Habeas and the Roberts Court Aziz Huq
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Choosing Punishment Miriam H
Brooklyn Law School BrooklynWorks Faculty Scholarship 3-2012 Choosing Punishment Miriam H. Baer [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/faculty Part of the Business Organizations Law Commons, and the Other Law Commons Recommended Citation 92 B.U. L. Rev. 577 (2012) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of BrooklynWorks. CHOOSING PUNISHMENT MIRIAM H. BAER* INTRODU CTION ............................................................................................... 578 I. EXPLAINING THE CHOICE OF PUNISHMENT ......................................... 585 A. Punishment'sPsychology ............................................................ 586 B. Punishment'sPhilosophy ............................................................ 594 C. Punishment's Public Nature........................................................ 601 D. Punishment's PracticalAdvantages ............................................ 603 1. L egal T ools ............................................................................ 604 2 . M on ey .... ............................................................................... 60 6 3 . T alent ..... ............................................................................... 60 8 II. PUNISHMENT AND CORPORATE GOVERNANCE .................................... 611 A . CorporateRegulation ................................................................. -
Notes and Sources for Evil Geniuses: the Unmaking of America: a Recent History
Notes and Sources for Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History Introduction xiv “If infectious greed is the virus” Kurt Andersen, “City of Schemes,” The New York Times, Oct. 6, 2002. xvi “run of pedal-to-the-medal hypercapitalism” Kurt Andersen, “American Roulette,” New York, December 22, 2006. xx “People of the same trade” Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, ed. Andrew Skinner, 1776 (London: Penguin, 1999) Book I, Chapter X. Chapter 1 4 “The discovery of America offered” Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy In America, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Library of America, 2012), Book One, Introductory Chapter. 4 “A new science of politics” Tocqueville, Democracy In America, Book One, Introductory Chapter. 4 “The inhabitants of the United States” Tocqueville, Democracy In America, Book One, Chapter XVIII. 5 “there was virtually no economic growth” Robert J Gordon. “Is US economic growth over? Faltering innovation confronts the six headwinds.” Policy Insight No. 63. Centre for Economic Policy Research, September, 2012. --Thomas Piketty, “World Growth from the Antiquity (growth rate per period),” Quandl. 6 each citizen’s share of the economy Richard H. Steckel, “A History of the Standard of Living in the United States,” in EH.net (Economic History Association, 2020). --Andrew McAfee and Erik Brynjolfsson, The Second Machine Age: Work, Progress, and Prosperity in a Time of Brilliant Technologies (New York: W.W. Norton, 2016), p. 98. 6 “Constant revolutionizing of production” Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx, Manifesto of the Communist Party (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1969), Chapter I. 7 from the early 1840s to 1860 Tomas Nonnenmacher, “History of the U.S. -
Presidential Signing Statements: Will Congress Pick up the Gauntlet?
June 26, 2006 PRESIDENTIAL SIGNING STATEMENTS: WILL CONGRESS PICK UP THE GAUNTLET? David H. Remes Gerard J. Waldron ∗ Shannon A. Lang Presidential “signing statements” – formal expressions of the views of a President regarding legislation that he has just signed into law – are nearly as old as the Republic. Although previous Presidents issued signing statements, not until the Reagan Administration did they begin using such statements system- atically to influence judicial interpretation or, most recently, to declare legisla- tion non-binding on the Executive. The use of presidential signing statements to influence judicial interpreta- tion, pioneered by President Reagan, has proven ineffectual: Judges who look to legislative history at all place little weight on signing statements. The use of signing statements to deny effect to legislation, however, immediately alters the relationship between the Executive, on the one hand, and Congress and the judi- ciary, on the other. Article I of the Constitution gives Congress the last word as to whether a law will take effect, subject to judicial review, by empowering Congress to over- ride a presidential veto. When the President issues a signing statement refusing to give effect to a law, the President usurps the powers of Congress by circum- venting the Constitution’s provision for overriding presidential vetoes, and by effectively asserting unilateral power to repeal and amend legislation. Similarly, when the President denies effect to legislation because he con- siders it unconstitutional, the President displaces the judiciary as the final ex- positor of the Constitution and undermines the principle of judicial review that is crucial to our system of checks and balances. -
