Boko Haram and Security Threat in Nigeria: a New Twist of Political Game in Town
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The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: the Case of Nigeria
3 The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: The Case of Nigeria Nduba Echezona As the Cold War cycle played itself out, some of the multinational nation-states which had been taken for granted such as the former Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia suddenly dissolved. Their splitting pointed towards a direction which had hitherto been a trend in world politics, namely that the nation’s territory had to be synonymous with the territory of the state, the nation being made up of people with shared cultures and myths of blood ties. This direction in Europe might have set a worldwide pace. Africa has shown very little sign of complying with it. Africa entered the post-Cold War era with seemingly high prospects of terri- torial disintegration. This was exemplified by many civil wars in recent years, some with genocidal features. But, except for Eritrea and, to a lesser extent Somaliland, the political map of Africa’s states and borders has remained remarkably unchanged. Wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo have not caused these states to split. Nonetheless, wars have led to spatial recompositions, to emerging spaces of sovereignty within state territories and to renewed challenges to the official geography from above — the latter being defined by: the various corporations that have or have had the political or technocratic vocation of establishing, defending or modifying foreign or internal (administrative) borders of established states and organizing their geographical space (regular armies, diplomatic corps, colonial or contemporary administrators) (Ben Arrous 1996:17). 3.Chap.3_2.pmd 79 10/06/2009, 11:10 80 African Studies in Geography from Below In Nigeria, the colonial and postcolonial efforts to construct a nation-state from above rather than from below produced an ‘uncertain’ Nigerian; somebody with equivocal national feelings and many other allegiances. -
National Integration and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria
African Educational Research Journal Vol. 5(2), pp. 114-119, April 2017 ISSN: 2354-2160 Review National integration and democratic consolidation in Nigeria Phillip Oyadiran* and Adekeye J. Adeshola Department of Public Administration, University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria. Accepted 8 June, 2016 ABSTRACT There have been sterile and robust debates on the issue of national integration as an indelible mark of unity. Democratic consolidation comes to mind when the heterogeneity and differences are seen as factors that cannot hinder our peaceful co-existence in a fair, just and egalitarian society where people’s voices and inputs are significant. The feeling of national spirit is evident in the sensitivity of the leaders and the led in attending to national issues as touching the plights and yearnings of the citizens irrespective of background and other factors. This paper examined the factors militating against the continuous existence of Nigeria as a united, indissoluble and sovereign nation due to the perceived mistake of 1914 amalgamation by Lord Lugard. Methodologically, the study adopted a qualitative technique of data collection through the content analysis of documents, reports, journals, books and articles. At the end of the study, it was discovered that the factors militating against the consolidation of the Nigerian nascent democracy are national questions such as the continuous agitation of resource control, constitutional amendment, minority/majority syndrome, revenue sharing formula, unjustifiable distribution of resources, activities of ethnic militias, unequal representation in the National Assembly, zoning/rotational presidency and corruption. Therefore, the study recommended for the convocation of sovereign national conference through which a true Nigerian constitution would emerge in favour of true federalism. -
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa?
