Pelly Bay people 1832 - Iron abandoned on shores of Lord Mayor Bay from the "Victory" 1829 - J. Ross' expedition winters in Pelly Bay area. 49
Chapter Four
Pelly Bay: The Modern Inuit Community
The modern community appears at first glance as a mixture of the old and the new. A family eats seal meat while watching the television bought with earnings from Cominco's Polaris mine. Out• side construction workers renovate and install plumbing in houses while local families opt for the serenity of fishing camps on the river. The plane brings in a load of three-wheel Hondas so that summer caribou hunting can occur. A group of boys plays hockey on the ice under the shadow of four Inukshuks. Duffles and fish are hung on a clothes line to dry. A calculator is used to estimate the value of a polar bear skin.
All of these events are marks of the modern community. This chapter is concerned with the manner in which the Inuit way of life is approached in present day in Pelly Bay. Discussions of the population characteristics, education, attitudes towards the cash economy, the presence of social controls, and in particular, the economic activities of the community, will be included to il• lustrate the ways in which new technologies and methods have been adapted to the traditional way of life. It will demonstrate the 50 manner in which modern ways have been adopted within a native con• text.
Population Characteristics
Perhaps the most striking feature of the population is its youth. Over fifty percent of the population of Pelly Bay is under the age of fifteen. A high birth rate indicates that this trend will continue, particularly when the current group of young adults begin to have their own families (Table 4).
TABLE 4. Population Characteristics Pelly Bay, 1982 Percentage of Number Population
Population 255 100% Inuit 245 97 White 10 3 Male (Inuit) 138 56 Female (Inuit) 107 44 Age <16 (Inuit Population) 130 53 Male 74 30 Female 56 23 Age >16 (Inuit Population) 115 47 Male 64 26 Female 51 21
Birth Rate (increase per year) 3 Death Rate (decrease per year) 1
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982; Devine, 1982.
Figure 6 further illustrates the male/female balance and age char• acteristics of the population. 51
Age-Sex Pyramid, Pelly Bay Figure 6 1982
Over 65
61-65 male female
56<-60
5f-55
46-50
41-45
36-40
31-35
26-30
21-25
16-20
11-15
6-10
0-5 —i 40 30 20 10 10 20 30 40
data source: fieldwork, 1982
Although the birth rate in the community is high (three per•
cent), the population of Pelly Bay has not increased dramatically 52 in the past few years. In fact, a community census completed in
August 1982 showed a decline in population since the previous cen• sus, two years prior (Figure 7). The population has fluctuated with the migration of a few Pelly Bay families in and out of the community. Generally, the number who have left has been slightly higher than those who have moved in. A small number of individ• uals have also left the community on a permanent basis; most of these were young women who married someone in a neighbouring set• tlement. From 1976 to 1981, net migration resulted in a decrease of twenty in the population (Canada Census, 1981). Much of the migration was between neighbouring communities, especially Spence
Bay and Repulse Bay.
It was reported that families which left the hamlet did so to seek better employment opportunities and to live close to distant relatives. Those who moved to Pelly Bay had family members, usu• ally the wives, who were originally from the hamlet, and also
"because it is a nice place to live."
Political Organization and Modes of Decision-Making
Pelly Bay was granted hamlet status in 1973. Accordingly, the elected mayor and council are responsible for decisions made about municipal affairs. The operating budget is decided annually and is transferred to the hamlet from the territorial government. data source: Mayne & Govier, 1977; Devine, 1982; Villiers, 1969» Treude, 1975} fieldwork, 1982 J 54
Day-to-day business is dealt with by a hamlet manager and assis• tant manager who are responsible to the council.
The hamlet takes responsibility to provide community services including sanitation, water delivery, road maintenance, and also postal service and airport communications and weather observa• tions. Salaries for these latter positions are reimbursed to the hamlet from the appropriate federal government agency.
Beyond the municipal services, there are a number of commu• nity committees composed of local people who make a variety of decisions in areas such as education, recreation and health. Mem• bership on a committee or the Council is viewed as a job, and mem• bers are paid for their attendance at meetings. Leadership posi• tions in the community, such as the Council seats, are held pri• marily by those between the ages of thirty and forty-five, al• though the old people continue to have substantial authority.
Decisions Through Community Concensus
Decisions concerning community affairs are rarely made by one person. Rather, each person of the decision-making body, such as the Council or the Board of Directors of the Co-op, expresses an opinion, and the group reaches a concensus about the issue at stake. Often the whole community is surveyed if the managing group is not sure of the feelings of the community residents. It is rare for one person to answer for the community or express an opinion on behalf of the community until there has been an oppor• tunity for such a process to occur. Rarely are these decisions 55 hurried. At the Elders Conference held in Pelly Bay in April of
1982, for example, each elder was given time to express him/her• self about each issue. When the organizers suggested that this might be too time-consuming, the people replied that such a pro• cess was "the Inuit way" and the conference would therefore con• tinue in that fashion.
This traditional mode of decision-making is at times in con• flict with a white way of handling affairs, especially with those who may visit the community expecting to acquire information and feedback to their plans within a short period of time. For exam• ple, when the new community complex was being designed and consi• dered in Yellowknife, there was brief contact made with the hamlet with respect to its wishes. However, the responses were limited, and one member of the architectural team noted that the Inuit tended to nod and go along with what was being said. He noticed that, if leading questions were asked, the suggested responses were given (Personal communication, Summer, 1982). This appears to have been an example of what Williamson (1976) describes as a
"Social Protective Response" whereby there may be apparent agree• ment on the part of the Inuit until the issue is discussed in further detail and a decision reached.
There is, in general, disapproval expressed towards any com• munity member who appears to be making decisions without appropri• ate consultation, even in cases where those decisions are passed on from another source such as a government office. This was the case, for example, when an Inuit woman from Pelly Bay was in 56 charge of the craft shop after the resignation of the government- appointed manager. Because of slow markets and a shortage of available cash, quotas were established on the number of crafts accepted during a certain time period, and on the amount of mate• rials dispensed. Although these decisions were made in Cambridge
Bay, the local manager was blamed for these circumstances. There was also ill-feeling towards her because she had to establish va• lues for the crafts and was thought to be unfair to some. Her solution was to alter the process of decision—making to a more traditional mode. She suggested that a group of local women form an advisory group so that each would be able to have input, and so that there would not be only one designated decision-maker. This appeared to provide an adequate solution.
The examples given above and in previous pages, demonstrate that the Inuit manner of decision-making, that is one which is done on the basis of concensus and by groups who truly represent the ideas of the community, is very much in use in Pelly Bay to• day. In fact, decisions made by other means, such as by those in a managerial position, are not well received.
Hiring and Job Allocation
Hiring employees for various community positions is also done by a group, even though responsible authorities such as the Co-op manager or the Hamlet secretary-manager technically have this au• thority. Candidates are considered on the basis of ability, and also with respect to their place of origin, that is, whether or 57 not they are Pelly Bay people, and on the basis of their need es• pecially with concern to the number of dependents. In one case, a man who had never had any type of wage employment, was given a job with the Housing Association in order that his rent bills could be paid. Generally, however, there is an initial survey of the com• munity to ascertain who might be interested in the position, the candidates are then considered, and finally a vote is taken. If the position is a government one, officials from outside the com• munity are involved to some degree.
The Co-op store manager, who is appointed by the Co-op Fed• eration in Yellowknife, is considered and accepted (or rejected) by the local Board of Directors. People of Pelly Bay reacted with dismay when, in the summer of 1982, their request for the incum• bent Co-op manager to remain based in Pelly Bay was denied. Peo• ple had been quite certain that the Federation in Yellowknife would not contradict a decision made by the Board of Directors through community concensus.
In general, the process of hiring resembles that of decision- making—individuals are chosen for positions through group con• census, and hiring which is done through such a process is seldom in dispute.
Job Sharing
Jobs are sometimes shared in order to allow time off for em• ployees to hunt and to divide the shares of cash available from wage employment. Decisions to participate in job-sharing do not 58 always involve the employees however, but may be made by a group for the benefit of the community. For example, when the position of airport communicator and weather observer was made available, the Council selected one young single man to attend the necessary course in Forth Smith. When it later became apparent that there was no other person who was suitably trained to cover for him dur• ing holiday periods, another man was selected to complete the course. On his return, the Council decided that the position
should be split between the two men because the latter man had a wife and two children. The first man was not consulted; however, he accepted this decision without thought of dispute.
There is general agreement that jobs should be distributed among the community members as equally as possible, and there is discontent if one person gets more than his share of available em•
ployment. For example, one man was often offered substantial ca•
sual employment, especially by whites, because of his ability, willingness, and proficiency in English. His acceptance of these positions was regarded with disapproval because it was felt that he was not sharing with others. Community members expect that cash obtained through working is shared through the equitable al• location of jobs. 59
Education
Elementary school education from kindergarten to grade six is available in Pelly Bay at Kugaardjuk School. The 1983-84 enroll• ment was 105 students, a drop of ten students from the previous year. Consistent with the population pyramid, the greatest number of students is concentrated in the junior grades.
- TABLE 5. School Enrollment, Pelly Bay
Year Enrollment
1967 25 1975 97 1981- 82 99 1982- 83 115 1983- 84 105
Data Source: Villiers, 1969; Mayne & Govier, 1977; Fieldwork, 1982; Pelly Bay School Committee, Personal Communication, 1984.
The school has five teachers, one of whom is the principal, three teaching assistants, and a varying number of community mem• bers, usually the elders, who teach cultural inclusion classes.
There is a gradual introduction of English as a second lan• guage, in the school program. Kindergarden is taught primarily in
Inuktitut; the lower grades are taught in Inuktitut and English, and the higher grades (grades four to six) are taught primarily in
English. 60
The school year runs from July 20 to May 21 (1982) in order to free students during the spring and early summer when many families are out 'on the land.' Attendance averages 85 percent, but varies seasonally and with student age. The younger students have the highest attendance rates; lower attendance rates corre• spond with hunting seasons.
Students in the school appear, as do students everywhere, to gain a sense of fulfillment from doing well at their studies.
However, the Pelly Bay school is sometimes regarded as a place of entertainment for the children, as some place to go, rather than as a valuable experience. The merits of teachers are often weigh• ed on the basis of the kindness they display towards the children rather than on their efforts to encourage academic excellence. It is not surprising, therefore, that the children do not feel pushed to progress quickly in their studies. Consequently they tend to lose interest when, as teenagers, they are only doing grade three or four work, and are often in the same class as younger brothers and sisters. At this time as well, parents often feel a need of their help at home, and the young people may wish to begin earning money of their own.
To obtain grade eight, students attend schools in either Gjoa
Haven or Cambridge Bay. High school education is achieved through attendance at a residential school in Yellowknife. In 1982 and
1983, no one from the community was attending these institutions, although one student completed grade eight at Gjoa Haven in 1981. 61
School Leaving
For most families in Pelly Bay, wage earning continues to take precedence over the continuation of education. Because many parents have little or no education themselves and have success• fully entered the wage economy, they are not convinced of the me• rits of further education, and, as discussed elsewhere in the thesis, little emphasis is placed on the future security which education might provide. In any case, an added income is a wel• come addition to the household.
Participation in land-based activities also takes precedence over school activities. As already noted, attendance is notably less during hunting periods, particularly among the older male students. Parents generally see hunting and fishing as more im• portant than attending school, and in cases where the male parent is employed, it is often expected that the older sons hunt for the family.
While the decision to leave school is often the parents', the students also appear to lose interest. This may be related to lack of parental encouragement, or, as noted earlier, to slow pro• gress and the minimal gains to be had in Pelly Bay from education• al achievement.
Vocational Training
Although formal education is not emphasized in Pelly Bay, there is interest in vocational and training courses. 62
Vocational training is available at Fort Smith and at insti• tutions in southern Canada. Although the requirements are usually waived for Pelly Bay residents, many of the programs are unavail• able because of insufficient educational preparation and lack of proficiency in the English language. The most popular training course for workers in Pelly Bay has been Heavy Equipment Opera• tion; seven residents have taken this course at Thebacha College in Fort Smith, NWT. In 1982, there were only two adult education courses available in Pelly Bay (sewing, cooking and restaurant management). However, the regional government is sponsoring an increasing number of training programs for the Kitikmeot Region, and some of these are available in Inuktitut. It is also intended that outsiders who are given contracts in Pelly Bay provide on- the-job training. This has met with limited success as contracts are usually awarded to the lowest bid rather than on the basis of teaching capability.
Educational Levels
The following tables indicate the education and training achievements of Pelly Bay residents. 63
TABLE 6. Educational Levels, Inuit Population Aged 15 and Over
Level Number Male Female
Grade 0-9 103 54 49 Grade 9 - 13, no diploma 4 1 3 High School diploma 2 1 1 Trade School - 1 or more courses 12 10 2 University level course 1 _1 _0
Total 122 67 55
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982.
