ANTI-APARTHEID NEWS

ANTI-APARTHEID NEWS Newspaper of the Anti-Apartheid Movement. Price 5p. October 1973 The shootings at "q Western Deep Levels Or where have we seen that hat before... page 3

ACTION-NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL Britain Liberal conference AT A crowded Anti-Apartheid Movement meeting at the Liberal Assembly on September 18, the issue of investment in Southern Africa was the major issue. Two resolutions were passed, the first calling on the Liberal Party to condemn apartheid and the killing of 11 African miners; the second deploring the attitude of the ICL Board of Directors over the sale of the computer to South Africa-now being used to implement the Pass Laws. Richard Wainwright, former MP and National Chairman of the Liberal Party, chaired the meeting and speakers were Graham Tope MP, John Gaetsewe, representative of SACTU (South African Congress of Trade Unions), Hilary Wainwright from the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guine, and Abdul Minty, the AAM's Hon. Secretary. Hilary Wainwright said that people who were shocked by the revelation of the Wiriyamu massacre must be involved in ongoing campaigns. She mentioned particularly the campaign to persuade local councils not to place contracts with 'companies involved in Southern Africa and the newly formed medical aid group. While recognising that investment could not be withdrawn imamediately, Graham Tope MP stressed that this was the policy that could most constructively help to promote change in South Africa. John Gaelsewe described how apartheid laws and in particular the Pass Laws imprison the African people of South Africa Both Graham Tope and John Gaetsewe called for a greater participation in the work of the Anti-Apartheid Movement, an increase of membership and direct financial contributions. The final speaker, Abdul Minty, dealt with Southern Africa as a whole and described the central role South Africa played in the sub-continent in the military, economic and political fields. Questions and comments from Liberal delegates covered many issues and highlighted the need for further clarification of points-raised in the investment debate. The meeting, chaired by Richard Wainwright, revealed an enthusiasm and interest which augured well for AntiApartheid Movement work and for the cause of freedom in Southern Africa within the Liberal Party. Birmingham BIRMINGHAM Anti-Apartheid Committee is planning a series of public meetings on Southern Africa. On Sunday October 7 at 2.45pm, Alan Baldwin will speak on Rhodesia's economic situation and the effect of sanctions. The meeting will be held at Kingsmead College, Bristol Road, Selly Oak. On Monday October 15 at 7.45 pm Father Adrian Hastings will speak about the atrocities committed byPortuguese troops inMozambique at the Friends Meeting House, Bull Street, Birmingham. The Group is also arranging a meeting on Wednesday November 14 at which Alan Brooks will talk about Southern African liberation movements. Contact: Margaret Stanton, Hon. Secretary Birmingham Anti-Apartheid Committee, 100 Oakfield Rd, Birmingham B29 7EG. Birmingham 472-0973. Southampton SOUTHAMPTON Anti-Apatheid Committee has launched a campaign to urge shoppers to boycott Cape Fruit and O.qtspan Oranges. It is to hold a public meeting on the boycott on October 17. The Labour Group on South- ampton Council is looking into shareholdings held by the Council's staff pension funds. Companies in which the fund has shares include Consolidated Gold Fields, Rio Tinto-Zine and De Beers Corporation. Contact; David Hoadley, Acting Secretary Southampton AntiApartheid Committee, 82 Charlton Road, Sbirley, Southampton. Surrey SURREY AAM has written to the National and Local Government Officers Association, the TGWU, the National Union of Public Employees and the Municipal and General Workers' Union pointing out how Surrey County Council has been secretly using funds to back racism in Africa. This has been done unknown to staff and ratepayers who all contribute to the Council's Superannuation Fund. The fund has big holdings in Associated Portland Cement (53,000 shares), Courtaulds (50,000) GEC (91.000) Reed International (25,000) Associated British -Foods (£30,000 in loan stocks), British Leyland (£200,000 in shares and loan stocks), Slate Walker (£25,000) Dunlop (25,000 shares) and Gold Fields (12,000 shares). Surrey's letter says 'This means that large numbers of members of your union are being made to contribute to bolstering up apartheid in SouthernAfrica.' It concludes 'We say to Surrey County Council-stop gambling with the people's money! Stop helping the apartheid regime! Sell your investment now!' Letters have also been sent to the churches, local political parties, United Nations' Associations and ratepayers' orgasisations asking for support. Contact: David Oldham, 22C Brigstock Road, Thornton Heath, Surrey. York YORK University authorities are to recommend to their Council that the University should sell shares in companies which have a 'substantial' involvement in South Africa. The Council is also to be asked to make a public statement condemning apartheid. The move follows a campaign by York students who are demanding that the university should sell all its shares in companies involved in South Africa. Mid-Sussex MIDLSUSSEX Anti-Apartheid Group is continuing to send clothes and finance to families of detainees in Rhodesia. Among its latest shipments are a parcel of clothes sent to the wife and six children of a detainee who is being held by the Smith regime because of his activities as a trade unionist. The Group has also sent £20 in cash and text books to help the studies of the son of another detainee. A meeting on South Africa and overseas investment was held on September 28 in Burgess Hill with John Gaetsewe of SACTU (South African Congress of Trade Unions) as principal speaker. Contact: Sarah Wallace, Secretary, Mid-Sussex Anti. Apartheid Group, 14 Highlands Drive, Burgess Hdl, RHIS 8JJ. Burgess Hill 41614. Ipswich IPSWICH Borough Council has been irged to sell its 'shareholding in Consolidated Gold Fields by Ipswich's Labour prospective Parliamentary candidate, Kenneth Weetch. A meeting of Ipswich Labour Party's Management Committee has endorsed his demand and also condemned the shooting of 11 African miners by South African police. Ipswich's Borough Treasurer has confirmed that the Council holds 1875 shares bought for 25p each. ACU THE ACU (Association of Commconwealth Universities) has excluded South Africa from associate membership. The ACU will no longer recruit personnel for South African universites and South African posts Will not be advertised in the Association's journal. The decision was taken at the ACU's August Council meeting and follows thewithdrawal of white South African universities from the Association's conference which took place in Edinburgh in August. Medical aid A SPECIAL GROUP to organise medical assistance for the liberation movements in the Portuguese colonies has been set up by the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guine. The Group will be known as GAMMA (Guine, Angola, Mozambique Medical Assistance). The Group's first project is to raise funds to supply portable medical-surgical health kits for the ,liberation movements medical services. The kits will contain simple equipment and dressings and basic drugs. It is also planning to collect blood which will be converted into