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa? DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS BUT NO DEMOCRACY Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos cahiers & conférences travaux & recherches les études The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non- profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. The Sub-Saharian Africa Program is supported by: Translated by: Henry Kenrick, in collaboration with the author © Droits exclusivement réservés – Ifri – Paris, 2010 ISBN: 978-2-86592-709-8 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – France 1000 Bruxelles – Belgique Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Internet Website : Ifri.org Summary Sub-Saharan African hopes of democratization raised by the end of the Cold War and the decline in the number of single party states are giving way to disillusionment. -
First Election Security Threat Assessment
SECURITY THREAT ASSESSMENT: TOWARDS 2015 ELECTIONS January – June 2013 edition With Support from the MacArthur Foundation Table of Contents I. Executive Summary II. Security Threat Assessment for North Central III. Security Threat Assessment for North East IV. Security Threat Assessment for North West V. Security Threat Assessment for South East VI. Security Threat Assessment for South South VII. Security Threat Assessment for South West Executive Summary Political Context The merger between the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) and other smaller parties, has provided an opportunity for opposition parties to align and challenge the dominance of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This however will also provide the backdrop for a keenly contested election in 2015. The zoning arrangement for the presidency is also a key issue that will define the face of the 2015 elections and possible security consequences. Across the six geopolitical zones, other factors will define the elections. These include the persisting state of insecurity from the insurgency and activities of militants and vigilante groups, the high stakes of election as a result of the availability of derivation revenues, the ethnic heterogeneity that makes elite consensus more difficult to attain, as well as the difficult environmental terrain that makes policing of elections a herculean task. Preparations for the Elections The political temperature across the country is heating up in preparation for the 2015 elections. While some state governors are up for re-election, most others are serving out their second terms. The implication is that most of the states are open for grab by either of the major parties and will therefore make the electoral contest fiercer in 2015 both within the political parties and in the general election. -
The Judiciary and Nigeria's 2011 Elections
THE JUDICIARY AND NIGERIA’S 2011 ELECTIONS CSJ CENTRE FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE (CSJ) (Mainstreaming Social Justice In Public Life) THE JUDICIARY AND NIGERIA’S 2011 ELECTIONS Written by Eze Onyekpere Esq With Research Assistance from Kingsley Nnajiaka THE JUDICIARY AND NIGERIA’S 2011 ELECTIONS PAGE iiiiii First Published in December 2012 By Centre for Social Justice Ltd by Guarantee (Mainstreaming Social Justice In Public Life) No 17, Flat 2, Yaounde Street, Wuse Zone 6, P.O. Box 11418 Garki, Abuja Tel - 08127235995; 08055070909 Website: www.csj-ng.org ; Blog: http://csj-blog.org Email: [email protected] ISBN: 978-978-931-860-5 Centre for Social Justice THE JUDICIARY AND NIGERIA’S 2011 ELECTIONS PAGE iiiiiiiii Table Of Contents List Of Acronyms vi Acknowledgement viii Forewords ix Chapter One: Introduction 1 1.0. Monitoring Election Petition Adjudication 1 1.1. Monitoring And Project Activities 2 1.2. The Report 3 Chapter Two: Legal And Political Background To The 2011 Elections 5 2.0. Background 5 2.1. Amendment Of The Constitution 7 2.2. A New Electoral Act 10 2.3. Registration Of Voters 15 a. Inadequate Capacity Building For The National Youth Service Corps Ad-Hoc Staff 16 b. Slowness Of The Direct Data Capture Machines 16 c. Theft Of Direct Digital Capture (DDC) Machines 16 d. Inadequate Electric Power Supply 16 e. The Use Of Former Polling Booths For The Voter Registration Exercise 16 f. Inadequate DDC Machine In Registration Centres 17 g. Double Registration 17 2.4. Political Party Primaries And Selection Of Candidates 17 a. Presidential Primaries 18 b. -
Governing “Ethnicized” Public Sphere: Lessons from the Nigerian Case