TABLE 7. Job Training
Percentage of Labour Force
1976 1982
Technical/Vocational Training 6.4% 12.1% On-the-Job Training 2.6% 26.5%
Data Source: 1976—Mayne & Govier, 1977; 1982—Fieldwork, 1982. 64
TABLE 8. Labour Force Activities, Pelly Bay Inuit
Activity Number Stating Number Em| Experi ence/Trai ni ng in Actv
Office manager 1 1 Secretary 8 2 Wei fare worker 1 - Recreation leader 1 - Teacher's aide 0 3 Lay dispenser 1 - Fur designer 4 2 Interpreter 2 1 Clerk typist 4 2 Bookkeeper/Clerk 7 1 Postal supervisor 1 1 Postal clerk 2 1 Switchboard operator 1 - Air cargo agent 1 1 Office clerk 1 1 Retail super./mgr. 1 1 Sales/store clerk 27 8 Security guard 3 2 Conservation officer 1 1 Cook (institution) 1 - Homemaker 1 1 Maid/housekeeper 2 - Janitor 18 2 Fishermen (commercial) 9 - Fish cleaner (cutter) 4 - Furniture assembler 2 - Seamstress 2 - Mechanic 3 3 Heavy equipment operator 6 3 Railway track repair 1 1 Excavation labourer 2 2 Carpenter/hel per 23 11 Painter/helper 1 - Housing maintenance 9 3 Mill maintenance mech. 1 4 Construction worker 8 4 Furnace repair helper 1 - Truck driver 15 6 Materials handler 9 4
Data sources: TERIS files, Government of Northwest Territories, 1981; fieldwork, 1982.
Note: There are several individuals who are employed in more than one position. 65
As the previous tables indicate, levels of education and training in Pelly Bay are not high. Eighty-four, percent of the
Inuit population has less than a grade 9 education. It is notable however that the percentage of the labour force with some form of training has increased significantly since 1976 (Table 7). Al• though formal education levels are not increasing to a great ex• tent, the amount of training obtained, either through formal training programs or work experience, allows Pelly Bay Inuit to fill a range of wage-earning positions (Table 8).
Economic Activities
The economy of the modern community of Pelly Bay is divided into three areas. The first involves hunting and fishing for sub• sistence purposes. The second group of activities falls under the title of earned income. This area encompasses hunting and trap• ping for commercial gain, handicrafts, and wage labour. The final area is unearned income in the form of social assistance, pensions and allowances. Table 9 outlines the participation of community members in these economic areas by household.
The Subsistence Economy
The people of Pelly Bay consider that hunting is an important part of their life and all men in the community participate to TABLE 9. Participation of Inuit Household Members in Economic Activities
No. of Wage Employment Hunting Unearned Household Adults* Cominco Permanent Casual Handicrafts Commercial Subsistence Incom
#1 3 2 1 - 1 1 2 #2 1 - 1 1 _ _ 1 #3 5 1 3 3 1 3 #4 2 - 1 1 _ 1 _ #5 3 2 - 1 1 2 _ #6 3 1 1 1 _ 2 #7 2 1 1 - _ 1 _ #8 2 - - 1 1 1 1 #9 3 1 2 1 2 2 _ #10 3 1 1 1 _ 2 #11 2 1 - 1 _ 1 _ #12 3 1 1 2 _ 1 _ #13 2 2 - 1 1 #14 3 1 2 1 _ 1 #15 2 1 1 1 1 1 _ #16 2 2 - 1 _ ; 1 _ #17 2 - 2 2 - 1 2 #18 4 1 - 1 3 3 _ #19 2 1 1 - - _ 1 _ #20 2 1 1 1 1 _ #21 2 1 2 - 1 1 _ #22 1 1 - 1 #23 2 1 - - _ 1 _ #24 2 - 1 1 1 1 _ #25 " 2 - 2 1 _ 1 2 #26 4 1 2 2 _ ; 2 #27 1 1 - 1 _ _ _ #28 3 1 - 1 1 : 2 #29 2 1 1 - 1 _ 1 _ #30 4 3 - 2 1 2 _ #31 2 2 1 _ 1 _ #32 4 1 1 1 2 :* 1 _ _ i _ #33 3 1 1 1 i 1 #34 2 1 - 1 1 #35 4 _ - 1 1 2 2 #36 2 1 1 - 1 1 1 _ #37 3 - 1 1 _ 1 2 #38 2 1 - 1 1 1 _ #39 3 - 3 2 - 1 2 #40 3 - 1 2 - 1 1 #41 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 — #42 2 1 - - _ 1 _ #43 2 1 1 1 - 1 1
Total 108 9 36 33 45 20 54 14
% of Total 20.9 67.4 53.5 86.1 37.2 95.4 20.9 Households 95.5 95.4
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. Note: *Includes thosed aged * 16 years, excluding students. 67 varying extents. Although only three men in the community consi• der themselves full-time hunters, that is, they have no other in• come, over ninety-five percent of households participated in hunt• ing and fishing for subsistence purposes. It was with embarrassed laughter that it was reported that there was one young man who did not like to hunt.
Hunting continues to be tied to the traditional way of life and is one aspect of life in which the Church and government pro• grams have had only minimal influence over the years. Projects such as the building of the new Church and the opening of the ho• tel (1982), for example, had to wait until adequate game had been secured during hunting seasons. As well, school sessions and ho• lidays are arranged to make best use of hunting periods.
Some of the ritual aspects of hunting remain for many hunt• ers. For example, the first 'kill' by the young boys in a family continues to be a cause for celebration. This occurs when the child is as young as six or seven and the game from this event is usually shared with a relative who is special in the Inuit belief system, such as a naming partner.
Although there may not be a continuation of the seal-sharing practices which were present in the winter camps in traditional times, game continues to be shared with family members. It is common practice that the hunter takes his game to his mother's house. Family members gather there to eat, although some meat may be brought back to individual homes for the next meal(s). 68
Equipment is also shared among extended family. Although most households have their own skidoo and gun, larger equipment such as boats and motors are often bought by two or more family members, most often a father and one or more of his grown sons.
Hunting and Working
From an historical perspective, the region hunted by Pelly
Bay Inuit covered an increasingly smaller geographical area as the
Inuit became more attached, initially to the mission, and then to wage employment. Although the advent of skidoos and boats allowed greater distances to be covered, most hunts today, especially by those who are involved in regular employment, remain within a day's travel of the community or a camp (an approximate twenty mile radius).
Hunting areas are outlined in Figures 9 to 13. Figure 8 pro• vides points of reference. Prior to 1935 (Figure 9) hunting areas extended over a wide area and ranged north of Spence Bay. After the opening of the trading post at Repulse Bay, hunting, especial• ly of caribou shifted southwards. This was also due to a more southerly migratory pattern for caribou (Treude, 1975). Following the founding of the permanent community and the arrival of houses, hunting areas became less extensive (Figure 11), although, as al• ready noted, snowmobiles allowed for caribou hunting in areas south of Pelly Bay. At present (Figure 12), a much smaller area is used as a hunting ground because hunters do not leave the com• munity or camps for extensive periods. There is less need to 69 Figure 8 Pelly Bay Location References
s
10 30 —I 0 —t— A data source: adapted from Freeman, 1976
POLAR BEAR CARIBOU data source: adapted from Freeman, I976 SEAL FISH QQiO^ POLAR BEAR Q8£PM> CARIBOU i ° '0 20 30 «g 5j) • MM 1967 -1974
data source: adapted from Freeman, 1976
SEAL FISH POIAR BEAR OLXASD
CARIBOU !| Figure 12 Hunting Areas, 1982 73
data source: fieldwork, 1982
SEAL
FISH POLAR BEAR GLOXM) CARIBOU i 10 A0
data source: fieldwork, 1982 75 search out distant caribou sites, as the current migratory pattern brings the caribou to the site of the community. Figure 13 labels important hunting areas using Inuktitut names.
There are few people today who can make a living out of hunt• ing and trapping alone. One wife related that although her hus• band was a good hunter, they, like all families, were too depen• dent on goods bought at the Co-op to get along without any cash income. Her husband consequently participated in occasional wage employment, and when a new skidoo was necessary, he worked for one rotation at Cominco's mine. Although this man was considered poor in terms of material possessions, particularly prior to his Comin- co employment, he was considered to be a wise and fair man and was elected to responsible positions in the community, as are many of the good hunters.
Country Foods
All families in Pelly Bay make seal, caribou and fish a part of their diet. These are either cooked, dried, or in many cases, enjoyed raw or frozen. The cost of skidoos, guns and fuel do not make these foods necessarily inexpensive, but they are economical in terms of food value in comparison with the packaged foods available at the Co-op (Tables 10, 11). 76
TABLE 10. Approximate Hunting Costs for each Hunter, Pelly Bay, 1982 "
Gun $800. Ammunition $ 80.box Skidoo $5,000. Fuel $ 15 ($5. per gallon)
Data Source: Personal communication, 1982.
TABLE 11. Nutritional Value of Game
Species Edible Weight Nutritional Value*
Caribou 100 lbs. 1.6 Seal—Ringed 35 lbs. 1.8 —Bearded 175 lbs. 1.8 Polar Bear 175 lbs. 1.6 Birds 0.8 lbs. 1.3
Data Source: Berger, 1977; Treude, 1975. *A protein value in comparison to southern Canada's counter• part, e.g., beef.
It has been a practice to assign a monetary value to subsis• tence harvests in order to portray their importance to non-Native people (Usher, 1970, 1976; Brackell, 1977; Berger, 1977; McDon• nell, 1983). Various methods of assigning values have been util• ized. The practice of assigning a value equivalent to the amount which would be spent to acquire a similar meat in the same quan• tity at the local store (equivalent replacement cost) has been, chosen to be most valid in this thesis for the following reason.
It was noted that when meat was bought at the Co-op, it was obtained in the same quantity as would have been utilized had 77 caribou or seal been used. Additional nutritional values were seldom, if ever, considered and any differences in caloric value were apt to be substituted for in terms of carbohydrate rather than protein foods. It should also be noted that monetary values do not reflect the preference for country foods which was stated by many residents and evidenced by over-indulgence in some meats, such as seal, during initial periods of hunting seasons.
Utilizing a conservative replacement value of $5.00 per pound, the subsistence economy is estimated to represent over twenty per cent of the total income from all economic activities in Pelly Bay in 1982. This value, although not insignificant, underestimates the importance of subsistence foods to the Pelly
Bay Inuit, especially when compared to increasing per capita mone• tary incomes (Tables 28, 30). In actual fact, resource harvests with the exception of seal, have not diminished substantially in the past decade (Figure 14). Hamelin (1979) for example, esti• mated the imputed value of subsistence foods in 1971 in Pelly Bay, to be $83,000 (or $231,454 in 1983 dollars). This figure is slightly less than the estimated subsistence value in 1982 after inflation figures are taken into account. 77a
Summarv of Economic Activities By Per Centage of Figure 14 Total Income
100
9a
8a
70.
60
5Q
40.
3Q
2Q
10.
0 1967 1971 1974 1982
SOCIAL ASSISTANCE
HANDICRAFTS
FDR SALES
WAGES
data source: Villiers, 1969} Treude, 1975', Mayne & Govier, 1977? fieldwork, 1982 TABLE 12. Value of Subsistence Foods, 1982
Species Number Edible Value Total Value Total Harvested9 Weight lb Value 2C Value
Caribou 260 26,000 lb $5.00 $130,000 $8.00 $208,000
Seal-ringed 156 5,406 lb 5.00 27,300 9.00 49,140
-bearded 2 350 lb 5.00 1,750 9.00 3,150
Polar Bear 12 2,100 lb 5.00 10,500 8.00 16,800
Fish 33,000 lb 2.00 66,000 2.00 66,000
Birds 124 99.2 lb 2.50 248 3.25 322.40
Total $235,798 $343,412.40
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982.
Notes: aNumbers harvested are based on hunters' estimates and field observations. If the values are in error, it is likely that numbers are underestimates rather than over-estimates, due to poor hunters' recall.
DValue 1 is equivalent to replacement cost.
cValue 2 is equivalent to replacement cost with nutritional factor—see Table 11, i.e., equivalent to protein content of southern Canada counterpart.
d$5.00 was the average price for beef and beef products in the Co-op during the period of fieldwork, although prices did range up to $10.00 per lb for the choicest cuts of meat. 79
TABLE 13. Summary of Game Harvests, Pelly Bay
Item 1967 1971 1982 No. of Caribou harvested 213 50* 260 Per capita harvest 1.37 0.24 1.02
No. of Seals harvested (ringed) 514 500 156 Per capita harvest 3.3 2.4 0.61 No. of Pelts traded 96 no record 59
No. of Seals harvested (bearded) 20 3 2 No. of Pelts traded 1 -
No. of Polar Bear harvested 7 9 12** No. of Polar Bear furs traded 7 9 12**
No. of Fish harvested--for export 2000 lb 35,000 lb no reco — subsistence no record 35,000 lb 33,000 Per capita harvest (Fish)' - 170.7 129.4
Data Sources: Villiers, 1969; Treude, 1975; Fieldwork, 1982; Game Branch records.
Notes: *This number is considerably fewer than that noted for other years and is possibly due to discrepancy in numbers reported.
**0nly 4 of these were recorded as traded by Games Branch records. The remaining 8 are presumed to have been sold privately.
Caribou
Caribou are hunted for both their meat and hides although they have only minimal commercial value. Caribou hunting is most common in fall and early winter, and late winter and spring. The recent arrival of three-wheeled Hondas in the community has allow• ed inland hunts to become more common in summer. Caribou hunting is almost exclusively done by men and generally occurs in short trips of one or two days originating from the community or from 80 the autumn camps on the Kettle River. As already noted, caribou meat is a favoured diet, and is eaten raw, cooked and in stews and casseroles.