plasma for use by the liberation movements. GAMMA stresses that its aim is to provide medical assistance as a practical expression of political solidarity with the liberation movements. Further information: GAMMA, c/o Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guine, 12 Little Newport St., London WC2 MPLA tour MPLA (People's Movement for the Liberation ofAngola) representative, Saidye Mingas, is to tour Britain October 28 to November 9. Further details: Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guine, 12 Little Newport St., London W.C.2. Hockey team THEANTI-APARTHEID Movement has written to the manager of the New Zealand hockey team asking it to cancel its plans to visit South Africa. The team is scheduled to visit England, Ireland and South Africa on its way home from the Amsterdam International Hockey Tournament. The Movement has also asked the New Zealand High Commissioner to bring pressure on the team to cancel its visit. Ireland Rhodesia out THE IRISH AAM has protested to the Irish Ploughing Association and the Department of Foreign Affairs at the invitation of an official Rhodesian team for the World Ploughing Championships in Wexford on October 5 and 6. A meeting wit the Ploughing Association was. requested but the offer was not taken up. The Irish Prime Minister has been reported as declining to attend the championships because of Rhodesian participation. A 'Free Sean Hosey' petition was forwarded to the South African government on United Nations Day, October 11. The Movement has written to the Irish Red Cross Society asking them to support the recognition of the status of guerillas at the Inter- national Red Cross meeting in November, and has joined SARTthe Stop the Apartheid Rugby Tour of South Africa. The annual meeting of the Irish AAM is on Saturday October 27. Contact: Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, 173 Barton Road East, Dublin 14. Tel. 98703. Caravan A NAMIBIA CARAVAN-publicisIng the need for solidarity with the people of Namibia (South West Africa)-is to tour Western Europe during October and November. The caravan will go through ten countries, from Scandinavia to Britain, and will visit government officials, international companies, mission bodies and other interested groups. It has been organsied by the European Workgroup of the international Fellowship of Reconciliation and is supported by SWAPO (South West African People's Organisation). Anti-Apartheid Movement, and the World Peace Council. West Germany FRELIMO aid FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front) has refined an offer of material aid from the West German SPD (Social Democratic Party) because the West German government is giving military aid to Portugal. According to FRELIMO VicePresident Marcelino dos Santos who visited West Germany after he came to Britain in June: 'They wanted to give military help to Portugal and at the same time give medicines to us to treat our wounds. We considered this an immoral position. 'It was impossible for us to accept any help from West Germany.' ICFTU Namibia protest THE ICFTU (lnternational Confederation of Free Trade- Unions) has condemned the arbitrary arrest and detention of African workers in Namibia (South West Africa). In a telegram to UN Secretary General Kurt Waldheim, the General Secretary of the ICFTU Otto Kersten stated: 'We vigorously con. demn the ruthless quashing of workers who demonstrate against injustices in labour conditions.' Netherlands Sanctions THE DUTCH government has ordered an investigation on Affretai, a Gabon-registered air charter company alleged to have broken sanctions. An Affretair aircraft has been picking up 30 tons of goods a week from Amsterdam's Schiphol airport for the last six months for 'destinations throughout Africa'. But the aircraft has been photographed at Salisbury Airport the day after leaving Holland-and reported as carrying Rhodesian beef to Athens on its outbound trip. Investigations are also continuing into two import-export firms who handle the goods Affretair transports, and who are believed to be acting as front organisations for the Smith regime. Outspan THE BOYCOTT of Outspan oranges and Angola coffee organised by Dutch anti-apartheid groups is getting under the skin of the businessmen involved in the trade. The president of the Royal Association of Entrepreneurs in Holland, Dr A Guertsen has con- demned the boycotts as 'antidemocratic'. One large firm has applied for an injunction against the Outspan Boycott Action Committee. The case has been postponed. The three trade unions involved have supported the boycott and appealed to stop the sales of coffee because of 'inhuman conditions in Angola which are a clear indication of forced labour.' But the largest Dutch supermarket chain Albert Heijn has refused to stop selling Angolan coffee. The best comment on the case has come from the newspaper De Telegraaf which condemned the boycotters as 'small groups of people who want to impose their will on the majority by intimidation.' Mr Vorster, please note. Australia RhodesiaCentre AUSTRALIAN anti-apartheid iroup are still protesting against the failure of Australia's new Labour Government to close down the Rhodesian Information Centre in Sydney-and are trying to force the' Centre to close down by direct actionmethods. Last year documents taken from the Centre showed that it was operating as a centre for sanctions busting by negotiating trade deals and encouraging immigration and tourism. Supporters of an Alternative Rhodesian Information Centre have now occupied the Information Centre three times and held demonstrations outside it. The Postal Workers Union cot off its postal and telephone services, but these were restored after a court injunction. Prime Minister Whitlam has also been criticised for his statement that Australia will support international sanctions against South Africa but that it will not apply sanctions 'if South Africa's major trading partners do not also do so.' The Australian government rejected a request for Australia's Nomad aircraft from the Portuguese Air Force and refused to give-a official reception to the Portuguese trade mission which arrived in Sydney on September 16. A Southern Africa Liberation Centre has been set up in Sydney following a conference of antiapartheid and anti-racist groups convened by World:University Service last July. The Centre's address is 232 Castlereagh St,, Sydney 20000, Australia. USA AMAX ANTI-APARTHEID activists in California have filed a suit against the directors of American Metal Climax (AMAX) challenging the legality of the company's operations in Namibia (South West Africa). The firm has a 29 per cent holding in the giant Tsumeb copper mine. The suit alleges that directors have 'wasted and dissipated' AMAX assets by allowing Tsumeb Corporation to pay taxes to South Africa and asks that the directors should pay back to the company ishore than a million dollars. REV. BRENDAN Scott died tragically in Ireland in September.Rev. Scott was a lang-standing member of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement and served as its Secretaryfrom 1970 until illness compelled him to resign in 1972. His enthusiastic and dedicated support of the cause of the oppressed majority in Southern Africa will long be remembered COPY DATE for the next issue of Anti-Apartheid News will be October 17. Information on groups' activities should reach ANTIAPARTHEID NEWS before then.