CODESRIA 12th General Assembly Governing the African Public Sphere 12e Assemblée générale Administrer l’espace public africain 12a Assembleia Geral Governar o Espaço Público Africano ةيعمجلا ةيمومعلا ةيناثلا رشع ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻔﻀﺎء اﻟﻌﺎم اﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻰ Governing “Ethnicized” Public Sphere: Lessons from the Nigerian Case Orji Nkwachukwu Ebonyi State University 07-11/12/2008 Yaoundé, Cameroun Abstract This paper analyzes the role of power-sharing in governing the Nigerian public sphere. It examines the meaning, actors, procedures and practices of power-sharing in Nigeria. The paper assesses the opportunities and challenges arising from the use of power-sharing as a method of governing the public sphere and highlights the lessons that Nigeria’s experience presents to other African countries struggling with the challenge of ethnic diversity. The paper argues that power-sharing as it is being practiced in Nigeria widens the asymmetrical and oligarchic power of the dominant elite groups, creates a dependency syndrome, and hampers the growth of democracy. It contends that the Nigerian case exposes the contradictions and limitations of power-sharing as an institutional approach to the regulation of the public sphere. Introduction Nigeria’s heritage of ethnic diversity has had an overwhelming impact on the country’s public sphere, leading to its “ethnicization”. On the other hand, the stiff political competition among the elite has resulted in the “politicization” of ethnicity in the country. The result of the above is a highly contested public sphere, which has been made the arena of rhetorical confrontations between various ethnic groups in the country. However since the 1970s, the Nigerian political elite have adopted power-sharing as a strategy to manage inter-group relations, mitigate the negative effects of ethnic politics, and transform the “ethnicized” public sphere through the introduction of the discourse of “unity in diversity”. -
Nigeria's Unity and Regional Socio-Political Groups: Influence
Transcript Nigeria’s Unity and Regional Socio-Political Groups: Influence and Impact of the Northern States Governors’ Forum Mu'azu Babangida Aliyu Executive Governor of Niger State; Chair of the Northern States Governors’ Forum, Nigeria Chair: Alex Vines OBE Director of Area Studies and International Law, Chatham House 10 July 2012 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. Transcript: Nigeria’s Unity and Regional Socio-Political Groups Mu'azu Babangida Aliyu I am extremely delighted to be at Chatham House today to meet with this distinguished audience. I am equally pleased to have met Gregory Kronsten, chairman of the roundtable meeting, Alex Vines OBE, chairman of the main presentation, and Head of the Africa programme at Chatham House, as well as other key officials here. -
Boko Haram Attacks and Security Force Abuses in Nigeria
H U M A N R I G H T S Spiraling Violence Boko Haram Attacks and Security Force Abuses in Nigeria WATCH Spiraling Violence Boko Haram Attacks and Security Force Abuses in Nigeria Copyright © 2012 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-951-8 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBER 2012 ISBN: 1-56432-951-8 Spiraling Violence Boko Haram Attacks and Security Force Abuses in Nigeria Glossary .......................................................................................................................................... iii Summary .......................................................................................................................................... -
Ethnic Structure, Inequality and Governance of the Public Sector in Nigeria
Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford Ethnic Structure, Inequality and Governance of the Public Sector in Nigeria Abdul Raufu Mustapha CRISE WORKING PAPER No. 18 May 2005 Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity (CRISE) Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford, 21 St Giles, Oxford OX1 3LA, UK Tel: +44 1865 283078 · Fax: +44 1865 273607 · www.crise.ox.ac.uk CRISE Working Paper No. 18 Table of Contents 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................4 2. Contemporary Educational and Economic Inequalities...........................................5 3. Electoral Politics and Government Composition .....................................................8 4. Composition of Parliament .....................................................................................10 5. Composition of the Federal Public Sector..............................................................11 6. Reform Agendas & Policy Instruments ..................................................................13 7. Conclusion: Nation-building as work-in-progress...................................................16 8. References.............................................................................................................17 List of Tables Table 1: Ethnic & Regional Composition of Nigerian Population: 1952/3 Table 2: Nigeria: Location of Ethnic Groups Table 3: Admissions to Nigerian Universities by zone of origin, 2000/2001 Table 4: Social Indicators, Zonal -
Nigerian History and Current Affairs August 2013 Vol