Caribou kamiks (boots) are still worn and occasionally cari• bou parkas and skins are used, especially for winter hunting trips. The skins of the caribou killed in the early winter are reportedly best for making caribou clothing, and there is a flurry of activity at this time on the part of the women to get the skins scraped and sewn.
As noted in Table 14 below, caribou have the highest subsis• tence value in Pelly Bay.
TABLE 14. Imputed Value of Caribou Harvest
1967 1982
No. of Caribou harvested 213 260
Edible weight 21,300 lb. 26,000 lb.
Lbs. per capita (edible) 137 102
Replacement cost $5.00
Total Value $130,000
Data Sources: Villiers, 1969; Fieldwork, 1982.
Seal
Seal hunting occurs primarily in the Tate winter, spring, and summer. Almost no hunting is done in the winter at breathing holes, as was common in traditional times. However, harpoons may still be used in the spring when the seal can be found lying on 81 top of the ice. Women and older children sometimes participate with the men in the seal hunting at this time of the year, and the baby seal are considered an especially tasty treat. Rifles have become the most common means of hunting seals although losses may be high early in the summer season when the seals tend to sink quickly.
Most seal is used locally. The meat is well liked and the skins are used primarily for boots. A seal skin can be purchased locally for approximately $20.00. A pair of sealskin kamiks
(boots) retails locally for approximately $120.00.
As noted in Table 15, the number of both ringed and bearded seals harvested has substantially decreased in the past decade, possibly due to the almost complete cessation of winter hunts.
TABLE 15. Imputed Value of Seal Harvest
Ringed Seal 1967 1982 No. harvested 514 156 Edible weight 17,990 lbs 5,460 Lbs per capita (edible) 115 21.4 Replacement cost $ 5.00 Total val ue $27,300.00 Value of Fur Sales $1,075.75
Bearded Seal
No. harvested 20 2 Edible weight 3,500 lbs Lbs per capita (edible) 22.4 3501.3 7 Replacement value $5.00 Total val ue $1,750.00
Total value of Seal harvest $30,125.75
Data Sources: Villiers, 1969; Games Branch records; Fieldwork, 1982. 82
Polar Bear
Hunting of Polar Bear was minimal before the advent of the rifle (Brice-Bennett, 1976). Today, polar bear are hunted prima• rily for the commercial value provided by their skins. Currently, the hunting of bear is controlled and Pelly Bay is allotted fif• teen tags. The tags are distributed to families by the Hunters and Trappers Association, and the polar bear are hunted in early winter. If the quota is not shot at that time, remaining tags are re-distributed and hunting continues in late winter and spring.
Hunting is done by groups of men, usually relatives, who travel in at least pairs. The hunting trips involve long distances and sev• eral days away from the community because few bears are found in the vicinity of the community; most are hunted from the Astronom• ical Society Islands southeast to Keith Bay.
Pelts are cleaned, stretched and washed by the women and part of the meat is eaten. The meat, however, is not generally prefer• red and is always cooked. Some bear meat is used for dog food.
Polar bear furs bring in about $100.00 per foot of skin.
Those acquired in the spring of 1982, ranged in size from eight to twelve feet. 83
TABLE 16. Imputed Value of Polar Bear Harvest
1967 1982
No. of Polar Bear harvested 7 12 Edible weight 2,100 lbs Replacement value 1,225 lbs $ 5.00 Value $10,500.00 Value of Fur Sales $947.10 $12,000.00
Total Value $22,500.00
Data Sources: Villiers, 1969; Games Branch; Fieldwork, 1982.
Fox
Traps are set for foxes across the Simpson Peninsula east of the community to Keith Bay (Brice-Bennett, 1976), by the few
Pelly Bay Inuit who participate in trapping. Although fox trap• ping has never been undertaken to any great extent by the major• ity of the Arvi 1 igjuarmiut, as discussed in Chapter Three, it appears to have declined even more in importance since sufficient casual employment is available to provide cash to acquire goods.
Hunting for commercial gain is discussed later in this chapter.
Wolf
Wolf and wolverine are the preferred trims for parkas. In addition to local use, some furs are sent out to fur exchanges in
Winnipeg or Vancouver. A good quality pelt can be bought locally for approximately $300.00. Wolves are killed primarily in winter and are most often shot when encountered rather than actively 84
hunted. The meat is seldom eaten, but is often utilized for dog
food.
Fishing
The rivers and lakes closest to the community, especially the
- Kugaardjuk River, are most often fished, but there is also fishing
on the western Pelly Bay coast, on the Becher and Arrowsmith riv•
ers, and on Bellenden and Barrow Lakes. Wildlife officials have
expressed concerns about over-fishing in local rivers and streams,
especially the Kugaardjuk, and had several meetings in 1982 with
Pelly Bay fishermen. Whether it was a result of the meetings or
because stocks are greater at distances from the community, those
who fish for commercial use, tend to fish at the less used sites.
However, the convenience of the local sites, especially for those
who are involved in employment in the community, make these very
popular, as they have been since pre-contact times.
In the late winter and spring, fishing takes the form of jig•
ging through the ice and involves the participation of whole fam•
ilies. In summer, nets are spread across the rivers. These are
generally checked each morning and early evening. Any fish which
appears to have been in the nets for more than a few hours is not
considered fresh enough and is thrown back or used for dog food.
The arctic char from the nets is dried in the open air, or may be
cached in late summer. In recent years fishing with a rod and
reel has been introduced to the community and is becoming especi•
ally popular with the women and young people. 85
The Kettle River is popular for whitefish in the autumn.
Camps are set up there after the ice has started to form, and fish are caught by spreading nets under the ice. In the late fall,
Kakkivak fishing at a stone weir on the Kugaardjuk River is still performed although this has become almost a ceremonial practice and is considered a special event for the people in the community.
Fishermen who sell their fish to the Co-op, received $.50 per pound for arctic char ($1.00 per pound for cleaned fish) in 1982.
In the mid-1970s when the fish processing plant was in operation, there were 35,000 pounds of fish processed for export and approx• imately the same amount again for community consumption (Treude,
1975). However, at present, much smaller amounts are sold to the
Co-op, and these amounts are not declared as income.
TABLE 17. Imputed Value of Fish
1982 Amount of Fish harvested 33,000 lbs Lbs per capita 129.4 Replacement val ue $ 2.00 Val ue $66,000.00
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982.
Ptarmigan
Although these birds are eaten (each one provides approxi• mately one pound of meat), hunting them is considered more akin to play. They are frequently shot by children, teenagers or young men near the community. 86
Arctic Hare
Like the ptarmigan and other smaller game, the hare is most often hunted by younger people or when encountered by hunters.
Few are actively sought and one white teacher who hunted the hare on a regular basis, and frequently commented on the goodness of the meat, was made fun of by the Inuit hunters.
The hares each yield three to five pounds of meat. Although the skins are sometimes utilized for clothing, most of the rabbit fur used to make mitts and dolls which are sold in the craft shop, is imported.
Other Resource
Walruses and whales (narwhals and white whales) are rarely taken. During the occasional summer, when there is less sea ice than usual in the Bay, a few may appear and are hunted. None were caught, or sighted, in 1982 or 1983.
Muktuk is occasionally imported from Repulse Bay.
Musk-oxen no longer appear in the Pelly Bay area. Prior to the 1960s some musk-oxen were hunted in late autumn near the Upper
Kellett River and around the Arrowsmith River (Brice-Bennett,
1976). In the summer of 1982, some musk-oxen meat was brought to the community for sale by an Inuit hunter from Gjoa Haven.
During the summer, crowberry-picking is a popular activity especially for the women and children. The most popular berry- picking areas are near the community and on the islands off-shore.
Berry-picking is largely a social activity and is often combined 87 with the popular summer pass-time of going out on the land for tea.
Ducks, geese, swans, loons and cranes are found in the area of Pelly Bay but are rarely actively hunted.
Earned Income
i) Commercial hunting
Although hunting appears to refer to a specific set of activ• ities, subsistence hunting is differentiated from commercial ac• tivities in the thesis in order to demonstrate the differences in the goals and intents of these activities. Hunting for food has always been a major economic activity for the Inuit of Pelly Bay.
It was, until the 1960s, their only means of survival and can ea• sily be identified as a major part of the traditional way of life.
Hunting and trapping for commercial gain cannot. As noted in
Chapter Three and illustrated in Figures 4 and 5, trading of furs was utilized only to supplement the subsistence economy. When the
Co-op opened in 1966, trading increased somewhat, but has not been as substantial as in neighbouring communities such as Gjoa Haven and Spence Bay. The number of furs traded appear to have fluctu• ated with fur prices, fluctuations in the fox cycle and with the availability of casual employment. In 1982 fur returns accounted for only one percent of income. 88
In the 1950s and 1960s traplines tended to follow the path of travels to hunting areas or to be on the way to a trading post.
In present day, trapping tends to take place primarily during the winter months and traps are laid close to the community.
Table 18 gives fur export data for 1976 to 1983. Further data is illustrated in Figures 4 and 5 in Chapter Three. TABLE 18. Fur Export Data*. Pelly Bay, 1976-1983
1976-77 1977-78 1978-79 1979-80 1980-81 1981-82 1982-83 Price per Seal Skin 16.99 - - 17.70 28.43 18.23 Number Harvested 600 - - 10 106 59 Income, Seal Skin $10,194 - - $177 $3,014 $1,076
Price per Fox Skin 38.00 33.58 39.27 33.27 35.76 26.51 14.70 Number Harvested 356 74 2 242 624 40 8 Income, Fox Skin $13,528 $2,485 $79 $8,051 $22,314 $1,060 $117
Price per Wolf Skin 138.66 - 212.87 197.73 205.77 165 44.10 Number Harvested 8 - 1 22 13 6 6 Income, Wolf Skin $1,109 - 212.87 $4,350 $2,675 $990 $265
Price per Bear Skin 588.73 717.90 - 430.00 762.50 - 900.00 Number Harvested 7 9 - 5 16 - 4 Income, Bear Skin $4,121 $6,461 - $2,150 $12,200 - $3,600
Number Hunters Selling - - - - 47 23 11
Total Sales $28,952 $8,946 $291 $14,729 $40,204 $4,326 $5,033
Total Sales (C$1983)** $52,091 14,834 433 20,451 50,053 4,810 5,033
Data Sources: Devine, 1982; GNWT Games Branch records (1976-1983) CO «3 Notes: *Data from Games Branch records does not include private sales. **;c$ 1983 designates value in constant dollars, 1983 = 100. 90
In order to encourage hunting as a means of earning an in• come, the territorial government provides a number of subsidies.
These are outlined in Table 19.
TABLE 19. Hunters Subsidies
Gasoline Subsidy 5% of value of fur sold (minimum $600.00, maximum $3,000.00) Fur Incentive Subsidy 10% of value of fur sold (minimum $600.00, maximum $3,000.00) Sealskin Subsidy $5.00 per skin sold
Hunters and Trappers $3,000.00 grant per annum for admin- Association Grant istrative costs.
Data Source: Dept. of Economic Development, GNWT, 1983.
Commercial Fishing
At present commercial fishing has all but been abandoned ex• cept for small numbers of char purchased at the Co-op for sale locally or sent by means of private sale to Yellowknife. Income from these sources is not declared. A commercial fishing industry in co-operation with Gjoa Haven and Spence Bay was initiated and funded by the Government of the Northwest Territories in the mid
1970s. It continued for two seasons before a moratorium was placed upon it because of high transportation costs and concern about fish stocks. Residents expect the commercial fishing and fish processing activities to resume in the mid 1980s. 91
i i) Wage Labour
Employment in the wage sector includes a number of activ• ities. Cominco provides jobs outside of the community at its lead and zinc mine at Little Cornwall is Island. Both permanent and casual work are available in the hamlet of Pelly Bay itself. Wage labour accounts for over seventy-seven percent of monetary income.
TABLE 20. Wage Income for Pelly Bay, 1982
Item Income
Permanent Employment—in the community $ 628,000.00 144,000.00 — outside the community Casual Employment—in the community 137,155.00
Total $ 909,155.00
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. 92
TABLE 21. Annual Employment Incomes Pelly Bay, 1981
Men Women
Under $1,000 10 > 25 $1,000 - $1,999 10
$2,000 - $2,999 10 > 5 $3,000 - $4,999 5
$5,000 - $7,999 5 > 5 $8,000 - $9,999 0
$10,000 - $11,999 0 0
$12,000 - $14,999 10 0
$15,000 - $17,999 0 $18,000 - $19,999 5 10 $20,000 - $24,999 0 $25,000 and over 5
AVERAGE INCOME $ 8,469 $ 5,822
MEDIAN INCOME 6,099 2,428
Data Source: Canada Census, 1981.
Note: Data includes Inuit and White workers.
Cominco Employment
The Pelly Bay area has no known mineral resources which have been identified for development. Those who wish to participate in the employment boom created by resource development in the North, will have to continue to travel substantial distances to do so, as do those who are currently working at Polaris. 93
The Cominco mine at Little Cornwall is Island has been in operation only since 1982 although some workers participated in building operations in the previous year. Most Inuit employees commute to the mine for a period of six weeks before returning to the community, generally for a four week period. Return air fare costs the employee approximately $500.00 while Cominco foots a bill of over $1,000.00 per employee. The journey takes a minimum of two days depending on plane connections.
