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politics betrayal n 13 May 1972, at the elaborate co-secretary-general of the ruling PDG party. state funeral held for Nkrumah in Nkrumah was also settled in Villa Syli, a , Guinea, Amilcar Cabral, comfortable government guest house near O the charismatic leader of Guinea the sea, from where he worked on several Bissau, seemed to sum it all up when he books published in his exile years. said in his powerful tribute to Nkrumah: He had earlier lived temporarily in Belle “Nobody can tell us that Nkrumah died of a Vue, another government guest house, but cancer of the throat or some other illness. No, it was too small for him and the large presi- Nkrumah was killed by the cancer of betrayal dential entourage which had accompanied which we must uproot from Africa if we really him on his cancelled peace mission to Hanoi, want to bring about the final liquidation of Vietnam, during that country’s protracted imperialist domination from this continent… war with America. As an African adage says, ‘those who dare to From Conakry, Nkrumah made very spit at the sky only dirty their own faces’… strenuous but fruitless efforts to regain power We, the liberation movements, will not forgive in . The query has always been why those who betrayed Nkrumah. The people of he was unsuccessful? For example, the most Ghana will not forgive. Africa will not forgive. serious effort to unseat the military junta that Ghana Progressive mankind will not forgive. Let overthrew him – the National Liberation those who still have to rehabilitate themselves Council (NLC) – was the 17 April 1967 in the eyes of Africa make haste to do so. It is counter-coup by Lieutenants S. Arthur and not yet too late.” M. Yeboah, in which General Emmanuel Incidentally, as part of the intrigue of K. Kotoka, the NLC chairman, and some politicsof betrayals, Cabral himself became a victim of military officers were killed. a more sinister “cancer of betrayal” when he There were several other plots and was assassinated in Conakry in January 1973, counter-plots in Nkrumah’s name, but as less than a year after his powerful speech. a result of varied levels of betrayals, none In Nkrumah’s exile years in Conakry, the was successful. In the midst of all this, the “cancer of betrayal” metamorphosed into Portuguese ships attacked on 22 November betrayal varied scenarios, including a 22 November 1970 with the aim of seizing Sekou Toure, 1970 attack by Portuguese warships full of Nkrumah and Amilcar Cabral. mercenaries whose aim was to topple the In an early morning assault, and relying on In his exiled years in Guinea after Guinean government under President Sekou information from Guinea-based informants, his overthrow in February 1966, Toure and, possibly, seize Nkrumah, Toure the Portuguese attacks were directed at the President made and Cabral, the revolutionary trio. Belle Vue (but Nkrumah was no longer liv- As it were, Guinean forces repulsed the ing there) as well as the official presidential strenuous efforts to return to attack but, in the context of betrayal and residence in Conakry, and another one power. But, as Dr A. B. Assensoh, disbelief, Nkrumah – who had been declared housing Cabral. Guinean forces repulsed who worked with Nkrumah in hale and hearty by Vietnamese, Russian and the attacks and several mercenaries were Conakry reveals, some stalwarts Chinese medical experts – died two years captured, including their alleged leader, one of Nkrumah’s party (the CPP) were after the attack (from what is now believed Captain Fernando. to have been slow poisoning) and, a year after In January 1971, the Guinean parliament in the pay of the military junta Nkrumah’ death on 27 April 1972, Cabral was constituted into a People’s Supreme Court which had overthrown him, and was assassinated (in January 1973). for the trial of cabinet members, governors, thus helped to thwart his efforts to When Nkrumah arrived in Conakry on military officers, political functionaries and regain power. As Ghana celebrates 2 March 1966, six days after his overthrow, some foreigners implicated in the attacks to 50 years of independence, the time he was made a co-president of Guinea by overthrow Toure’s government. is here for those who played the President Sekou Toure. As a benefactor of Meanwhile, Nkrumah became so seriously Guinea, to whom Nkrumah’s government ill that he had to leave Guinea in August 1971 “politics of betrayal” to take a good, had given a loan of £10m when the colonial for Bucharest, Romania, for medical treat- hard look at themselves. master, France, in an immense seizure of ment. For security reasons, only two trusted pique, took away every movable object Ghanaians and a Guinean official, Camara in the country because Guinea refused to Sana, accompanied Nkrumah. become “second-class French citizens” and He was still in hospital in Bucharest