Episode 55 Emily Bazelon Hello and Welcome to Episode 55 of The
Episode 55 Emily Bazelon Hello and welcome to Episode 55 of the Decarceration Nation podcast, a podcast about radically reimagining America's criminal justice system. I'm Josh Hoe, among other things, I'm formerly incarcerated a freelance writer, a criminal justice reform advocate and the author of the book, writing your own best story addiction and living hope. We'll get to my interview with Emily basil on in just a second. But first, the news: I have not told many people this but I'll share this with you here first. I've just been offered and taken a new position as the policy analyst was safe and just Michigan. This was a job I just could not say no to. I believe we can create change that affects the largest number of people here at the state level. And Michigan is and has been for a long time my home. I'm very excited to start working this month with safe and just Michigan. Nothing will change about the podcasts and they are luckily fully supportive of me continuing this work. I'm really thrilled to be starting this new adventure. And just a few months, it'll be six years since release, it took a long time to get back to a full time job. Thanks again to safe and just Michigan for giving me this opportunity and all the people and it would take an hour for me to thank everybody who has supported me over the last you know, almost six years since my release. -
Jurisprudence Diagramming Sentences by Emily Bazelon
Print jurisprudence Diagramming Sentences The Supreme Court's war on sentencing guidelines. By Emily Bazelon Posted Tuesday, Jan. 23, 2007, at 6:43 PM ET Sentencing is supposed to be the straightforward moment in a criminal trial—easy arithmetic compared to the subjective assessments of jurors and attorneys. But ever since the Supreme Court got into the sentencing biz back in 2000, sentencing has been a mess. The court struck down federal mandatory sentencing guidelines in 2005, and some state guidelines have fallen as well. And in a 6-3 decision Monday, the justices killed the California sentencing guidelines. The California case is the latest battle in a strange war that has turned natural judicial enemies into allies, set Congress against the courts, and given law professors a new life's work. Some of the justices probably have had their eye on easing the sentencing load on defendants, more and more of whom have been getting locked up for longer and longer periods. But the court can't make pro-defendant reform its explicit aim—that sort of policy decision is the legislature's job, after all, and in any case the cobbled- together majority behind the recent decisions would never hold together. So, for now, at least, the court's war on sentencing has enraged the lower courts and left the law in a shambles. These cases showcase destruction—this is what it looks like when the Supreme Court lays waste. The 2000 case that got the court started, Apprendi v. New Jersey, seemed to unveil a new constitutional right. -
The Roles of Litigation in American Democracy
Emory Law Journal Volume 65 Issue 6 The 2015 Pound Symposium — The "War" on the U.S. Civil Justice System (Co- Sponsored by the Pound Civil Justice Institute and Emory University School of Law) 2016 The Roles of Litigation in American Democracy Alexandra D. Lahav Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/elj Recommended Citation Alexandra D. Lahav, The Roles of Litigation in American Democracy, 65 Emory L. J. 1657 (2016). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/elj/vol65/iss6/12 This Articles & Essays is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory Law Journal by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LAHAV GALLEYSPROOFS2 6/13/2016 1:15 PM THE ROLES OF LITIGATION IN AMERICAN DEMOCRACY ∗ Alexandra D. Lahav ABSTRACT Adjudication is usually understood as having two functions: dispute resolution and law declaration. This Article presents the process of litigation as a third, equally important function and explains how in litigation, participants perform rule of law values. Performativity in litigation operates in five ways. First, litigation allows individuals, even the most downtrodden, to obtain recognition from a governmental officer (a judge) of their claims. Second, it promotes the production of reasoned arguments about legal questions and presentation of proofs in public, subject to cross-examination and debate. Third, it promotes transparency by forcing information required to present proofs and arguments to be revealed. Fourth, it aids in the enforcement of the law in two ways: by requiring wrongdoers to answer for their conduct to the tribunal and by revealing information that is used by other actors to enforce or change existing regulatory regimes. -
On the American Paradox of Laissez Faire and Mass Incarceration