Each employee is hired for the six week period and is techni• cally terminated and re-hired at the end of each rotation. There are, therefore, varying lengths of time between periods worked.
Although no one from Pelly Bay has resigned before completion of a full rotation, there have been some Pelly Bay Inuit who have work• ed for only one rotation. Only one man worked during peak hunting times in the spring and early summer of 1982 and this man was re• ported, as noted earlier, not to like hunting and going out on the land. Cominco personnel visited the community during this time to encourage employees to continue employment in recognition of the possible effects of the economic recession on job opportunities.
However, few heeded this warning, either because it was not under• stood or because hunting had priority at the time.
Pelly Bay workers, according to Cominco personnel, have a good reputation for reliability and diligence at the mine. Most hold labouring jobs underground. Because of the lack of adequate education preparation (grade eight) none are eligible for the ap• prenticeship programs. 94
Opinions about work at the mine vary. Almost all the workers commented on the comfort and newness of the facilities, in partic• ular the recreational complex. However, comments concerning lone• liness and missing family members were frequent. There were also some comments concerning the effects of mine work on the health of the miners. This attitude was reinforced most emphatically by the death, in the summer of 1982, of a Pelly Bay man who had worked at the mine and was told upon completion of a rotation earlier that year, that he would no longer be eligible to work underground.
This was interpreted to indicate that the work had been detri• mental to his health.
One woman whose husband had worked in the mine stated that they would not allow their son to seek employment there. She re• luctantly agreed that perhaps if her son could accompany his father, they might allow him to go, but she reiterated that work at Polaris was "not good." Generally, the wives of the mine work• ers stated that although they missed their husbands, it was "o.k." for them to go.
Among all employees, the desire for cash was the optimal, and usually the only, reason for employment with Cominco. Al• though none of those who had been employed there appeared to have any more available cash than other residents, or to live in better circumstances (in fact the employee with the most hours spent in employment at the mine had his phone disconnected for failure to pay his bill), the presence of new skidoos and guns attested to the availability of funds from the employment. Income from work 95 at the Cominco mine is estimated to be $144,000 in 1982 (Field- work, 1982).
TABLE 22. Cominco Employees from Pelly Bay
September 1, 1981 - May 20, 1982
Number hired 12 Number severed 7 Number remaining 5
Data Source: Cominco, 1982.
During peak hunting periods in the summer of 1982, these num• bers fell to one employee. In August 1983, there were again only two workers at the mine from Pelly Bay (Personal Communication,
Fall, 1983).
Permanent Employment in the Community
Permanent wage employment consists of both full-time and per• manent part-time work. Sixty-seven percent of all households have at least one regular wage earner although the oldest male does not necessarily hold this position; an unmarried young person living at home or a wife may be the major wage-earner because of English language proficiency, better education and preparation, or in or• der to free the men for other pursuits. Of thirty-seven permanent positions in the community, twenty-two are held by men. However, women hold only slightly fewer than fifty percent of the permanent full-time positions. 96
The largest employers are the Hamlet and the Koomiut Co-op.
The Hamlet is the source of most of the regular income in the com• munity. Salaries are higher than those of the Co-op and funds are derived from government sources. The Koomiut Co-operative, estab• lished in 1966, operates the only store and the hotel, acts as airline agent and provides fuel and freight delivery. It is ad• ministered by a local Board of Directors under the guidance of the
Federation of Arctic Co-operatives Ltd. in Yellowknife. Pelly Bay participates in the manager-trainer program of the Federation, whereby a local Inuit is trained to be Co-op manager.
A new trainee was appointed in the early summer of 1982 and as of the fall of 1983, had completed sufficient training in order to manage the Co-op without the presence of a manager-trainer in the community.
The Co-operative has played an important part in the develop• ment of the community. It was one of the first to be established in the area and managed by local Inuit, and it has provided a good training ground for local people in economic matters. Many of those who have worked for the Co-op in the past have moved into other responsible positions in the community. The Hamlet's Secre• tary-Manager and Assistant Manager, for example, were both Co-op managers at one time. It is also important to note that the Co• operative has allowed some of the impetus for development to re• main in the control of the community. Today the Co-op employs nine people on a permanent basis and is the largest, and one of of the only, non-government funded sources of employment in the 97 community. However, the Co-op is responsible for only seventeen percent of income while government positions account for over sixty-two percent of income from permanent employment.
In early winter of 1982, one man established his own skidoo shop. It reportedly has done well, but no data is available con• cerning his income. Another private enterprise, focusing on tour• ist services, was planned for 1983, but did no business in that year (Personal Communication, Fall, 1983). Some undeclared income resulted from the private sale of cigarettes, pop, chocolate bars and fishing rods by one resident, but again, no data is available concerning this income.
TABLE 23. Income from Permanent Employment by Source, 1982
Source Number of Income % of Positions Total
Municipal Government 9 $ 186,000 24.1
Territorial Government - Housing 3 36,000) - Education 5 116,000( 167,000 21.6 - Regional Worker 1 15,000)
Private Business (Cominco) 9 144,000 18.7
Co-operative 9 128,000 16.6
Federal Government - Health & Welfare 3 36,000) - M.O. Transport 2 48,000( 109,000 14.1 - Post Office 1 25,000) Crown Corporations
(Telephone, hydro) 2 20,000 2.6
Craft Shop _1 18,000 2.3
Total 45 $772,000 100
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. 98
Casual Employment
Over fifty percent of families have some income from casual employment. The most common source of these jobs is summer build• ing or rehabilitation programs. During the spring, summer and fall of 1982, jobs were made available through the housing rehab• ilitation contracts, the construction of the new community com• plex, a housing roofing project, airport maintenance, community and road survey work, and the annual fuel delivery. In 1983, construction of a new nursing station created further employment.
In addition, one job for the Hamlet is rotated on a regular basis among all the unemployed Inuit men in the community. The increas• ed number of visitors to the community in the summer months also creates employment through hotel and restaurant services.
Tourism has not created employment as had been anticipated.
In the summer of 1982, the Co-op sponsored a twenty-four hour tour to Pelly Bay from Yellowknife. Although the tourists had high praise for the specatcular scenery and the friendliness of the people, the costs of travelling to and staying in the hamlet, re• ported by Devine (1982) to be the most expensive community in the
Arctic, are extremely high. A business established by one Pelly
Bay resident in 1983 to act as a guide to tourists was not suc• cessful as no tourists visited the community in that year.
The majority of casual wage employment is available during the summer months. Although most positions are offered to those 99 between the ages of eighteen and fifty, all age groups participate in occasional employment. For example, young people and the el• ders are hired by the Council to do the spring clean-up in the community, and teenagers are paid to help unload the supply planes. In addition, the elders are hired to teach a varying num• ber of cultural inclusion classes during the school year.
Handicrafts
Pelly Bay is known for its weavings and small ivory carvings although soapstone carvings and the production of some clothing items also bring in income. In 1981-82, there was an attempt by the government to introduce screen printing; however, as yet, par• ticipation in this activity is minimal.
Items are handled locally by the Co-op or by direct sale to community visitors. The craft shop which in 1982 handled primari• ly weavings, was due to be taken over by the Co-op in 1983. Prior to 1983, it was funded by a government grant. Items are exported out of the community through Canadian Arctic Producers. A few carvers who are particularly well known sell directly to southern buyers. Almost all households (86 percent) have some income from the sale of handicraft/art items and in houses without regular wage employment, these may provide a prime source of income. More women than men participate in this sector of the economy. The sale of handicrafts and carvings is responsible for over ten per• cent of the monetary income in the community. Much of this is undeclared income, as a result of private sales. 100
TABLE 24. Participants in Handicrafts/Art
Number of Participants Income Year Men Women Total (1983 $)
1967 18 14 32 $ 6,009 1971 10 20 30 70,553 1982 10 35 45 125,952
Data Source: Villiers, 1969; Treude, 1975; Fieldwork, 1982.
Unearned Income
Despite the lack of employment opportunities in Pelly Bay, social assistance, family allowance and pensions form only eleven percent of the monetary income of the community. Income from transfer payments has increased in the past decade, but the amount of these payments as a percentage of total income has decreased
(Table 25). Pelly Bay has one of the lowest per capita incomes from social assistance of communities in the Kitikmeot region
(Table 26). 101
TABLE 25. Social Assistance, Pelly Bay, 1970-71 and 1982-83
1970-71 1982-83 (c$ 1983) (c$ 1983)
Wei fare $19,933 $55,865 Old Age Pension 27,818 33,600 Family Alllowance 22,035 52,800 Total $69,786 $142,265
% of Total Income 19.1 13.4
Per Capita Income $399.00 $558.00
Data Source: Treude, 1975; Dept. of Social Services, GNWT; Health & Welfare Canada.
TABLE 26. Social Assistance, Kitikmeot Communities*, 1982-83
Community Popula- Total S.A. S.A. Per Capita Average S.A./ tion /Per Year Per Year/Per Applicant Pelly Bay 239 $ 55,985 $ 233 $ 1,923 Gjoa Haven 541 173,926 321 2,102 Spence Bay 447 197,608 442 2,156 Cambridge Bay 831 217,718 262 1,280
Data Source: Dept. of Social Services, GNWT, 1983.
*0ther communities in the Kitikmeot region are Coppermine and Holman Island.
In the spring of 1982, no one was collecting welfare in the community, and people in the hamlet were reported to be proud of that fact. The amounts doled out for welfare were also considered to be insufficient to survive in the community and perhaps this also acted as a deterrent. During the summer of 1982 there was an 102 increasing number of welfare cases, some of whom were people who moved to Pelly Bay from other communities. During that time, two individuals also became eligible for Unemployment Insurance.
Social assistance is distributed by a social worker who vi• sits the community each month. Applications for assistance are also accepted at that time. Welfare cheques can be cashed and utilized only at the Co-op and must, therefore be used towards the purchase of food and supplies.
TABLE 27. Social Assistance, Pelly Bay
1982-83 1983-84*
Population 239 266 Total Social Assistance $55,865 $26,000 Average No. of Cases/Month 11 10 Average Social Assistance/case/month $423 $433 Social Assistance Per Capita $233 $195
Data Source: Dept. of Health & Welfare, Govt, of Canada, 1984; Dept. of Social Services, Govt of the NWT, 1984.
*April to September 1983 only.
A summary of incomes from economic activities is presented in
Tables 28, 29 and Figure 14 (p. 78).
TABLE 28. Income From All Sources, 1982
Source Income Income (c$ 1983) Social Assistance $ 134,752 $ 142,265 Wages 909,155 959,845 Fur Sales 12,033 12,704 Subsistence Value 235,798 248,945 Handicrafts 119,300 125,952
Total $1,411,038 $1,489,711 103
TABLE 29. Summary of Monetary Income Data*, Pelly Bay
Unearned Income ($83) Source 1967 1970-71 1982
Wei fare $ 15,454 $ 19,933 $ 55,865 Old Age Pension 17,508 27,818 33,600 Family Allowance 17,155 22,035 52,800
Total 50,117 69,786 142,265
% of Total Income 25% 19.1% 11.5%
Per Capita Income $321 $339 $558
Earned Income ($83)
Wages $ 138,145a $ 190,625 $ 959,845 % of Total Income 68% 53% 77.3%
Fur Sales 7,602 27,781 12,7041 Fish Sales - 7,620 - % of Total Income 4% 9.7% 1%
Handicrafts 6,009 70,553 125 ,952' % of Total Income 3% 19.2% 10.2% Total Earned Income $ 151,756 $ 296,579 $ 1,098,501 % of Total Income 75% 81.9% 88.5% Total Monetary Income $ 201,873 $366,365 $ 1,240,766
Data Sources: Villiers, 1969; Treude, 1975; Games Branch records, (year); Fieldwork, 1982.
*A11 values in C$1983, 1983 = 100.
aA building boom added greatly to income in this year; data is not indicative of year prior or following.
^Includes estimates of private sales of fur.
cIncludes estimates of private sales of carvings/handicrafts. Per Capita Income
$6000 ,
$5000J
$4000
$3000
$2000
$1000
$0 I , 1968 1971 19761982
data source: Villiers, 1969J Treude, 1975; Canada Census, 1976J fieldwork, 1982 105
TABLE 30. Per Capita Income, Pelly Bay
Year Per Capita Per Capita % Increase Income Income c$ 1983
1968 $ 716 $ 2,218 1971 630 1,779 (-24.7%) 1976 1,037 1,939 8.3% 1982 4,609 4,866 60%
Data Sources: Villiers, 1969; Treude, 1975; Devine, 1982; Field- work, 1982.
The Economic Pattern
The economic mix is not a neat sequence but a flexible and changing system (Brody, 1981, p. 208).
In Pelly Bay, there has been an increasing dependence on wage employment, and an increase in per capita income, since the crea• tion of occasional employment by local building programs in the late 1960s and 1970s. However, as the information in the previous pages points out, there is rarely participation in one economic sector alone. Depipte the increasing use of cash, families have remained tied to traditional economic patterns. These are supple• mented by wage jobs which are often characterized by irregular and flexible hours. Alternatively, in the case of those who have pur• sued full-time jobs, employment is accompanied by subsistence ac• tivities. Brody (1981) notes that in this respect the new is used in ways which are reconcilable with the old. That is to say that new methods of making a living are adapted to traditional ways of life. 106
Economic Generalization
Participation in casual wage labour or even employment in permanent part-time positions allows Inuit in Pelly Bay to partic• ipate in other activities when the opportunity presents itself.