Left: Dr (who became opted for independence, Nkrumah was seen when, on 13 January 1972, Colonel Ignatius , Sept 1979-Dec by many Guineans as very deserving of the Kutu Acheampong overthrew Dr Kofi Abrefa 1981, on the ticket of the rump of co-presidential honour bestowed on him at Busia’s government which had been elected Nkrumah’s party) was one of the pro-coup intelligence officers who a large political rally in Conakry. into power in Ghana in 1969. worked against Nkrumah’s plans Additionally, Sekou Toure declared Nkrumah and his supporters wished that to return to power Nkrumah, his pan-Africanist brother, the the coup leaders would extend an invitation

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for him to be brought back home, at least to die on Ghanaian soil. Instead, as reported in medical records, Nkrumah’s cancer had spread in his body and he died very early in the morning of 27 April 1972. It was a sad day for Africa and pan-Africanism. His remains were taken to Conakry on 30 April 1972 instead of Ghana. The funeral was held over two days (13-14 May). It was not until July 1972 that Acheampong’s regime agreed to bring Nkrumah’s remains to Ghana for re-burial at Nkroful, his hometown, in the Western Region, as Nkrumah had wished. Acheampong acceded to conditions set by President Sekou Toure, among which “How Limann who worked against Nkrumah and the CPP could inherit his mantle and become president in the name of the CPP political tradition, is the question Nkrumah’s followers in Ghana have failed to answer.”

was that Nkrumah would be given a state burial in Ghana. Therefore, on 7 July 1972, Dr who became prime minister in 1969, Nkrumah’s remains were flown in a Guinean after the NLC handed over Air Force plane to . The reburial took power, was himself overthrown by Col Kutu Acheampong’s coup place two days later. of 13 January 1972 Many years later, during the government of President , Nkrumah’s remains were exhumed and finally buried in a new mausoleum in central Accra built on the spot where he had declared independence was publishing very sophisticated analyses of the the Ashanti Regional commissioner, R. O. in 1957. Ghanaian situation, interspersed with editorials Amoako-Atta, as an uncle. Under the influ- for the overthrow of the NLC regime. ence of the two men, I assisted in the efforts The betrayals Panaf Books Limited, Nkrumah’s publish- to return Nkrumah to power, but we were When Nkrumah settled down in Guinea, ing company, headed by June Milne as editor, badly betrayed. he busied himself with extensive reading, was also housed at the 89 Fleet Street office In fact, between 1966 and 1972, the NLC writing, studying French, and learning how of the magazine. Also, Ekow Eshun, the loyal (supported by its Western friends) actually to drive, all of which were, according to his -based head of the overseas wing of worked hard to thwart Nkrumah’s efforts to supporters, part of the preparations towards Nkrumah’s Convention People’s. Party (CPP) return to power. The junta severed diplomatic regaining power in Ghana. Yet, all his efforts was coordinating pro-Nkrumah activities from relations with Guinea for allowing Nkrumah were aborted for various reasons, including London to West African capitals. sanctuary in Conakry. As I learnt, however, sheer betrayal of his plans. Nkrumah also used diverse avenues in a friendly (pro-NLC) diplomatic mission in He continued to broadcast to Ghana, Nigeria and other West African nations to Conakry was used as an intelligence post to especially on independence anniversaries. recruit journalists and other mobile profes- monitor Nkrumah’s movements and his agents He also wrote pamphlets, including Ghana: sionals to help in his efforts to regain power. coming in and out of Guinea. the Way Out (May 1968) in which he urged That was how some of us, as journalists, In the end, agents of Ghana’s Special his fellow Ghanaians to eschew non-violent were recruited, but sadly many of us were Branch (internal security unit attached to the action and, now, resort to force to overthrow betrayed by some leading CPP leaders who Ghana Police Service) arrested me at the Aflao the NLC regime. were working with us. border between Ghana and . From London’s Fleet Street, Douglas My older brother (Anthony Nelson Ghanaian Foreign Service officers from Rogers, editor of the Nkrumah-government Assensoh) was a district commissioner the Research Bureau (the Foreign Ministry’s owned Africa and the World monthly magazine in Nkrumah’ government; he treated intelligence unit) were posted to embassies