AMasks * Mon ss to AAC: profits versus lives ON SEPTEMBER 8, the Johan- the 'Rand Daily Mad.'. calloff nesburg'Star'carriedareportfrom e hill .ahne opialofSwazilnd, 'We....ea SA visit eabn:thAfcai ourwagestructuring.Maybe reading: 'The South African million- irsian 4....nas inton ...n THE ANTI-APARTHEID Movement has written to TUC General Secretary Len Murray, asking the TUC General Council to cancel its proposed visit to South Africa. The move followed a decision by the Anti-Apartheid Movement's National Committee to oppose the visit. In a resolution passed at its meeting on September 15 the National Committee passed a resolution expressing its 'outrage and condemnation of the shooting by South African police of 11 unarmed Africans.' It went on to say that it believed that this was 'further evidence of the brutal and violent nature of the apartheid system' and that it confired 'the Anti-Apartheid Movement's view that it is inappropriate for the TUC to visit South Africa.' Last month the non-racial SACTU (South African Congress of Trade Unions) expressed its opposition to the visit. Questions Several leading British trade unionists have now also expressed reservations about the visit. In a statement deploring the shooting of 11 African miners at Western Deep Levels mine, Bob Wright, Executive Committee member of the AUEW, said, 'The massacre must bring into question the proposed visit of the TUC representatives to South Africa: CPSA (Civil and Public Services Association) General Secretary, Bill Kendall, stated, 'From the first, I was perturbed about the TUC mission to South Africa. We know the real facts about South Africa without sending a mission there; we know what apartheid means-slave wages, police state laws, brutality. 'his horrible massacre is one more proof. It confirms my reservation about the TUC mission.' OVER 200 people joined a picket mounted by the Anti-Apartheid Movement outside South Africa House within hours of the news of the shooting of II miners at Wester Deep Levels mine. Among the protesters WereLabourMPs Joan LestorandFrankJudd and Communist Party General Secretary John Gollan. The Anti-Apartheid Movement, in a statement, called for a total withdrawal of investment from South Africa and appealed to shareholders to stoprofiting from 'blood money'. The statiment contirkued 'The world will be outraged at this complete disregard of South African lives and the readiness of the police to fire at workers who had no guns._and were protesting against poverty wages.' The African National Congress also condemned the shootings and called for an intensification of the international campaign for the isolation of white South Africa. Ron Hayward, Labour Party General Secretary, called on the British directors of Anglo Ameican Corporation to dissociate themselves from the compound labour system. He said the shootings were 'Vicious murders' and called for free African trade unions. On behalf of thP TUC, Let. Murray, new General Secretary, said: 'The TUC registers the strongest protest at this outrage site HlnanCier, bulf ruary uppe-teuner, was awarded an honorary doctorate in literature by the University of Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland today because 'his attitude to the socio-economic problem' of Southern Africa matched the university's ideal. Four days later, on September 12, the 'Star' carried a huge banner headline right across the front page reading: MINE RIOT: 12 DEAD'. The men had been shot by a posse of Vorster's police after their request for a wage increase had been' turned down. A further 27 men were reported to be injured and in hospital under police guard. Anglo American The mine where the tragedy took place was Western Deep Levels at Carletonville, owned by the AngloAmerican Corporation whose Chairman is Mr Oppenheimer. Western Deep Levels, said the 'Star', was 'regarded as one of the' country's model mines. It is one of the country's newest gold mines and has felt the full inpact of Anglo-American's drive to improve the wages and conditions of its Black miners'. The paper added: 'Western Deep Levels is also one of the wealthiest mines in the world. Last year it achieved a total working profit of R46,339,000 and paid R20 million in dividends.... It is expected that gold valued at a minimum of R1,600 million will be produced at Western Deep over the next 60 years'. R20 million (£1 1.6 million) in dividends for the coupon clippers who own the shares. Goodness knows how much for Mr Oppenheimer himself, whose personal fortune is variously estimated at between £116 million and £232 million. It would have taken only a tiny fraction of this amount to grant the wage increase demanded by the black and condemns the intervention of armed police in industrial relations in South Africa, as in any other country. 'The TUC has asked the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions to register its protest, and support its demand for an urgent judicial inquiry into the occurrences.' The Communist Party's Political Committee said that the outrage 'completely exposes the arguments of those who claim that British investment in South Africa can be used to mollify conditions there. 'This latest killing should cause the General Council of the British TUC to reflect seriously on the futility and possible outcome of the forthcoming visit of their delegation to South Africa.' The Scottish TUC has written to Prime Minister Vorster, the South African Embassy and the Anglo American Corporation expressing its 'deep abhorrence' of the shootings. It has also written to British Foreign Secretary Sir Alec Douglas-Home asking the British government to protest at 'the naked and unashamed use of force against the workers at the Western Deep Level mine'. The International Miners Federation has also written to Prime Minister Vorster to protest against the killings. It stated: 'In the name of mineworkers of 34 countries the Inter- Picture by Chris CUornwell Over 200 people protested outside South Africa House a few hours after the news arrived in London of the shooting of 11 miners at Anglo American Corporation's Western Deep Levels Mine, machine minders, the men who drill holes in the rock face from which is extracted the gold which makes Mr Oppenheimer and his fellow shareholders so wealthy. The strike of the machine operators started on September 4, when 250 refused to go underground for the early morning shift. They wanted more money. A statement by the chairian of Western Deep Levels, a man rather inappropriately named Shilling, claimed that in the last 15 months the average earnings of machine operators had increased by 46 per cent to £30 a month (excluding