Such an economic pattern is described by Jansen II (1979) as
'economic generalization.'
The 'economic generalist' usually combines a number of income-producing tactics and depends upon no single opportunity too heavily, so that he has the flexibility to capitalize upopn any opportunity as it arises (Jansen II, 1979:61).
Those who are full-time hunters do not generally participate
in any type of permanent wage employment although they may take occasional jobs and have another family member with regular em• ployment. Participation in wage employment, on the other hand, does not appear to interfere with hunting and fishing for subsid• ence. In fact, wages enhance the opportunities to hunt and fish because those who have the highest salaries in the community, tend to be better equipped with skidoos, hondas, and boats than are other households. Thus the use of this technology allows them to travel to hunting grounds, and fishing camps with greater effici• ency and within short periods of time. For these Inuit the adop• tion of modern technology has enabled them to adapt to the modern cash system while retaining ties to the traditional sector.
Research in other communities has shown that participation in wage employment does not affect the amount of meat available to the family through hunting, and that increased income from wages 107 tends to result in increased spending on technology for use in hunting and fishing (Hobart, 1981). The Pelly Bay Inuit also ac• knowledge the role wages play in the subsistence economy. This was illustrated when a government official criticized residents of the hamlet who worked at Cominco for spending their earnings on trivia in Yellowknife on their homeward journey. The community responded by saying that substantial amounts of those earnings
%ere spent on new skidoos and boats, and that these did not con• stitute "trivia," but conversely, were essential to their fam• ilies' survival. Not only is employment outside the community seen as a means to pursue subsistence activities, but the amount of time between rotations at Cominco's mine allows ample time for participation in other economic activities.
In summary, participation in economic activities in Pelly Bay is, as Brody's quote implies, a flexible and changing system.
Such a system reflects a traditional orientation towards living on a day-to-day or season-to-season basis.
Attachment to the Land
The people of Pelly Bay have retained strong ties to the land. All families who were not restricted by employment or ill• ness spent at least some time camping and/or visiting neighbouring communities by skidoo in the spring of 1982. Many of those who could not leave for any length of time set up camps along the wa• ter within a couple of miles of the community and commuted to work. Often camps were kept near the community to dry fish and 108 meat; many stated that the community was too dirty in summer for these activities. In the autumn most families established camps on or near the Kettle River for fishing and caribou hunting.
Extended families tend to camp near to each other and tradi• tional patterns and ways of relating to one another appear to pre• vail when out on the land. The camps, for example, tend to be quiet and relaxed and even the most exuberant of teenagers, who often stay up all night during summer months in the community, fall into obedient, respectful relationships with elders.
As noted later in this Chapter, life on the land is sometimes turned to in time of stress, such as that created by the misbe• haviour of a young person. Several of the people in Pelly Bay who held full-time jobs also expressed their need to go out on the land when they were feeling pressured at work. One man, for ex• ample, who had been engaged in full-time employment for over fif• teen years, stated that he would rather be out on the land. Al• though his job allowed him to take his holidays during the peak summer season, and he went out on the land every weekend in the fall, he did not feel happy tied to a job in the community. An• other man stated that he needed to get out on the land to "think," and yet another confided that although he liked his job, it was difficult to remain indoors during the summer months. Certainly, among all employees there was much vying for holiday time near good hunting/camping times, and much ill-feeling if it was thought that one employee got more than his share of this preferred time off. 109
Attitudes Towards the Cash Economy
Pelly Bay has become a consumer, cash-oriented society. Con• versations often turn to money and the need for cash in this soci• ety when only two decades ago money had little importance. How•
ever, Inuit concepts of cash differ from those of Eurocanadian
society. The white culture is geared towards economic gain ber
cause the accumulation of money, and the material assets which money can buy, provide economic security. Inuit society, on the
other hand, aims towards survival on a different level. To the
Inuit, cash is necessary to provide means for survival, where sur•
vival is the traditional pursuit of country foods to sustain the
family unit.
It is not realistic to propose that the Inuit are able to re•
turn to the type of existence they had before contact with the white culture. Nor do they wish to. It is therefore necessary to
acquire cash in order to survive in the lifestyle in which they
live in modern times. Hunting alone cannot provide everything which is considered necessary to live in Pelly Bay today.
Material possessions which are available today are greatly
desired by the Inuit~not only staples, skidoos, tents and coleman
stoves, but also stereos, washing machines, and blue jeans. A few
of the older Inuit have had some difficulty adjusting to the
availability of these goods. One old woman, for example, stated
that, for most of her life, she had been able to carry everything
she owned on her back. Now that she is "rich," her life feels 110
"cluttered." The majority of Pelly Bay Inuit have nevertheless become oriented towards consumer goods, and the availabl il ity of cash to buy goods is considered necessary.
Although the Inuit of Pelly Bay have adopted the cash system, they have not adopted the values and goals of Whites into the
Inuit economic system. For example, there is little future orien• tation or focus on long-term gain. The aim is not to gain finan• cial security, but rather to obtain cash for more immediate pur• poses. While whites buy to accumulate or save, the Inuit buy to consume. Jobs or money are sought when it is desired to buy cer• tain goods or when cash is needed, to participate in certain ac• tivities. Evening gambling games, for example, have become a po• pular passtime. It is not uncommon when a woman wishes to partic• ipate in the evening's game, that she produce carvings for sale to the Co-op or to visitors in the hamlet. There is also a flurry of craft activity when catalogue order books arrive in the community.
Similarly, participation in occasional employment, such as that mentioned previously, takes place when new equipment such as a skidoo is required.
Having steady employment and income levels are associated with prestige in Eurocanadian society. This is not true for the
Inuit. Instead, the ability to, support one's family is considered essential and is respected; status is not necessarily related to the means by which this is accomplished. There are a number of acceptable options available to the Inuit, and as noted earlier, Ill only very rarely do Pelly Bay Inuit pursue one opportunity to the exclusion of others.
In Pelly Bay there is interest shown in casual wage employ• ment when it becomes available, except, perhaps, at peak camping/
hunting times. However, there were few applicants for the nume• rous permanent positions which became available during the summer of 1982. This was due, in part, because many people in the commu•
nity were lacking in the necessary educational qualifications or
English language requirements. Some young people when asked why
they had not sought out certain employment opportunities, replied that they were lazy, which was interpreted to mean that they had
not wished to be tied down to a permanent position. Others de• clined this option by stating that their parents had told them
that, "they did not have to."
Although the Pelly Bay Inuit are, for the most part, depend• able and hard-working, this description is related more to the pursuit of what is considered necessary than to the presence of
the work ethic prevalent in Eurocanadian society. Moreover, there
is little attempt by the elders to instill in the young, a need
for steady work and a steady income.
Whites and Inuit Working Together
Most wage employment involves contracts given to Whites, and
it places the Inuit workers in subordinate positions to White su• pervisors. Such was the case, for example, with the numerous construction and housing rehabilitation projects which have taken 112 place in Pelly Bay in recent years. General comments by the
Whites tend to acknowledge that the Pelly Bay people are reliable and good workers, but there were questions about the ability of the Inuit to acquire the necessary construction skills. Bureau• crats were also concerned about such things as time limits and fi• nancial management should the Inuit be given control of the pro• jects themselves.
This evaluation of the people's capabilities appears to be in direct contrast to experience. For example, when four Pelly Bay men were given the job of constructing two government houses, the work was reported to have been completed on time. As well, the houses were well constructed, a fact noted in subsequent years by authorities who visited the community and the houses developed a lot less problems than other houses built according to the same design in other communities (Personal Communication, Summer,
1982).
Men from the community also built the new church in Pelly
Bay. Although construction did not begin immediately when the plans were received (the men spent time hunting prior to the con• struction period), the church was completed ahead of schedule.
The workers were not paid a salary during the construction; in• stead, it was agreed that an account would be provided in the Co• op from which the men could draw funds as needed to feed their families. According to the priest, the funds were not mismanaged; there was, in fact, money remaining when the construction was com• pleted. There were some technical problems encountered in the 113 church construction, but they were found to be primarily the fault of the plans and necessary changes were successfully made by the men as they worked on the building.
Another example of the quality of Inuit workers was demon•
strated by those assigned small construction tasks around the new
hotel in the summer of 1982. Not only were the men able to find
or adapt the necessary materials to construct the items, but they were able to repair existing problems created by the poor workman•
ship of the construction company workers.
These examples are distinct contraditions of the views of
some white supervisors. The difference cannot be attributed to
personality conflicts alone; although there was one group of work•
ers who had repeated difficulty in relating to the Inuit, there were several groups who worked well with the local people. There
are perhaps two reasons for the apparent discrepancy in attitudes.
For one, the Inuit tend to take a passive role when working with white supervisors. Although elders have authority, traditional
Inuit patterns lend themselves more to co-operative efforts rather
than to supervisor-worker relationships, and this may explain why
the Inuit worker tends to wait until he is told what to do in si•
tuations such as those described. Secondly, there are differences
in the way tasks are thought through and problems are solved. It was observed that tasks were at times approached by an Inuit work• er in a manner which was incomprehensible to a white supervisor,
and yet the end result was that the task was accomplished well.
If the supervisor attempted to direct the Inuit worker in the way 114
he/she would approach the problem on the other hand, the rationale
for the method was often not apparent to the Inuit. This is not
necessarily related to differences in knowledge level but rather
to cultural differences in the way something is perceived.
In summary, it appears that there are two reasons for the ap•
parent low productivity on the part of Inuit workers when working with Whites. The Inuit utilize a co-operative approach to tasks
and are unfamiliar with the supervisor-employee role. Secondly,
cultural differences between the two groups result in Inuit and
Whites perceiving and approaching tasks in different ways. These
reason also account for the high level of skill and productivity
noted when only Inuit workers are involved in a project.
Job Dissatisfaction
Job dissatisfaction is rarely expressed in a direct verbal
manner. Indeed, any show of anger is regarded with disdain in the
Inuit culture. Rather, complaint takes the form of indirect mes•
sages such as tardiness or complete withdrawal of services. For
example, when the Inuit hotel workers did not feel that criticism
about the unsatisfactory completion of their cleaning tasks was
warranted, they left early for the day, or did not show up to cook
breakfast.
Similarly, two Pelly Bay men showed up late to help two out•
side construction workers, because the workers had kept them wait•
ing the previous day. This approach seems to be an accepted man•
ner of expressing discontent with a situation. One Inuit man 115 related a story about a pilot who was habitually late in showing up to fly the Inuit back home because he stayed out late at night.
The Inuit responded by showing up several hours late themselves one day. It was reported that this measure appeared to remedy the situation as the pilot was never late again.
Poor performance or not showing up for work can be, as noted earlier, indications of job dissatisfaction and often herald the announcement that the employee is quitting. Unhappiness at the job may be the result of the urging of the other workers, however, who may pressure the person to resign by making their time at work uncomfortable. Such was the case with one of the employees at the hotel who did not, according to the other workers, "pull her weight." In this manner the authority of the white supervisor was circumvented and "group concensus" decided who should staff the institution.
Work Values
Although Pelly Bay workers are, for the most part, reliable and responsible employees, punctuality and keeping to a regular time schedule are not part of the Inuit value system. If however, the job involves services to others in the community, their dis• pleasure, or the threat of it, is generally sufficient to encour• age the workers to be available. For example, school custodial staff who opened the doors and rang the bell for the children were always on time, whereas the teaching assistants were often late, as well, of course, the children. Hamlet employees who provided 116
services were most often available and someone was left to be "on
call" at all times.
On the other hand, people in the community are generally
flexible in their demand for services. For example, when they
knew that the staff at the Co-op were often late in arriving at work, none of the residents appeared until one-half hour after opening. When they realized that the new Co-op manager was always
there at the scheduled opening time, some shoppers started coming earlier.
The Inuit adapt with flexibility to situations as they occur,
and tend to brush off things which do not go according to plan as being unavoidable. As well, they tend to rely on existing rela•
tionships and mechanisms to deal with situations, while whites try
to organize situations along business lines. The Inuit find it
difficult to understand why whites, in their eyes, seem to worry
needlessly about trivial matters. For example, when the supply
plane was due during hunting season, the Co-op manager was con• cerned that there would be no one available to unload it. She
tried to encourage the Inuit employees to organize the situation
in advance but met with little progress. Having given the respon•
sibility for the unloading to the employees, she decided to wait and see what happened. When the plane did arrive, there were am• ple numbers of young people there to unload it--the workers had been informed through an informal communication system and a rea•
sonable number of them had taken advantage of the occasion to come
into the community. A similar situation occured with the workers 117 at the hotel. Despite the urging of the hotel manager, the work• ers had not planned the evening dinner for the hotel guests in advance and there was, therefore, no meat available to cook. Af• ter a phone call, the employees were able to acquire fresh arctic char and dinner went ahead as usual.
The examples utilized in this section demonstrate some con• flicts which arise when the Inuit attempt to function within work patterns established by the white system. They also demonstrate how the Inuit of Pelly Bay are able to adapt the situations to a more Inuit method of functioning.
Social Controls
Pelly Bay is relatively free of major crime. There have been, however, increasing occurrences of petty theft and vandalism on the part of some young people. Matters such as these are gen• erally handled within the community without need for outside in• tervention. Most Inuit are sensitive to what others think of them and social control is generally adequate to do away with inappro• priate behaviour.