54 n New African March 2007 in to monitor the activities of of Eshun’s trip to the military junta in Accra. Even as these CPP stalwarts were thrown Nkrumah and his numerous agents. Eshun duly flew to Cotonou and, like Boye into jail, their wives and families continued to He knew that the NLC was actively infil- Moses before him, was picked up by NLC live in the bungalows. The NLC threatened to trating his entourage, so he opened intelligence agents who took him to Ghana and humili- evict them, and to save their families, many of fronts in such capitals as Lagos (Nigeria), ated him publicly to serve as a lesson to other the CPP leaders on whom Nkrumah counted Monrovia (Liberia), Cotonou (), Bamako Nkrumah agents. for a return to power, became turncoats (Mali) and Freetown (Sierra Leone). It was Some of us, serving Nkrumah’s interests, and assisted the NLC to thwart Nkrumah’s done as a deceptive tactic. were also picked up, thanks to the intensified efforts. However, the NLC intelligence network, Research Bureau activities in West Africa There was even the sad situation involving helped by Western intelligence agencies, was coordinated by Dr Limann and others. some CPP leaders who planned to establish very strong. From 1969 to 1971, for example, That is why I often “smile” at the notion a hotel in Accra to house Nkrumah’s agents the late Dr Hilla Limann (a top Research that, being very close to the late Alhaji Imoru who infiltrated into Ghana. They asked Bureau employee at the time) served as head Egala, simply meant that Limann, educated Nkrumah for funds for the purpose, and of the chancellery at the Ghana embassy in at the London School of Economics and thousands of dollars were reportedly sent Lome, Togo, with responsibility for intel- La Sorbonne in Paris, was a staunch CPP through the diplomatic bag of the Malian ligence and to checkmate pro-Nkrumah personality. He was not! embassy in Accra. activities in Togo. It is true that Limann became the PNP But when the Malian government, then Ironically, in 1979, Limann was elected presidential candidate through the influ- headed by President Modibo Keita was over- president of Ghana on the ticket of the ence of Nkrumah’s former cabinet minister, thrown in a coup d’etat, the NLC sent General People’s National Party (PNP), an offshoot Alhaji Imoru Egala, but those who knew Dr Kwasi Amankwaah Afrifa (who later became of Nkrumah’s then banned CPP. How a man Limann’s NLC connections insist that the the head of the NLC), to Mali to warn the who worked against Nkrumah and the CPP Egala-Limann ethnic solidarity did not, in new military junta there about its embassy’s could inherit his mantle and become president any way, make the former diplomat a true pro-Nkrumah activities in Accra. in the name of the CPP political tradition, is Nkrumah follower. In fact, several pro-Nkrumah agents the question Nkrumah’s followers in Ghana The NLC knew that once Nkrumah were rounded up and either “neutralised” or have failed to answer. was alive and in exile in nearby Guinea, the murdered inside Ghana. It was unsafe to visit It was through the staunch NLC intel- military government could not be as safe as the new hotel that was opened in Accra with ligence activities in Togo, Benin, Nigeria they wanted. The most logical thing, therefore, funds from Nkrumah. Allegedly, the hotel and Guinea run by people like Dr Limann was to infiltrate Nkrumah’s inner circle of was called “The Date”, which signalled “the that undermined Nkrumah’s plans to return former cabinet members and top CPP men date Kwame returns to Ghana, there would to power and continue the good work he and women. be jubilation”. had started. Towards that end, the financial and property When the records of the NLC intelligence At one point, Ekow Eshun was sent on a records of the ex-CPP men and women were services are declassified, researchers would secret mission to Cotonou, Benin. Sadly, some examined. It showed that most of them lived know which CPP leaders worked for the top CPP leaders in Ghana who were working in government-owned bungalows (or houses) NLC, including the men allegedly paid to have as double agents for the NLC leaked details at Kanda Estate in Accra. intelligence-related adulterous relationships with the wives of their detained colleagues (or Cabral: “We, the liberation movements, will not “comrades”, as they referred to them). forgive those who betrayed Nkrumah. The people At one point, the NLC intelligence agen- of Ghana will not forgive. Africa will not forgive” cies and Research Bureau diplomats were monitoring every bit of information coming from Guinea. A diplomat once bragged: “Even when Nkrumah coughs in Guinea, we know it and why so.” “When Amilcar Therefore, when Amilcar Cabral under- scored the “cancer of betrayal” that had killed Cabral underscored Nkrumah in 1972, it was neither a gainsay- the ‘cancer of ing nor an exaggeration. His words, indeed, shook many anti-Nkrumah elements as well betrayal’ that had as his treacherous political associates and fortune hunters who undermined his plans killed Nkrumah in to regain power. 1972, it was neither In hindsight, the former Zambian presi- dent, Kenneth Kaunda, heaped blame on a gainsaying nor an the perpetrators of the 1966 coup when in a New African article (published in February exaggeration.” 2006), he wrote, inter alia: “I don’t think we [Africans] will ever recover from the 1966 coup”! g NA

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