the value, estimated at £14.50 a month, of the foodhousing, and other 'benefits in kind'. On the afternoon of September 11, the management held a meeting with the machine operators and told them 'their complaints had been investigated and that a further national Miners Federation protests at the killings of unarmed African miners. This arises from bad conditions and shows the imperative need for the freedom of African mineworkers to ocgamse their trade unions, The Glasgow Indian Workers Association has sent a telegram to SACTU expressing its sympathy with the relatives of the victims. In Bristol anti-aparthei supporters leafletted shoppers on Satirday September 15 asking them to join the protests against the shootings and Bristol Trades Council passed a motion condemning the killings.Oxford Anti-Apartheid Committee leafletted shoppers on Saturday September 15 and workers at "British Leylalid's Cowley vorns asking them to condemn the South African police action. York Trades Council has sent a letter condemning the shootings to the South African Embassy. Ghana's Foreign Minister demanded that the world break all ties with the white South African government and impose economic spnctions against South Africa" In Sydney the Federal Council of the Waterside Workers' Federations of Australia called a one-day boycott of all South African ships The Lescitho government has said that it will suspend recruitment of workers for employment at Western Deep Levels until the shooting was explained. increase in their wages could not be ustified'. t was this refusal of a wage increase which led directly to the disturbances and the subsequent shootings. The mine authorities were at first quite unrepentant. Mine manager Mr Algy van Holdt told the 'Star' that 'in spite of last night's riot there will be no further investigation of the machine minders grievances. Because -wage scales were a delicate issue which affected the the gold mining industry as a whole: Anglo- American boasts that it already pays higher wages than other mining groups in South Africa. But the wage paid to machine minders is still far below the poverty datum line for a family of five, now fixed at over £52 a month. And the figure of £30 quoted is an average. Witwatersrand university students who invaded Anglo-American headquar. ters in Johannesburg to protest against the shootings were told by director D. Etheridge that new miners received a starting cash wage of only £11.60 a month. When the full horror of the situation finally penetrated the thick hides of Anglo-American's chiefs, they changed their tune. According sf Sepmitted: take in in the can; lml we lve Unet theml an injustice'. Mr Shilling said a reassessment would 'be made of the wages structure. The mine would also examine its 'whole approach to communications and human relations', though he doubted whether a trade union for the African miners 'was the right thing for Africans in the mining industry with its peculiar cir. cumstances'. Twelve men died and 26 were injured because of an admitted 'injustice' perpetrated by AngloAmerican on its machine operators. Police Divisional Inspectr, Colonel L.M. Loots, in charge of Vorster's bully boys in the Western Transvaal, asked by the 'Rand Daily Mail' if he felt the cost in lives was high in comparison to the relatively small amount of. damage done at the mine, replied: 'Sometimes property means more than lives'. This ii what Harry Oppenheimer and Prime Minister Vorster have to answer for. They are the prime beneficiaries of a system which places profits and property before human lives. International outcry This is something the world is no longer prepared to tolerate. The shootings produced an international outcry, but there has also been a sharp reaction from Southern Africa itself. The Government of Lesotho, whose King had capped Harry Oppenheimer only a few days before and praised his philosophy of life, has banned all recruiting for Western Deep Levels. Witwatersrand University students lined Jan Smuts -Avenue with protest placards, some reading: 'Anglo's latest dividend: 12 dead'. About 300 Indian students at their segregated University at Durban marched round their campus 'as a sign 'of Black solidarity'. There were demonstrations at other Black colleges. The South African Students' 6r ganisation condemned -the shooting, but said no amount of condemnation would bring the miners back to life. Harry Oppenheimer and Prime Minister Vorster, however, are both fit and well. BRIAN BUNTING Implement boycott policy delegates tell TUC DELEGATES at the Trades Union General Council to reconsider their Congress in Blackpool, at the decision to send a delegation. beginning of September, voiced dis- Other delegates called for real quiet at the prospect of the TUC's steps to aid the anti-apartheid South, proposed visittoSouthAfricain AfricanCongressofTradeUnionsOctober. (SACTU)and emphasised the need Speaking on behalf of AUEW 'for action against the collaboration C'IASS), Roger Henshaw told of international Computers Ltd with, Congress that the delegation would; the pass-law system. however unintentionally, lend A fringe meeting held bythe credibility to the apartheid system. Anti-Apartheid Movement during The visit would be used for political the Congress was addressed by John advantage by the South African Gaetsewe,,SACTU representative in government and the white- Western Europe, John Hosey, father dominated Trade Union Council of of Sean Husey, one of the Pretoria South Africa (TUCSA). Six and Cyril Plant, General He stressed that the TUC should Secretary of the Inland Revenue coacentrate on implementing its Staff Association and a member of policy of boycotting the apartheid the proposed TUC delegation. The' Sstem. In particular the decisions meeting was chaired byJohnEntals. of the recent conference, organised John Gaetsewe appealed on beby the ILO, should be put into :half of black workers for the effect, cancellation of the visit, pointing Bert Brown, for ASTMS, asked out that militants would beput into 'the delegation what purpose it would the position of exposing themselves serve by going to South Africa. He if they saw the delegation. pointed out that the people 'they During the Congress, over 60 would beableto seewouldbe copies each of Anti-Apartheid News determined by the authorities. In and 'Apartheid and the British the light of this, he asked the Worker' were sold to delegates. British labour movement protests against shootings