When social controls are not successful in preventing trans• gressions, traditional solutions are often turned to. For exam• ple, when one man in a responsible position in the community was unable to function adequately in his position and consequently resorted to disruptive behaviours, the Board of Directors, to whom 118 he was responsible, voted to give him time off. The Board decided that a month's leave of absence, enabling the individual to go out on the land, was the optimal solution.
Similarly, in the case of a young teenage offender, the so• lution was to take the youngster out on the land for a substantial length of time. In traditional times, parents had considerable control over the. activities of their children because of the phys•
ical limitations and restrictions of the camp. The community set• ting makes it more difficult for guardians to have control over
the whereabouts, and therefore, the activities of their children.
In the instance of this teenager's delinquency, traditional life•
styles and a closer relationship with the land were turned to in an attempt to find a solution to the problem. On return to the community, the teenager was often seen in the company of one of
his uncles as family ties were relied upon to solve the problem.
In another case, a teenager was sent from a neighbouring community to live with his grandparents in Pelly Bay in hopes that their
influence and the time spent in a more traditional home would curb his delinquent ways.
Inuit solutions to problems such as these are obviously pre•
ferred. However, the Inuit are able to utilize methods of control learned from contact with white systems, particularly in circum•
stances involving whites. Such a situation occurred when it was decided that the nurse should be replaced. When the Inuit methods of repeated social ostracism and then quiet, indirect suggestions 119
that she leave were unsuccessful, the Inuit appealed to her super•
visors in Yellowknife. They were told that they needed adequate
data with respect to the nurse's lack of suitability and exper•
tise, and accordingly the Pelly Bay Council prepared and distrib•
uted questionnaires to each household. This procedure, learned
from contact with numerous researchers and government surveyors was adequate to achieve their goal of acquiring a more suitable
nurse.
The Pelly Bay Inuit appear to be extremely tolerant of inap•
propriate and even illegal behaviour on the part of whites present
in the community. Their behaviour only becomes intolerable when
it involves physical violence, or, in particular, the well-being
of children and women. In such circumstances, steps are taken to
remove the culprit(s) through appeal to the appropriate government
agency.
Recreation
Primary recreational activities include sports such as hock•
ey, volleyball and traditional Inuit games (Pelly Bay athletes
have won several events at the Northern Games). Friday night
dances, weekly bingo games and movies are also popular events.
Perhaps the most common activity in the community, however, is
visiting. Visits, especially between related individuals are not
only frequent, they are expected. No invitations are issued, but 120 feelings can easily be hurt if expected visits are not made. Such visiting was also common in the traditional camps prior to the establishment of the community.
In 1980 Pelly Bay obtained television reception. When asked if this caused any changes in the community, one woman replied,
"No one went out visiting for a whole week!" As already noted, this was indeed an ufi^ual event. Although visiting patterns have now returned to their 1 pre-television1 status, watching television remains a popular passtime. Soap operas, professional hockey games and the Beachcombers are three of the most popular programs.
Social events are most fequent during winter months, as in• deed they were in pre-contact times. Christmas and Easter are, in particular, times for communal feasts and games. In the summer, camping, going out on the land for tea, and boating are common ac• tivities. To some extent, hunting and fishing, although they serve an economic purpose, are also recreational, and many find them enjoyable.
As noted in Chapter Three, the Church continues to play an important part in the community. Most families attend Church ser• vices on a regular basis except during peak hunting seasons.
The Modern Community—In Summary
To the casual observer, Pelly Bay appears to function in many ways like other small Canadian communities in the 1980s. It has, 121 for example, an economic system based, at least in part, on cash.
In addition, there are a number of modern conveniences in evidence such as motor vehicles, store-bought goods, and modern construc• tion projects.
On closer examination however, it is noted that the manner in which life is approached in the community is based primarily on
Inuit values, perceptions, and world views. Incomes, for example, are based on a system of economic generalization in which subsis• tence activities play a major role. Decision-making is accom• plished through group concensus. Values associated with cash, work, status and social controls are not adopted from White soci• ety; rather, they are reflective of Inuit ways.
This chapter has focused on the hamlet of Pelly Bay in modern times, and in particular, on the manner in which new ways have been adapted to existing patterns. The following chapter will examine the implications of these changes for the young people of the community. 122
Chapter Five
Tradition and the Young People of Pelly Bay
While Sony Walkmans and disco dancing are popular, the young
people are still very much influenced by traditional values and
social ties. This chapter examines the implications of the modern
way of life in Pelly Bay for the future lifestyles of young people
in the community.
A focus on the young people in specific is included in this
study because of the large number of youth under the age of twen•
ty-five. As noted earlier, one of the most predominent character•
istics of the community of Pelly Bay is its youth. Within the
next two decades, young people will form the majority of the work
force and move into leadership positions in the community.
The younger generation of today is the first to have grown up
in the permanent community in contact with modern goods and ser• vices. It is therefore important to examine the manner in which
they have adapted to the modern lifestyle. The research design was focused initially on factors which were important for deci•
sions made concerning the future lifestyles of the young people of an Inuit community. It was expected that there would be ample
evidence of assimilation due to contact with the Eurocanadian 123
culture, and of the curtailment of traditional activities because
of the adoption of a wage economy. Such evidence was, however,
greatly less than originally hypothesized. In fact, cultural,
family and community ties remain strong. Despite the educational
system, the presence of television, participation in a cash econ•
omy and the resulting presence of Sony Walkmans, electric guitars,
three-wheeled hondas and video games, the young people seem tied
to many of the 'old' ways. That is not to say that they partici•
pate greatly in so-called 'traditional' activities, such as drum
dancing and hunting with spears, although these do occur on spe•
cial occasions, but rather that there is adherence to cultural
values and norms such as respect for elders, and attachment to the
land and to Inuit political forms. They, like their parents and
grandparents, have adopted modern ways within a native context and
have retained their attachment to traditional ways. This is evi•
dent in their attitudes towards education and employment, their
relationships with elders, and their outlook on life.
The discussion in this chapter centres on those young people who are either completing their education or have entered the work
force relatively recently. For the purpose of this discussion,
'youth' has been arbitrarily defined as those between the ages of
fifteen and twenty-five (15 to 24 inclusive). 124
Employment Activities and Education
Employment Status
Forty percent of youth in Pelly Bay stated that they were
employed at the time the survey was conducted (October, 1982).
This is somewhat misleading, however, as only about 25 percent
were working on a full-time or permanent part-time basis, and the
numbers of casual positions diminished as winter approached. One-
third of the youth were unemployed and the remainder, mostly fif-
teen-and-sixteen-year-olds, were attending school.
TABLE 31. Employment Status of Pelly Bay Youth
Status Number Employed Male Female Employed 9 10 Unemployed 11 5 Student _8 4
Total 28 19
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982.
Those who were engaged in the labour force participated in a
variety of activities (Table 32). As is true of the adults, many
of those employed on a permanent basis are women, while men fill more of the temporary or seasonal positions. 125
TABLE 32. Occupations of Pelly Bay Youth, 1982 (past and present)
Occupation Number Employed Male Female
Clerk/office worker 2 3 Weatherman 1 Miner (work for Cominco) 5 Heavy equipment operator 1 Cleaner 1 2 Construction worker 2 Cook 1 Hotel manageress 1 Cashier 1 Maintenance Worker 1 Post mistress 1 Power company employee 1 Independent businessman 1 Truck driver for hamlet 1 Commercial fisherman 1+
Total 17 9
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982.
The Co-op is the largest single employer of young people.
Although wage-earning appears to be of preference among the young people in Pelly Bay (62 percent stated they would prefer
full-time employment), considerable time is spent hunting and
fishing. Of the young men, fifty percent stated that they spent moderate or considerable time hunting or fishing (data collected
for the month of September). Ten young people, all women, ac•
knowledged involvement in sewing activities and four listed carv•
ing as additional skills. 126
TABLE 33. Work Preferences of Pelly Bay Youth
Status Number of Responses Full-time employment 29 Part-time employment 8 Seasonal employment 3 Student 10 No employment at all 0
Total 50
Data Source; Fieldwork, 1982.
Student Aspirations
The results of a survey of senior students at Kugaardjuk school (Table 34), demonstrate that young people in Pelly Bay as• pire to higher education levels and to occupations which are gen• erally associated with White positions. The three most desired occupations are policeman, co-op manager and pilot. Interesting• ly, no one chose alternatives such as fisherman or hunter, al• though perhaps those who wished to pursue, or whose parents wished them to pursue, more traditional occupations, were no longer at• tending school by this age. It is also likely that participation in the traditional sector is not viewed as a 'job.'
The popularity of the choice of 'policeman' is somewhat sur• prising since there are no policemen in Pelly Bay. The closest
RCMP station is in Spence Bay and the officers make only rare visits to the community. It is possible that the image of a po• liceman comes from the content of popular television shows.
Becoming a pilot may be desired for a number of reasons; for example, two of the students in the survey are offsprings of an 127
Inuit man who is a student pilot. Secondly, there are frequent contacts with planes and pilots in the community. The fact that one very popular pilot lived in Pelly Bay for a period of time may also be a factor. All of the other preferred occupations chosen by the students are positions which are held by Pelly Bay resi• dents, and only one of these (miner) necessitates absence from the community.
TABLE 34. Student Survey
Aqe 12 13 14 15 16 Total Number of Students 2 3 3 3 1 12
Grade* 3 4 5 6 7 Total Number of Students 1 6 4 0 1 12 Grade Aspired To 7 8 9 10 11 12 Undecided No. of Students 2 0 1 1 2 5 1 Desired Occupation Number of Responses Pol iceman 3 Co-op manager 3 Truck driver 1 Mechanic 2 Miner 1 Maintenance worker (building) 1 Cook 1 Pilot 3
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982.
* Grade refers to math level. Students in the senior class studying math at a level below grade 3 were attending an- other class at the time of the survey.
In a survey in the Mackenzie Delta, Smith (1984) found that there were few differences in occupational preferences between students of different ethnic groups, and concluded that social and 128 economic structures are more important in determining lifestyle preferences than culture. In this vein, it would appear that con• tact with Whites, the cash system and television all have influ• enced Pelly Bay students. This does not mean, however, that eth• nicity and culture do not play a factor in determining how the preferences are acted out. Although Pelly Bay students tend to show preference for employment positions in the wage economy, this does not imply that these would necessarily be performed or adapt• ed to in a White manner. In fact, certain values and practices inherent in the white economic system, do not adapt well to the
Inuit way of life. Thus, for example, co-op managers have diffi• culty saying "no" to relatives, and those in supervisory positions have difficulty in directing peers and elders. Students also ex• perience difficulty in adjusting to the structure found in the formal school system.
It is not likely that all of the current students will achieve the level of aspiration which they have indicated, at least with respect to educational level. Although the average age of the students surveyed is almost fourteen years, most students are in grade four or five. At their current rate of progress, they would be in their twenties before completing high school, and it is likely that most will leave school before that time.
Although the government plans to move towards expansion of education programs, particularly those which would be available to
Inuit in smaller centres (Government of the Northwest Territories,
1982), failure to acquire a basic grade eight education may limit 129 the types of programs available to Pelly Bay youth. This may be particularly unfortunate because the economic base has not devel• oped to the point that it can support the rapidly increasing popu• lation of young people (Figure 16 depicts the projected labour force to 1977). Although jobs are being created by projects such as the opening of the hotel in the summer of 1982, proposed tour• ism programs, construction, and building rehabilitation, it is un• likely that these will be sufficient to absorb all of the young people who are about to enter the labour market.
Higher education and training may allow Inuit to acquire more of the jobs currently held by skilled whites such as teachers and nurses. However, these account for relatively few positions, and as noted previously, there are few who are likely to achieve the necessary educational levels. At present, three young people have taken vocational courses in Forth Smith and of these, two are em• ployed in their respective fields.
Cultural Inclusion Classes
The people of Pelly Bay consider the learning of traditional skills to be of utmost importance. To this end, cultural inclu• sion classes have been incorporated into the school curriculum.
While there seems to be little need for the skills themselves to be taught because all the students are able to participate in sub• sistence activities with their families, it does allow time for the elders to pass on some cultural components. 130
Projected Labour Force for Figure 16 PELLY BAY [to 1997] 250 1
1972 1977 1982 1987 1992 1997
* calculated on the basis of natural increase only 131
Participation in cultural inclusion classes, however, appears at times less than enthusiastic. Often the students appear more willing to watch than to help with the activity, or to participate in other activities rather than in the task itself. The elders do not expect the students to participate, but rather to take an ob• server role, as is typical of the Inuit education system. In one circumstance, an elder became irritated with a teacher who at• tempted to restore the students' attention through threat of dis• cipline. The lack of attention on the part of the students and the response of the elders does not indicate a lack of interest.
Rather, it is indicative of the lack of structure inherent in the traditional education system.
Work Ethics
As noted earlier, there is no attempt on the part of parents to encourage a work ethic such as that found in Eurocanadian cul• ture. This is not to say that children do not have duties at home. Older children are expected to look after the younger sib• lings and it is common to see teenage girls as young as eleven or twelve, 'packing' their younger brothers and sisters. Teenage boys are often expected to help their fathers with hunting or fishing activities, or to look after their mothers and siblings when the fathers are absent. One young man, for example, was sent out by skidoo to take a load of supplies to his family who were in a fishing camp and to stay with them while his father worked at a job in the community. These types of tasks are expected of older 132 children and their assignment is the manner in which the children are trained into traditional family roles. However, there is little demand or expectation placed on young people in terms of education or employment activities. One school teacher remarked, for example, that he could not send school work home with the children because the parents would not appreciate the intrusion of such tasks into the home environment.