ON THE AMERICAN PARADOX OF LAISSEZ FAIRE AND MASS INCARCERATION Bernard E. Harcourt∗ What we come to believe — so often, in reality, mere fiction and myth — takes on the character of truth and has real effects, tangible effects on our social and political condition. These beliefs, these hu- man fabrications, are they simply illusions? Are they fantasies? Are they reflections on a cave wall? Over the past two centuries at least, brilliant and well-regarded thinkers have proposed a range of theories and methods to emancipate us from these figments of our imagination. They have offered genealogies and archaeologies, psychoanalysis, Ideologiekritik, poststructuralism, and deconstruction — to name but a few. Their writings are often obscure and laden with a jargon that has gotten in the way of their keen insights, but their central point contin- ues to resonate loudly today: our collective imagination has real effects on our social condition and on our politics. It is important, it is vital to question what passes as truth. Any sophisticated listener, for instance, would have understood immediately what Barack Obama was doing when he declared on the campaign trail in 2008 that “[t]he market is the best mechanism ever invented for efficiently allocating resources to maximize production.”1 Or when he quickly added, “I also think that there is a connection be- tween the freedom of the marketplace and freedom more generally.”2 Obama was tapping into a public imaginary, one reflected at the time by the overwhelming belief, shared by more than two-thirds -
Social Norms, Shame, and Regulation in an Internet Age Kate Klonick
Maryland Law Review Volume 75 | Issue 4 Article 4 Re-Shaming the Debate: Social Norms, Shame, and Regulation in an Internet Age Kate Klonick Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the Internet Law Commons, and the Law and Society Commons Recommended Citation 75 Md. L. Rev. 1029 (2016) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RE-SHAMING THE DEBATE: SOCIAL NORMS, SHAME, AND REGULATION IN AN INTERNET AGE * KATE KLONICK Advances in technological communication have dramatically changed the ways in which social norm enforcement is used to constrain behavior. Nowhere is this more powerfully demonstrated than through current events around online shaming and cyber harassment. Low cost, anonymous, instant, and ubiquitous access to the Internet has removed most—if not all—of the natural checks on shaming. The result is norm enforcement that is indeterminate, uncalibrated, and often tips into behavior punishable in its own right—thus generating a debate over whether the state should intervene to curb online shaming and cyber harassment. A few years before this change in technology, a group of legal scholars debated just the opposite, discussing the value of harnessing the power of social norm enforcement through shaming by using state shaming sanctions as a more efficient means of criminal punishment. Though the idea was discarded, many of their concerns were prescient and can inform today’s inverted new inquiry: whether the state should create limits on shaming and cyber bullying. -
A Punitive Bind: Policing, Poverty, and Neoliberalism in New York City
Kaplan-Lyman: A Punitive Bind: Policing, Poverty, and Neoliberalism in New York City Note A Punitive Bind: Policing, Poverty, and Neoliberalism in New York City Jeremy Kaplan-Lymant Narrowly conceived, neoliberalism is a system of economic ideas and policy initiatives that emphasize small government and market-based solutions to social and economic problems. Adopted in response to the fiscal, welfare and racial crises of the Keynesian state, neoliberalism has become the dominant governing principle in the United States over the last forty years. A growing body of literature has shown how the rise of neoliberalism has underwritten the massive expansion of the American criminal justice system and the growth of its incarceral arm. Yet theorists of neoliberalism have largely ignored how the rise of neoliberalism has affected policing practices and, in turn, have failed to consider the role that police play in the neoliberal state. This Note considers policing practices and policies in New York City under the rise of neoliberalism. It argues that the rise of neoliberalism has led to significant and lasting changes in the accountability structures, enforcement priorities, and policing strategies and tactics of New York City's policing apparatus. While new approaches to policing have been heralded by some as making the NYPD internally more efficient and more effective at fighting crime, this Note contends that the adoption of neoliberal policing techniques cannot be evaluated without a broader account of the historical, social, political and economic contexts in which they are implemented. An analysis of policing within these broader contexts reveals that there is good reason to be concerned about many facets of neoliberal policing, which t Yale Law School, J.D. -
The Mirror Image of Asylums and Prisons