South THIS MONTH the question of South Africa's continued membership of the World Medical Association will be raised at the WMA's Assembly in Munich. DR SUE DOWLING exposes the huge gulf between medical provision for whites and blacks in South Africa THERE ARE many parameters of disease-but it is hard to define the sickness of a society which can flaunt the advanced medical technology of heart transplant surgery while it ignores the fact that three quarters of its population has one of the highest infant mortality rates in the world. A glance at World Health Organisation statistics shows that whites in South Africa have more doctors per person than any other country in the'world (twice as many as Britain) and that their supply of other health workers and facilities is equally favourable. So it should come as no surprise that the number of white babies dying in the first year of life is less than in many European countries and that average life expectancy is ona par with thatin Britain. The white medical profession in South Africa is now indulging in the costly luxury of 'patchup' medicine typified by their hearttransplant programme. The doctors involved must be well aware of the weight of evidence which shows that this type of medical activity, despite its huge input costs, produces remarkably little return in terms of improving the overall health of the Population. There is another side tothe South African medical story. The facts are as simple as they are starkly tragic. Large numbers of black South Africans suffer and die from what are now preventable diseases. There is a fundamental medical equation on one side of which stands poverty, malnutrition, social instability and ignorance and on the other ill-health and premature death. This equation is forced on more than 70 per cent of South Afica's population who struggle along with one doctor for every 100,000 people (as against 1:400 for whites) Everything that I saw and re.orded while I was working with black patients in Durban convinced suffering and misery which results from apartheid they are going to catalyse any real change in black disease patterns. .A fri d s sck s ciet Infantmortalityratesandlife expectation for the majority of ON 10 W . 4 South Africa's population will not change greatly until the patients whole social-political environment is radically altered. Handing out free milk to starving children and rehydrating malnourished babies 7,dying of gastro-entiitis could be interpreted as the medical profession's part in making a subtle but very sick form of biological welfare look internationally respectable. Nearly a year ago the AntiApaitheid Movement formed a med ical committee. One of the most urgent aims is to alert and inform world medical opinion of the true situation in South Africa. Medical statistics and fact sheets have been distributed to all the main national and international bodies. Slowly but surely a body of informed Louis Washkasky, South African heart transplant patient. South Africa has pouredthousandsof medical opinion is growing and it pounds into 'patch up' medicine. . This baby is suffering from mareasaus-a disease caused by mal- is with the help of this opinion nutrition. Babies like this ate crowded into under-equipped and under-staffed hospitals in South Africa's that we hope the question of South African 'homelands'. Africa's continued membership of me that the offical South African however conservative are the mete of the same grade and seniority the World Medical Association will health statictics for blacks are gros§ skeleton of the problem. Medical and doing exactly the same job-a be raised at the WMA's Assembly nderestimates probably 90 _per manpower and facilities available I was. In 1969 African government in Munich this October. cent of my patients' diseases were to black South Africans are stretch- medical officers were receiving69 Wehopethat this will bethe superimposed on a general frame- ed to the limit because of a goveri- per cent of the salary paid to start of a movement for the medwork of malnutrition and I saw ment ideologythat dictates that the whites doing equivalent jobs, hut ical boycott of South Africa-a boyinnumerable cases of pellagra and availability of health care depends this dropped to 64 per cent in cott which black doctors have asked kwashiorkor. Yet the South orfthecolourofthepatient'sskin. 1971. for.The Medical Practioners Union African'government removed the Not onlyareveryfew African In 1948 and1949the World has shown its willingness to colatter from the list of notifiable doctors beipg trained (eight quali- Medical Association,of which operateandsuggestionshaveindiseasesin1967 fledin 1969-70 compared with South Africa is a member, restated cluded the production of posters This was the year that Dr Rachel 364 whites) but the number pro- the Hippocratic Oath in the form of for display in hospitals to Mackenzie recorded in thi annual duced each year as a proportion of the Declaration of Geneva. This discourage health personnel at all report of St Michael's Hospital at the African population nearly halved internationally accepted code of levels from going to South Africa. Batlahoras Reserve: 'So many of the between 1967 and 1969. medical ethics states: 'I will not At this stage of the fight. children are starving, I don't know Apartheid is as much a part of permit considerations of religion though we are becoming increaswhat to do about the baby clinic, medical life as it is of anyother nationality, race, party politics or ingly aware that whatever action we other than immunise the local in South Africa. I remember how social standing to intervene between plan, our priority must be built childrenandhandoutfreemilk naivelyshockedIwaswhenIwas mydutyandmypatient' up a larger body of well informed and if possible contraceptives to called to see a patient in coma who A document outlining the med- medical opinion. Once that is the mothers of the starving.' had collapsed four hours previously ical situation in South Africa has achieved a medical boycott will Another glaring omission in outside the main white hospital, recently been distributed inter- become a feasible propostion. official African health statistics is He was African and so could neither, nationally by the Medical Dr Dowling worked for six months the absence of infant mortality be treated at that hospital nor Association for the Prevention of in 1971 as the only white house figures. It is hard to believe that a transported in the 'whites-only' War. It not surprisingly concludes physician at King Edward VIII country which super specialises in ambulances standing idly outside. that 'the framework of health care Hospital in Durbat recording the minutiae of its In the delay while a 'black' within which medicine is practised African population's movements ambulance was foundtotake him in South Africais