In traditional times, children were allowed to play and, ex• cept for socialization into family roles and respect for the el• ders, there were few demands put on them. However, in these ear• lier times, children took on the responsibility of adulthood at an early age. Today, they seldom marry before the age of eighteen or twenty, and there are several teenage years during which the young people are required to do little. During this time the teenagers complain frequently of being "bored" and parents are concerned because the young people do not have anything that must be done.
As already noted, education is not seen as a necessary task.
Influence of Other Community Members
Elders and parents continue to, have significant influence on the activities of young people. Strong family ties and the influ• ence of parents and elders not only promote the learning of tra• ditional values and ways but also ensure that the older genera• tions have input into decisions made concerning future lifestyles.
Authority is strongly associated with age, and few question the wisdom of elders. Unlike most teenagers in southern Canada 133 who are greatly influenced by peers, Pelly Bay young people con• tinue to respect and depend on their elders for advice and guidance. Fieldwork results indicated that only a few young peo• ple feel that friends are more "helpful" than the elders and al• most all stated that they learn "a lot" from the older people.
"My parents said I didn't have to." As noted in the previous
Chapter, this is not an uncommon response to inquiries concerning lack of participation in certain activities. Although it some• times means that the person is not keen to participate, it is in• dicative of the extent to which parental authority is accepted.
Parents influence almost all aspects of life of the young people and make most of the decisions with respect to education and em• ployment activities, and even concerning who they should marry.
Although some parents in modern times are now giving their chil• dren some responsibility for their own decision-making, even this is done with permission. Few young people complain about, or even think to question, the authority of their parents. The few who do, usually choose to respect the wishes of their parents in the long-term. Those who do not, risk the possibility of being dis• owned from the family, a serious situation in a culture in which family plays an important role.
It is not surprising therefore that the young people feel that the initiative for their future plans rests with others through decisions made by parents, the community council, or per• haps by the government. In the traditional culture, the Inuit be• lieved that their lives were controlled by 'fate' or 'spirits' — 134 that there was no help for what occurred. In modern day, it is often the government which is viewed as in control of this 'fate' and therefore responsible for the future of the people. All of the young people surveyed feel that the government should provide them with money or jobs if needed.
Attachment to the Community
Desire to leave Pelly Bay is low. Fewer than one-quarter of
those aged fifteen to twenty-five showed any inclination to live outside the community. Of those who wished to leave, the most commonly stated reason was to attend school. Only three young people stated that they would leave in order to get a job, despite
increasing interest in jobs available with Cominco (Table 35).
TABLE 35. Desire for Mobility, Pelly Bay Youth
No desire to leave the community 35 Willingness to leave the community 11
Reasons Number of Responses
To further education 6 To work 3 Other 2
Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982.
Until a school-sponsored trip to Toronto in 1983, fewer than one-quarter of the young people had been out of Pelly Bay except to visit in neighbouring communities or to go to the hospital in
Yellowknife or Edmonton. In many cases, the older generations 135 spent more time outside of the community in their youth than do today's young people, due to attendance in residential schools or to lengthy treatments in hospitals.
Because education and health facilities have been available in Pelly Bay since the 1960s, the youngest generation has little need to travel out of the community. In many cases their view• point of southern Canadian society is formed primarily through contact with Whites living in or visiting their community, and more recently by the image of southern society portrayed through television.
Motivation to leave the hamlet is discouraged not only by the relative isolation of the community but also by parents' atti• tudes. Most parents feel that Pelly Bay is a much "better" and
"healthier" place to live than other communities 'outside,' and also that it is best to live near one's family. One young man who wished to attend high school in Yellowknife was, with much reluc• tance, given permission to do so by his parents after the inter• vention of school staff. When he called home after only two weeks at the school because he was lonely, he was told to return. Al• though he had no employment prospects in the community, it was considered preferable that he be in the community rather than 'to stick it out' away from home.
The current generation of young people are the first to have grown up in a permanent community and in contact with the modern economic system. Their activities--sports such as volleyball and hockey, movies, bingo, Friday night dances, visiting and skidoo-or 136 honda-riding—are not unlike those of young people in southern
Canada. They are also very attracted by the material goods that teenagers in southern Canada have, such as portable cassette decks and fashion clothes. Their diet has come to include food bought at the Co-op, and in particular, pop and chocolate bars. However, they, like their parents, are very much influenced by traditional values and relationships, despite the adoption of many material elements of Eurocanadian society.
The Future
The young people in Pelly Bay are friendly, respectful, help• ful and affectionate towards younger brothers and sisters. In ad• dition, Pelly Bay youth have minimal problems with drugs and alco• hol , due partly to the community's isolation, and also to a liquor prohibition declared in 1979.
Older Inuit, however, are concerned about the youth in the community and recognize that the lack of necessity of "doing some• thing to survive" in present times may be detrimental. Although it was not on the agenda, the problems faced by young Inuit today frequently arose in discussion at the first Elders Conference in
April, 1982.
'Although the persistence of traditional ways has aided the
Pelly Bay Inuit in their adaptation to their modern lifestyle, perhaps the elders feel that such is not the case for the future 137 of the young people. It is possible that traditional values, such as a laissez faire attitude towards employment and education, and the orientation towards consumption and survival rather than fu• ture security, may mean lack of opportunity in the future.
On the other hand, the flexibility afforded by the Inuit way of life through mechanisms such as 'economic generalization,' may provide a means of coping with the large influx of youth reaching adulthood and entering the labour force. 138
Chapter Six
Summary and Conclusions
Despite changes in traditional society and cultural norms since contacts with aspects of western culture, Inuit values persist in the Canadian Arctic and inform the responses that people there make to present day circumstances (Freeman, 1976, 171).
The previous chapters have illustrated that changes have and are continuing to occur for the Inuit of Pelly Bay. They have also demonstrated that Inuit ways have persisted through these changes and that, as they seek improvements in their lifestyle, the Inuit have adapted new technology and modern systems to the traditional way of life.
The Process of Change
. As noted in Chapter Two, the changes which occured in Pelly
Bay were the result not only of outside factors, but also of pro• cesses occurring within the culture itself. Elements from the outside such as new technology, government programs and an econ• omic system based on cash, did not cause traditional ways to be discarded; rather, the new ways were incorporated into the Inuit way of life. As new ways were adopted, the culture evolved new 139 forms, but it retained for the most part its values, traditional patterns, and an Inuit way of viewing the world.
Historical Trends
Chapter Three discussed from an historical perspective the manner in which the Inuit adopted elements which were introduced to them from the outside. For example, resources such as metal and wood became available initially through explorers and later from government construction programs. Christianity was introduc• ed by the missionaries in the 1930s, and government services such as housing, education, and transportation were made available af• ter the 1950s.
While all these elements were responsible for major changes in lifestyle, they interfered to a lesser extent with the persis• tence of an Inuit way of life. For example, Christianity co• existed with traditional beliefs. Similarly, the fur trade served to supplement the traditional hunting economy, just as casual and even permanent employment does today. It is noteworthy also that many of the government services such as medical care, housing and education were provided in the community itself. It was therefore possible for the Inuit to make use of such programs while continu• ing to participate in traditional pursuits. 140
The Modern Community
In the beginning pages of the thesis, six examples of tradi• tional approaches to modern life in Pelly Bay were identified.
Data was presented with reference to each to illustrate the manner in which modern elements were adapted to an Inuit way of life. The following is offered in conclusion.
1. There is in general, a lack of future orientation. The
Inuit continue for the most part to live with a focus on a day-to• day or season-to-season basis, and they are geared towards survi• val and consumption, rather than to the accumulation of assets for long-term security. Similarly, there continues to be a belief in the power of fate~a sense that no power exists over what occurs in the future.
This orientation is reflected in attitudes towards, for exam• ple, education and employment. Education as an asset for long- term security is not recognized by most Inuit, nor is it consider• ed essential for survival. Employment is regarded as a means of obtaining cash for desired goods, but seldom thought of in terms of 'career goals' or 'savings.' It is evident that, although ele• ments of southern Canadian society such as the cash economy have been adopted, the work values inherent in Eurocanadian society have not.
2. Decision-making is accomplished by concensus. Decisions are generally made by groups of elected community members, such as 141 the Council or Board of Directors of the Co-op. If such groups are unsure of the wishes of the community members, it is not un• common that the community is canvassed prior to a decision being made. Individual decision-making is frowned upon if the decisions affect other community members. It is not surprising therefore that those who hold authoritative employment positions in the com• munity, such as the Hamlet, Co-op or Craft store managers, work in collaboration with a Board of Directors or Committee.
3. Although some community members are employed in more than one position, there is an attempt to allocate jobs as equitably as possible, ensuring that each household has at least one member who provides cash for the family. In keeping with the mode of deci• sion-making, hiring decisions are generally made by a group. Jobs are allocated primarily on the basis of individual need and family responsibility.
4. Status is based on traditional values such as respect for elders, knowledge, and the ability to meet family responsibil• ities, rather than on the basis of wealth, income or employment position.
5. A strong attachment to the land and land-based activities continues. Not only do all community households participate in hunting, fishing and camping activities, and rely in part on coun• try foods, but they also turn to the land as a solution to the stresses created by modern society. Inuit of all ages and posi• tions consider going out on the land a valuable and necessary part of their life. 142
Although only three men hunt to the exclusion of all other economic activities, hunting and fishing patterns have similar•
ities to those of previous decades. The school year, vacations and casual employment are all geared to make the most of the best hunting/fishing seasons. The adoption of modern technology has
given those Inuit who do work, the flexibility to continue to par•
ticipate in land-based activities.
6. 'Economic generalization' is a common practice. Partici•
pation in a variety of economic activities allows the Inuit to ca• pitalize on opportunities as they arise. The majority of Pelly
Bay households participate in casual or seasonal employment or jobs which provide flexible working times, and there is often par•
ticipation in more than one economic activity. Job sharing is also present and allows individual workers more time to be involv• ed in other economic pursuits.
In previous decades it was necessary for survival that the
Inuit were able to take advantage of opportunity when it presented
itself. Similarly today, there is an orientation towards the
short-term, and work characteristics, such as those described, aid
in giving the Inuit the flexibility to participate in various
areas of the economic system. 143
Tradition and the Young People
The role of the youth in the modern community is discussed in
the study because of their importance to the future of the commu• nity. Because of the large numbers of young people, they will
soon swell the ranks of the labour force and enter respected posi• tions within the community. It is therefore important to note
that they, too, continue to live in a traditional manner, holding on to Inuit values and world views, and that they utilize these in
their approach to a modern way of life.
The Scope of the Study
The thesis emphasizes an examination of processes occurring at the community level. In particular, the focus is on the econ• omic activities of the people of Pelly Bay. It is recognized that the Inuit of Pelly Bay do not live in isolation; they are affected by changes in government and government policy as well as by pro• cesses occurring at national and world levels. While events oc• curring at these broader levels are significant to northern devel• opment, however, the manner in which adaptations are made to the effects of these external processes was thought to be best exam•
ined, for the purposes of the thesis, by the study of processes 144 occurring at the local level. To this end, the community of Pelly
Bay provides an apt example of the manner in which the modern
Inuit community continues to function along traditional lines.
Implications for Further Research
The scope of the thesis is limited to the experiences of one
Arctic community. It is therefore inappropriate to generalize the findings to other northern settlements without further research.
This is particularly true because of variances in the Inuit cul• ture and the history of contact across the Arctic.
Although the results of this study cannot be generalized to other communities, some considerations for future research however can be noted. For example, it was discussed earlier in the thesis that research concerning northern development is often biased to• wards a western norm, and accordingly, that western indicators or measurements of development may be out of context when applied in cross-cultural situations. Likewise, the use of quantitative data alone may not portray the cultural differences in the meanings of terms such as tradition and development.
For these reasons, it would seem necessary that research into the development of northern communities encompass a broad scope and a variety of research techniques. There is a need to collect data not only about flows of capital and commodities, but also to 145
". . . seek explanations in matters such as human behaviour, atti• tudes and beliefs, social organization and the characteristics and inter-relationships of human groups" (Brookfield, 1964, 283).
This thesis represents an attempt to utilize a research de• sign such as that described above by Brookfield. A number of re• search techniques were employed to gather both quantitative and qualitative data. A similar design could be aptly applied to studies of development and the persistence of traditional ways in other northern communities.
Conclusion
The hamlet of Pelly Bay continues to exist as a truly Inuit community. Despite the presence of telecommunications, public services, a cash economy and modern transportation facilities, traditional ways persist to some extent in all aspects of life.
In addition, the data presented in the thesis demonstrates that change and development in the community are guided by native values, traditional patterns and Inuit ways of viewing the world. 146
Bi bliography
Alavi, H., Shanin, T. Introduction to the Sociology of 'Develop•
ing Societies.' New York: Monthly Review Press, 1982.
Balikci, A. Development of Basic Socio-Economic Units in Two Es•
kimo Communities. Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1964.
Berger, T. Northern Frontier, Northern Homeland. The Report of
the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry. Toronto: J. Lorimer &
Co., 1977.