Nigerian History and Current Affairs August 2013 Vol. 4.0 Origination, Information and Statistics Current Ministers as @ Aug. 2013 Top Officials in Government States Data and Governors Addresses of Federal Ministries Addresses of State Liaison Offices Past and Present Leaders 1960 -2013 Foreign Leaders 1921 - 1960 Natural Resources Tourist Attractions Exchange Rate History Memorable events - 800BC to Aug. 2013 Political Parties Map of Nigeria Compilation Addresses of Federal Ministries by Government Websites www.promong.com Local Government Areas Promoting brands nationwide Tertiary Institutions Important Abbreviations …more than 10,000 monthly Sports Info downloads !!! Traditional Ruler Titles Civil War Events Memorable Dates Brief Biography of Notable Nigerians Web Diary General Knowledge Quiz Downloadable from www.promong.com 2 Contents Nigeria Origination, Information and Statistics………………..…………………………………………………………………………….3 States and Their Natural Resources...................…………………………………………………………………………………………….7 Tourist Attraction ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….8 Anthem, Pledge, Coat of Arms and National Flag……………………………………………………………………………………………9 Senate Presidents,Foreign Leaders, Premiers of the 1st Republic…………………………………………………………………..9 Inec Chairmen, Govenors of the 2nd Republic.………………………………………………..……….………………………………….10 Historical value of the Us dollar to the Naira…………………………………………………………….………………………………….10 Civil War Events…………………………………………………………….. ……………………………………….……………………………….…10 Vice Presidents, -
Understanding the Religious Terrorism of Boko Haram in Nigeria
NO RETREAT, NO SURRENDER: UNDERSTANDING Title THE RELIGIOUS TERRORISM OF BOKO HARAM IN NIGERIA Author(s) AGBIBOA, Daniel Egiegba Citation African Study Monographs (2013), 34(2): 65-84 Issue Date 2013-08 URL https://doi.org/10.14989/179136 Right Type Journal Article Textversion publisher Kyoto University African Study Monographs, 34 (2): 65–84, August 2013 65 NO RETREAT, NO SURRENDER: UNDERSTANDING THE RELIGIOUS TERRORISM OF BOKO HARAM IN NIGERIA Daniel Egiegba AGBIBOA Oxford Department of International Development, University of Oxford ABSTRACT Boko Haram, a radical Islamist group from northeastern Nigeria, has caused severe destruction in Nigeria since 2009. The threat posed by the extremist group has been described by the present Nigerian President as worse than that of Nigeria’s civil war in the 1960s. A major drawback in the Boko Haram literature to date is that much effort has been spent to remedy the problem in lieu of understanding it. This paper attempts to bridge this important gap in existing literaure by exploring the role of religion as a force of mobilisation as well as an identity marker in Nigeria, and showing how the practice and perception of religion are implicated in the ongoing terrorism of Boko Haram. In addition, the paper draws on the relative deprivation theory to understand why Boko Haram rebels and to argue that religion is not always a sufficient reason for explaining the onset of religious terrorism. Key Words: Boko Haram; Nigeria; Religious terrorism; Identity; Relative deprivation theory. INTRODUCTION Since 2009, bombings and shootings by the Nigerian extremist group Boko Haram have targeted Nigeria’s religious and ethnic fault lines in an apparently escalating bid to hurt the nation’s stability. -
(Im) Partial Umpire in the Conduct of the 2007 Elections
VOLUME 6 NO 2 79 THE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION AS AN (IM) PARTIAL UMPIRE IN THE CONDUCT OF THE 2007 ELECTIONS Uno Ijim-Agbor Uno Ijim-Agbor is in the Department of Political Science at the University of Calabar Pmb 1115, Calabar, Nigeria Tel: +080 355 23537 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT As a central agency in the democratic game, the role of an electoral body such as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is clearly of paramount importance in the process of transition to and consolidation of democracy. Unfortunately in Nigeria the performance of this institutional umpire since the First Republic has instead been a source of crisis and a threat to the existence of the Nigerian state. The widely perceived catastrophic failure of INEC in the April 2007 general elections was only one manifestation for the ‘performance crisis’ of antecedent electoral umpires in the Nigerian First, Second and Third republics. The paper highlights the malignant operational environment as a major explanation for the manifest multiple disorders of the elections and concludes that INEC’s conduct was tantamount to partiality. Thus, while fundamental changes need to be considered in the enabling law setting up INEC, ensuring the organisation’s independence, and guaranteeing its impartiality, the paper suggests that membership of the commission should be confined to representatives nominated by their parties and a serving judge appointed by the judiciary as chairman of the commission. INTRODUCTION In political theory the authority of the government in democracies derives solely from the consent of the governed. The mechanism through which that consent is translated into governmental authority is the regular conduct of elections.