incompatible M edical Journal bans through the notorious pass law to our 'black' bed, his condition with thr Geneva Declaration of system cannot also make some deteriorated from one requiring Medical Ethics.' whites-only ads attempt at recording infant births simple resucitation, to one of ex- I believe thatthe crux of the THE BRITISH Medical Journal has and deaths on a national level. treme emergency in which his life Declaration of Geneva lies in the banned all advertisements for posts I doubt the UN estimates of one was threatened, principle 'I . will maintain by all in South Africa. in four African babies dying in the Probablythe onlyaspect of the means in mypower the honour Previously the journal accepted first year of life. Histories of black medical problem which has and noble traditions of the medical advertisements but carried a notice liereaved mothers who had lost received significant publicity over- profession'. I would seriously asking applicants to communicate one in three or even one in two seas has been discrimination in question the role of many of the - with the Secretary of the British of their children were heartbreak doctors' pay. Two years ago I was doctors in South Africa. They can- Medical Association 'to learn the inglycommoninDurban. earning£800pamorethanmy not fool themselves that by silently views of the association regarding South Africa's health figures, fellow African houseman who was sweeping and patching up the the terms and conditions of service Walter Sisulu: man of the people IN THE second of a series of reports on South African political prisoners RustyBernstein writes about WALTER SISULU, Secretary General of the African National Congress, who is serving a sentence of life imprisonment on Robben Island. THE TOP echelons of most political organisations are made up of an amalgam of public and private men - of those whose talents blaze most brightly in the public irena, and those whose -forte is within the organisation's own councils. If the best knowl figures of the African National Congress in the 1950s and 1960s were 'public' men like ChiefAlbert Luthuli and Nelson Mandela, no one who was connected with the organisation will dispute that its 'back-room man' par excellence was Walter Sisulu. He was born and raised in the Transkeian village of Ngcobo, a tiny dot on a map in the midst of tribal peasant farming lands. His father, a village parson, managed to keep him at school only as far as his fourth year, after which he had to earn his keep. He followed the typical Transkeian route, to contract labour on the Witwatersrand gold mines. Typically, from the gold mines he drifted, as Africans drift in the white metropolis, through a. succession of semi-skilled jobs in factories, shops and offices. Along the way too, he acquired a slowly-growing political awareness, first in early participation in fraternal societies of Transkeian 'exiles' on the Witwatersrand, and later in contact with nationalist and freedom -seeking groups. It was in 1940, at the ripe age of 28, that he took his first deliberately political step and joined the African National Congress. In the ANC, Sisulu learnt and grew. Contact with men like J.B. Marks and Moses Kotane, both members of the National Executive Committee, broke down ill-forimed anti-Communist prejudices picked up almnost unthinkingly from the news-sheets and propaganda media of the day. Working together with them to resurrect the ANC, he began to learn of socialism. Sisulu, relatively unknowa outside the ranks of the ANC itself, was elected General Secretary of the organisation in 1949. It was the year in which the militant young nationalists of the ANC Youth League bid for, and captured, the leadership from thetired, somewhat conservative old guard. The choice of Sisulu for this key post, coming as it did from a group of well educated, largely university-trained professional men, seemed rather odd. For Sisulu is, in his background and circumstances the most typical of South Africa's black-men-in-the street, the archetype of the urban African. In 1960, when the government declared the ANC'ifegal, the ANC replied with a bold declaration of its intention not to disband. It was a critical challenge for everyone, but most of all for the Secretary General. If the organisation was not to disband, its secretary must be accessible to all its members, and be known to be accessible. And yet he must be able to carry out his functions at the hub of the organisation without laying bare the whole organisation to the Security Police. For two years, Sisulu and the Security Police fought out a bitter battle. Constantly throughout these years he was arrested - so constantly, that when he cited the record to the Rivonia trial judge, there was disbelief on all sides. Weekly, fortnightly, monthly? Sisulu spent those years in and out of jail, sometimes released after several days without charge, sometimes charged and then acoitted. It is paradoxical, perhaps, that this back-room man extraordinary of the legal period of the ANC's existence should become the most publicised, wanted, and most public front-room man of the ANC's underground period. His political life, lived largely beyond the public footlights, ended however in the full glare of publicity, at the Rivonia trial. Sisulu was the first of, the accused to enter the witness box: His evidence was a solid, uncompromising defence of the ANC and its policies, and of the revolutionary's -right to challenge every aspect of white domination Repeatedly Sisulu read judge and prosecutor a political lecture; repeatedly he brushed off every attempt to persuade him to help himself by incriminating others. 'I will say nothing at all about anyone else who is still in this country' he told the judge at the commence. ment of his evidence; he stuck to that position unswervingly throughout. It was an example to the ANC which many of its members have followed since - the last and most public political stance of their Secretary General, before he was sentenced to life imprisonment on Robben Island, for seeking the overthrow of the South African government by illegal means. He is still there, ten years after. His wife, a district nurse, and his family - including one named Sputnik born on the day when man first broke out of the atmosphere into space - live in Johannesburg. Visits to their father are few, and the cost of travel enormous. But knowing the man they will appreciate perhaps better than others that Walter Sisuhi is a man apart. Prison, bitter though it is to be separated from family and people, will strengthen rather than crush the humanity and urge for.freedom which burns so strongly within him.