Beveridge, J. "The Rabbit Lake Communting Operation: A Case for
Mutual Adaptation?" Proceedings of the Conference on Commut•
ing and Northern Development. Saskatchewan: Institute for
Northern Studies, 1979, 110-162.
Brackel , W.D. The Socio Economic Importance of Marine Wildlife
Utilization in the Beaufort Sea. Victoria: Department of
Fisheries and the Environment, 1977.
Bradby, B. "The Destruction of the Natural Economy." Economy and
Society, 4.4 (1975): 127-161.
Brice-Bennett, C. "The East-Central Arctic." Inuit Land Use and
Occupancy Study, Volume 1: Land Use and Occupancy. Ottawa:
Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1976,
66-72.
Briggs, J. Aspects of Inuit Value Socialization. Ottawa: Na•
tional Museum of Canada, 1979. 147
Briggs. J. Never in Anger. Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1970.
Brody, H. Maps and Dreams. Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1982.
. "Ecology, Politics and Change: The Case of the Eski•
mo." Development and Change, 9 (1978):21-40.
. The People's Land. Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1975.
Brookfield, H. Interdependent Development. London: Methuen,
1975.
. "Questions on the Human Frontiers of Geography." Econ•
omic Geography, 40.4 (1964):283-303.
Canada. Census. Ottawa, 1981.
. Census. Ottawa, 1976.
Cominco. Polaris Report on Northern Employment. Yellowknife:
Outcrop, 1982.
Dacks, G. A Choice of Futures. Toronto: Methuen, 1981.
Devine, M. N.W.T. Data Book. Yellowknife: Outcrop, 1982.
Freeman, M.A. "Ikumaaluminik—Living in Two Hells." A Century of
Canada's Arctic Islands. Ed. M. Zaslow. Ottawa: The Royal
Society of Canada, 1981, 267-274.
Freeman, M.M.R. "Persistence and Change: The Cultural Dimen•
sion." A Century of Canada's Arctic Islands. Ed. M. Zaslow.
Ottawa: The Royal Society of Canada, 1981, 257-266.
. "An Ecological Perspective on Man-Environment Research
in the Hudson/James Bay Region." Hudson/James Bay Symposium.
Guelph, 1981. 148
Freeman, M.M.R. (Ed.) Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Study, Volumes
1-3. Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Devel•
opment, 1976.
Friesen, B.F., Nelson, J.G. "An Overview of the Economic Poten•
tial of Wildlife and Fish Resources in the Canadian Arctic."
Northern Transitions, Eds. R.F. Keith and J.B. Wright. Otta•
wa: Canadian Arctic Resources Committee, 1978, 163-180.
Geertz, C. "From the Native's Point of View: On the Nature of
Anthropological Understanding." Symbolic Anthropology: A
Reader in the Study of Symbols and Meanings, Eds. J.L. Dogin,
D.M. Kamnitzer, and D.M. Schneider. New York: Columbia Uni•
versity Press, 1977, 480-492.
Government of the Northwest Territories. Territorial Employment
Record and Information System Files. Yellowknife: GNWT,
1981.
. Tradition and Change in the NWT: Report of the Special
Committee on Education. Yellowknife: GNWT, 1976.
Guemple, D.L. "The Institutional Flexibility of Inuit Social
Life." Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Study, Volumes 1-3. Ed.
M.M.R. Freeman. Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs and
Northern Development, 1976, 181-186.
Gusfield, J. "Tradition and Modernity: Misplaced Polarities in
the Study of Social Change." American Journal of Sociology,
72.4. (1967): 351-362.
Hamelin, L.-E. Canadian Nordicity, It's Your North Too. Montre•
al: Harvest House, 1979. 149
Hector, M. Internal Colonialism. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Uni•
versity of California Press, 1975.
Hobart, C. "Impacts of Industrial Employment of Hunting and Trap•
ping Among Canadian Inuit." Renewable Resources and the
Economy of the North, Ed. M.M.R. Freeman. Ottawa: ACUNS,
1981.
. Work Aspirations and Physical Mobility Interest of
Young Inuit in Gjoa Haven, NWT. Edmonton: Hobart, Walsh &
Associates, 1978.
Hsu, F.L.K. "Cultural Problems of the Cultural Anthropologist."
American Anthropology, 81 (1979):517-532.
Iglauer, E. Inuit Journey. Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1979.
Jansen II, W. Eskimo Economics: An Aspect of Culture Change at
Rankin Inlet. Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1979.
Jenness, D. Eskimo Administration II, Canada. Montreal: Arctic
Institute of North America, 1964, 1972.
. Eskimo Administration V, Analysis and Reflections.
Montreal: Arctic Institute of North America, 1968.
Keith, R.F., Wright, J.B. Northern Transitions. Ottawa: Canadian
Arctic Resources Committee, 1978.
Kemp, W.B. "The Flow of Energy in a Hunting Society." Scientific
American, Sept. (1971):105-112.
Lange, P. "Some Qualities of Inuit Social Interaction." The
White Arctic, Ed. R. Paine. Toronto: The University of To•
ronto Press, 1977, 107-128. Lineton, P. "Soviet Nationality Policy in North Western Siberia:
An Historical Perspective." Development and Change, 9
(1978):87-102.-
Mayes, R.G. "Contemporary Inuit Society." Musk-Ox, 30 (1982):36-
47.
Mayne, R.E., Govier, G.T. Settlements of the Central Arctic-Kee-
watin Region: Community Profiles and Regional Hierarchies.
Winnipeg: Underwood, McLellan & Associates Ltd., 1977.
McConnell, J. "The Dialectic Nature of Eskimo Cultures." Conse•
quences of Economic Change in Circumpolar Regions, Eds. L.
Muller-Wille, P. Pelto, L. Muller-Wille, R. Darnell. Edmon•
ton: Boreal Institute for Northern Studies, 1975:185-200.
McConnell, S. Community Resistance Land Use and Wage Labour in
Paulatuk, NWT. Vancouver: University of British Columbia,
1983, Unpublished thesis.
McGee, T.G. "Conservation and Dissolution in the Third World
City." Development and Change, 10.1 (1977):1-22.
Meyer, G. "Promotional Measures and Present State of Development
in the Field of Nomadism in Syria." Applied Geography and
Development, 19 (1982):97-107.
Moore, C. Before the Reservation. Rediscovering Canada's Early
Hi story. Toronto: Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 1983,
Transcript. 151
Mougeot, M., Ed. Proceedings: Conference on Commuting and North•
ern Development. Saskatchewan: Institute for Northern Stu•
dies, 1979.
Muller-Wille, L., Pelto, P., Muller-Wille, L., Darnell, R. Eds.
Consequences of Economic Change in Circumpolar Regions. Ed•
monton: Boreal Institute for Northern Studies, 1975.
Paine, R. The White Arctic. Toronto: The University of Toronto
Press, 1977.
Pelly Bay. Census. 1982.
Poffenberger, M., Zurbuchen, M. "Economics of Village Bali:
Three Perspectives." Economic Development and Cultural
Change, 29 (1980):91-133.
Preston, P.W. Theories of Development. London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul Ltd., 1982.
Rapaport, A. "Identity and Environment: A Cross-Cultural Per•
spective." Housing and Identity, Ed. J. Duncan. London:
Croom & Helm, 1981.
Rasmussen, K. "The Netsilik Eskimos." Report of the Fifth Thule
Expedition, 8.1-2. Copenhagen: Glyndalske Boghaindeln,
1931.
Rea, K.J. The Political Economy of Northern Development. Ottawa:
Science Council of Canada, 1976.
Smith, D. Occupational Preferences of Northern Students. Ottawa:
Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1974. 152
Stager, J.K. Baker Lake, NWT. A Background Report of Its Social
and Economic Development. Polar Gas Project, 1977.
Steltzer, U. Inuit. The North in Transition. Vancouver: Douglas
& Mclntyre, 1982.
Swift, J. "The Marginal Societies at the Modern Frontier in Asia
and the Arctic." Development and Change, 9 (1978):3-19.
Thomas, D.K., Thompson, CT. Eskimo Housing as Planned Culture
Change. Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs and Northern
Development, 1972.
Treude, E. "Studies in Settlement Development and Evolution of
the Economy in the Eastern Central Arctic." Musk-Ox, 16
(1974):53-66.
Usher, P. "Sustenance or Recreation? The Future of Native Wild•
life Harvesting in Northern Canada." Renewable Resources and
the Economy of the North, Ed. M.M.R. Freeman. Ottawa: ACUNS,
1981:56-71.
. "Renewable Resources Development in Northern Canada."
Northern Transitions, Ed. R.F. Keith and J.B. Wright. Otta•
wa: Canadian Arctic Resources Committee, 1980:154-162.
. The Bankslanders Economy and Ecology of a Frontier
Trapping Community. Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs and
Northern Development, 1970.
Valentine, V.F., Vallee, F.G. Eskimo of the Canadian Arctic.
Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1968. 153
van den Steenhoven, G. Legal Concepts Among the Netsilik Eskimos
of Pelly Bay, NWT. Ottawa: Northern Co-ordination and Re•
search Centre, 1959.
Villiers, D. The Central Arctic. An Area Economic Survey. Otta•
wa: Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development,
1969.
Wenzel , G. Clyde Inuit Adaptation and Ecology: The Organization
of Subsistence. Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1981.
. "Inuit and Local Control: The Case of Somerset Is•
land." Inuit Studies, 3.2 (1979):19-23.
Williamson, R.G. The Boothia Peninsula People. Polar Gas, 1976.
. Eskimo Underground: Sociocultural Change in the Cana•
dian Central Arctic. Uppsala: Almquist and Wiksell, 1974.
Zaslow, M. A Century of Canada's Arctic Islands. Ottawa: The
Royal Society of Canada, 1981. 154
APPENDIX 1. HOUSEHOLD SURVEY
1) How many people live in this house?
2) Education and employment for each person: a) What is your (their) age? b) Are you (they) employed? yes no position c) If yes full time part time casual d) Do you get money from other sources? carving/sewing commercial hunting or fishing social assistance (what form? ) e) What grade did you (they) complete? f) Do you have any other training or skills?
g) What kind of work would you like your children to do when they get older?
*If employed at Cominco1s mine: a) Do you like working there? yes no b) What do you like best about work at Cominco?
c) What don't you like about working there?
c) (to wife) Do you like your husband working there?
(yes) (no) (ok)
Hunting a) How many seal did you catch last year? Where do you go seal hunting? (map) When do you hunt seal? spring summer winter b) How many caribou did you catch last year? Where do you go caribou hunting? (map) When do you hunt caribou? summer fal1 other 155 c) How much fish did you catch last year? Where do you fish? (map) When do you fish? summer winter spring fall How do you catch most of the fish?
nets under nets across jigging through other ice river ice d) How many polar bear did you get last year? Where do you go polar bear hunting? (map) When do you go polar bear hunting? fall winter spring e) Do you hunt ducks? yes no hare? yes no ptarmigan? yes no other?
f) Did you set up camp away from the community last year?
yes no
If yes, when? spring summer fall g) Do you have yes no a) a skidoo b) a boat c) a 1honda'
h) With whom do you usually go hunting?
i) Did you sell any skins last year? yes no If yes, what kind? how many ? 156
APPENDIX 2. STUDENT SURVEY
1. How old are you?
2. What grade (of math) are you in?
3. How often do you come to school? (put a beside the best answer) ....almost always (4-5 days per week, every week) ....most of the time (4-5 days most weeks) ....sometimes (2-3 days per week) ....not very often (one day per week or less).
4. What grade do you hope to complete?
5. Would you, leave Pelly Bay to go to school? yes, or no. 6. Woudl you quit school now if you were offered a job? yes, or no. 7. What kind of job would you like to have? (put an x beside the job you'd like most and checks beside others you would like).
.driving a truck hunter .cashier co-op manager .pilot construction worker .bookkeeper hamlet worker .cook sewing .fisherman cleaner .teacher maintenance (look .miner after buildings) .policeman social worker .office worker mechanic (fixes trucks) .nurse .hamlet manager .other ,
8. Are you male, or female? 157
APPENDIX 3. YOUTH SURVEY
1. How old are you?
2. Are you male or female
3. Are you married (yes) (no)
4. Are you a) employed b) not employed, but looking for work c) not employed, not looking for work d) a student If employed, a) what do you do? b) How many weeks/months have you worked in the past year? (weeks) or (months).
5. What jobs have you had?
6. What grade did you complete in school?
7. Do you have any other training or skills?
8. What kind of job would you like most? a) full time b) part time c) a job only part of the year d) no job 9. Have you ever been out of Pelly Bay? (yes) (no) If yes, where? 10. Would you leave Pelly Bay to live somewhere else? (yes) (no) If yes, why would you leave? a) to go to school b) to go to work c) another reason why? 158
11. Last month (Sept.), how often did you go hunting? a) a lot (every weekend, or stayed at fishing camp most of the time) b) some (most weekends, spent some time at fishing camp) c) not much (went out once or twice) d) not at all
12. Do you think children should have to go to school? yes no. 13. Do you think the government should get jobs or money for people if they need them? (yes) (no). 14. If you need advice, do you a) go to friends b) go to elders c) go to friends and elders d) go to someone else
15. Which of the following statement(s) describe how you feel about elders? a) They do(n't) understand what it is like to be growing up in Pelly Bay today b) They teach me a lot c) They try to tell me what to do too much d) They are more helpful than friends