Columbia Law School Scholarship Archive Faculty Scholarship Faculty Publications 2014 The Mirror Image of Asylums and Prisons Sacha Raoult [email protected] Bernard E. Harcourt Columbia Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the European Law Commons, Health Law and Policy Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons Recommended Citation Sacha Raoult & Bernard E. Harcourt, The Mirror Image of Asylums and Prisons, COLUMBIA LAW & ECONOMICS WORKING PAPER NO. 472; COLUMBIA PUBLIC LAW RESEARCH PAPER NO. 14-389 (2014). Available at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship/1859 This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Scholarship Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Center for Law and Economic Studies Columbia University School of Law 435 West 116th Street New York, NY 10027-7201 (212) 854-3739 The Mirror Image of Asylums and Prisons Sacha Raoult and Bernard E. Harcourt Working Paper No. 486 May 28, 2014 Do not quote or cite without author’s permission. An index to the working papers in the Columbia Law School Working Paper Series is located at http://web.law.columbia.edu/law-economic-studies/working-papers Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2442944 COLUMBIA LAW SCHOOL PUBLIC LAW & LEGAL THEORY WORKING PAPER GROUP PAPER NUMBER 14-389 THE MIRROR IMAGE OF ASYLUMS AND PRISONS SACHA RAOULT AND BERNARD E. -
Moving Justice Forward Participant Biographies
Moving Justice Forward Participant Biographies Thomas Abt is a Senior Fellow at both the Harvard Law and Kennedy Schools, where he teaches, studies, and writes on the use of evidence-informed approaches to reducing gun, gang, and youth violence, among other topics. Abt also serves as a member of the Campbell Collaboration’s Criminal Justice Advisory Board and as an Advisory Board Member to the Police Executive Programme at the University of Cambridge. Before joining Harvard, Abt served as Deputy Secretary for Public Safety to Governor Andrew Cuomo in New York, where he oversaw all criminal justice and homeland security agencies. Before his work as Deputy Secretary, Abt served as Chief of Staff to the Office of Justice Programs at the U.S. Department of Justice, where he worked with the nation’s principal criminal justice grant making and research agencies to integrate evidence, policy, and practice. Matthew Barge is Co-Executive Director of the Police Assessment Resource Center (PARC), a non-profit organization based in New York City that advances effective and accountable policing. Mr. Barge is the federal court-appointed monitor of a consent decree between the U.S. Department of Justice and City of Cleveland addressing the Cleveland Division of Police. The decree addresses use of force, community policing, discriminatory policing, and other operational issues. He also serves as lead police practices expert for a settlement between the ACLU and City of Chicago addressing stop and frisk issues. Mr. Barge has previously served as the Deputy Monitor of a consent decree between the United States and City of Seattle. -
Law Clerk Influence on Supreme Court Decision Making: an Empirical Assessment
Washington and Lee University School of Law Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons Scholarly Articles Faculty Scholarship 2008 Law Clerk Influence on Supreme Court Decision Making: An Empirical Assessment Todd C. Peppers Washington and Lee University School of Law, [email protected] Christopher Zorn The Pennsylvania State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlufac Part of the Courts Commons, Judges Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Legal Education Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation Todd C. Peppers & Christopher Zorn, Law Clerk Influence on Supreme Court Decision Making: An Empirical Assessment, 58 DePaul L. Rev. 51 (2008). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Articles by an authorized administrator of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LAW CLERK INFLUENCE ON SUPREME COURT DECISION MAKING: AN EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT Todd C. Peppers* and Christopher Zorn** INTRODUCTION In the past ten years, U.S. Supreme Court law clerks have achieved a visibility unmatched in Supreme Court history. A former Blackmun clerk wrote a tell-all tale of law clerk mischief at the Supreme Court,' a series of articles in USA Today addressing the lack of law clerk di- versity sparked protests and the grilling of Supreme Court Justices by congressional subcommittees, 2 former clerks offered insight into the turmoil gripping the Court during the 2000 presidential election,3 and two new television series focused on the behind-the-scenes machina- tions of Supreme Court clerks.4 The decade of the law clerk culminated in the publication of two major academic works on Su- preme Court law clerks.5 Both books sought to provide a thorough * Associate Professor of Political Science, Roanoke College; Lecturer in Law, Washington and Lee School of Law.