How the DGS gets its confessions EVERYBODY now knows of the atrocities committed by the armed forces in Mozambique. The more sinister role played by the security police is not well known. Four deaths in prison in the last year can be attributed to the interrogation methods of theGeneral Security Administration (DGS). All four were described by the Portuguese authorities as 'Suicides'. The International Commission of Jurists have received a number of reports about the atrocities of the DGS. Though sources cannot be disclosed, the commission staff believe the reports are true. The DGS have been given more an d more power in recent years. Formerly known as the PIDE, they come directly under the government in Lisbon and ar not answerable to the colonial authorities. Secret trial They have wide powers of arrest, detention, banishment-even of secret trial by their own officerswithout any effective supervision or control by the courts. In July 1972 their powers were increased by a decree, giving them authority to order preventive detention in an 'agricultural colony' or forced residence in a particular area for up to three years. There is no right of appeal and the terms of the decree are so vague, they could be applied to anyone-for instance solneone whom the police disbelieved when he said he had no information about guerrilla movements. Another decree in October 1972 gave the DGS judicial powers. When the ordinary police arrest a suspect, they must bring him before a magistrate who is then responsible for the preliminary inquiry. Promotion The new decree conferred the powers of the magistrate during this preliminary examination, on all officers of the DGS of inspection rank or higher. The defence lawyer 'may be replaced by an ad hoc defender or by two qualified witnesses pledged. to secrecy,' In practice the two ,qualified witnesses' are also members of the police. About 200 clergy and members of non-conformist churches in Mozambique were arrested in June 1972, apparently to extract confessions that they had used church organisations as covers for helping FRELIMO. The most prominent of these prisoners was the President of the Council of the Presbyterian Synod, Pastor Manganhela. He is alleged by the DGS to have committed suicide six months later. Interrogation was not started for four months, during which time the prisoners were kept at Machava, a prison camp. Some of the more important, like Pastor Manganhela, had single cells-the- others Were either kept six to a cell, or herded together in rooms with up to 120 per room. The effect on the really overcrowded prisoners, who had to sleep on their sides for the lack of space, was to cause them anything from nervous reactions to complete mental breakdowns. Prisoners were often beaten during interrogations, which were often carried out byordinary DGS policemen, not even the officers stipulated in the regulations. Interrogations lasted for days-45 days in one case. Pastor Manganhela was interrogated for months. During interrogations prisoners were hit with whips, some receiving as many as 100 strokes. Many were reduced to 'confessing'. Even then their confessions were. nearly always doctored and further things added-if they protested they risked more whippings and beatings. The clergywere not beaten, but many were broken down by psychological means and by being confronted with the 'confessions' of other prisoners. Pastor Mangaahda's death-said to be suicide by hanging, but suspected by the other prisoners to be murder or a heart attack camouflaged as suicide did cause wide concern.It led to an inquiry by a respected Mozambique judge. Most of the remaining prisoners were released on December 24 This boy has been badly burned by napalm dropped in a Portuguese bombing raid though more than 20 are still in prison and three more had 'committed suicide'. The judge's report,,which included his inquiries into prison conditions, was suppressed. It became known, however, that he had found that there had been systematic torture of the-prisoners. When his report reached Lisbon he was relieved of his office-buthadon be reinstated after protests among the legal profession. Portugals not-so-general election ELECTIONS for the National Assembly in Portugal are due to take place on October 28. The following guide shows the legalistic labyrinth created by the regime to prevent opposition. After nearly fifty years of the present regime, the Portuguese people are still deprived of any constitutional means whatsoever of changing the government in Portugal. As the guide shows, there is hardly any point in contesting the elections. Traditionally the improvised Citzens Electoral Committee put up candidates to take advantage of the 20-day electoral period when censorship is relaxed and there are limited righis of association for electoral purposes. On the even of the poll, they withdraw in protest. Catch 22 In September the Caetano administration introduced a new law intened to force candidates to contest the eleClions, within a framework designed to stop them winning. The law states that candidates who withdraw after calling for a public abstention from the polls will lose their political rights for five years. In spite of this the Electoral Committee have decided to put up candidates, including professors, lawyers, taxi drivers, students and workers, to emphasise the democratic and socialist character of the opposition. Who won? The result of the election is a foregone conclusion. But as can be seen by the guide, the Portuguese government cannot claim to have a mandate from the people for the occupation of Guine, Mozambique and Angola or for the wars that.tis fighting there. The only mandtt tsey hive is from NATO and those Western countries which provide the regime with weapons, trade and investments. Guide to the PortugueseElection How the National Assemblyoperates The Assembly sits for only three months of each year, though exceptionally this period may be extended to four months. Its main task is to discuss political measures and public adminstration and, after consultation with the Corporative Chamber which is not an elected body, to vote on the basic principles of laws placed before it. The National Assembly cannot, however, initiate any legislation that affects either revenue or expenditure, a ban which drastically reduces its powers. During the nine months of the year when the Assembly is not in session the Cabinet governs by decree- laws Which require no confirmation by the Assembly and promulgated by the President of the Republic. How the seats in the National Assembly are allocated The number of seats in the National Assembly was recently increased from 130 to 150. The country is divided into electoral districts, each of which has several deputies. Each deputy represents the whole of his district together with his colleagues, and he is voted for as part of a list of candidates for that district and not individually. Each of the colonies is treated as a single electoral district. Thus Mozambique, with a population of nearly 8 million his 12 seats in the Assembly, as against 116 for Portugal with its population of8.6 million. Who can vote There is no universa adult suffrage, Property and education qualifications are high for a country as poor and backward as Portugal. Moreover so many obstacles are placed in the way of those who are q.ualifed to -register that threequarters of the adult population are deprived of voting rights. Literate adult males over 21 years old who meet a property tax qualification are entitled to register. According to the 1970 census 30 per cent of the population are illiterate. To be qualified to vote .is not enough: the onus is on the citizen to get his name registered. He-must make a formal application: under oath and it must be accompanied by official documents evidencing his qualifications. The only voters whose names are registered automatically by the authorities are members of flierarmed forces, civil servants and government employees who fulfil the requirements mentioned above, The electoral laws specifically deny voting rights to 'persons opposed to the existence of Portugal as an independent state'; those who accept ideologies contrary to 'social discipline'; those who 'manifestly lack moral fitness'. Decisions as to who falls into these categories are made by government-appointed registration committees. There is no appeal from their decisions. Who can vote in the colonies Only 500,000 people are entitled to vote in the entire Portuguese overseas 'empire'. This figure represents 2.3 per cent of the 23 million adult inhabitants of these territories. Illiteracy and poverty disqualify nearly all adults, In Angola, for example, according to the 1970 census only 10 per cent of the African population could read and write, most of them under 21 years old. Who can stand for election Anyone entitled to be on the electoral register also has the right to stand as a candidate for the National Assembly. In practice, however, it is difficult for anyone to stand as a candidate in opposition to the government list. Imprisonment, threats of imprisonment and loss of employment for daring to openly oppose the regime have meant in the pastthat opposition candidates have been drawn mainly from the liberal professions rather than from more economically vunerable classes. The election campaign Campaigning is permitted for one month before the election date. Opposition candidates are handicapped from the outset. In the first place censorship continues throughout the campaign persod. Articles in the press by opposition supporters and reports of their speeches are either severely cut or suppressed altogether. Openair meetings are not allowed and special permission must be obtained for the use of halls and schools for public meetings. Proposed speakers must be approved by the acthorities. Members of the political police are present at all meetings. People putting up posters or distributiag election material are often arrested. Polling At-the polling station the voter is not given a list of the candidates. Instead he must bring the list he wants to vote for with him. The government list is distributed to voters in each eleatoral district by the police. On polling day itself representatives of opposition candidates are not permitted to attend the polling stations to act as scrutineers, nor may they attend the final count. Over and above all these organisational difficulties the greatest obstacle of all to free elections is the atmosphere of political terror in which they. take place. Opposition candidates and their supporters are kept under constant police surveillance. Homes, places of work and campaign headquarters are watched and frequently raided and imprisoned. Worst of all, they know that after the election is over repression will intensify and more people than ever will be arrested and held without trial for months on end. ANTONIO DE FIGUEIREDO Lost war in Mozambique SECRET Portuguese reports which have come into the possession of the Dutch Angola Committee show that the war against the freedom fighters in Mozambique is going catastrophically for the Portuguese troops. The secret documents are weekly surveys of how the war is going, drawn up by the Portuguese Commander-in-Chief in Mozambique, and cover roughly the period July to October 1972. During these 16 weeks the Portuguese were attacked 1027 times by FRELIMO guerrillas-an average of 64 times a week. Attacks on military columns and base camps, ambushes of trains and roads and shooting down of planes accounted for an admitted 72 Portuguese deaths, with 526 wounded and 17 missing in that time. The guerrilla casualties claimed were 240 dead, 67 wounded and 136 prisoners. Naturally these figures are highly suspect. Pipe-dream Fighting is still taking place in the northern provinces on the Tanzanian border where the war started in 1964, but the main thrust of FRELIMO's campaign is now in the Tete province near Cabora Bassa say the secret reports. Guerrilla actions are reported both south and north of the Zambezi-so ittooks as if the whites' aim of turning the river into an impenetrable barrier was already a pipe-dream by last autumn. The documents confirm that in late 1972 freedom fighters advanced from the Dzembe mountains and set up camp in the Gorongosa game reserve. The fact that FRELIMO could hold its ground -there, the Portuguese note, shows that it can count on the support of the local population around the reserve as well as the inhabitants of the municipal area of Beira. Failures FRELIMO's progress here is a direct threat to the road and railway connections between Beira and Rhodesia which carry a large part of Rhodesia's foreign trade. This shows that Rhodesia had good reasons for its worry about Lisbon's failures against the guerrillas which led to the disputes between the Smith and Caetano regimes last year, and it also explains why Rhodesian troops are fighting in Mozambique in a desperate attempt to shore up the Portuguese in their losing battile.

Rhodesians h REPORTS of wide-spread atrocities by Rhodesian troops operating in Mozambique were brought back to London last month by Observer reporter, David Martin. Rhodesian Army units have burned huts and food stores in Tete province near the Zambezi River and Rhodesian bombers, jet fighters and helicopters have bombed villages, murdering men, women and children and scattering survivors into the bush. The operation is a desperate attempt by the white Rhodesian forces to cut off supply lines for Zimbabwean guerrillas operating inside Zimbabwe. David Martin talked to villagers in Tete province who had fled from their homes to escape from the Rhodesian attacks. He was told by Simon Chaula, chairnasa of the Likela area on the northern bank of the Zambei River, that black and white Rhodesian troops crossed the river in inflatable boats during the night of July 21. On July 26, after a FRELIMO unit had dashed with the troops, villages in his area were attacked by bombers and jet fighters and troops were landed by helicopter. Three Rhodesian bombers, four jet fighters and three helicopter gunships took part in the attacks on villages in the areas of Mpan. gula, Lllkela, Mapapaya and Malymidwe. Decapitated Over 100 people were killed next day when they came out from hiding places in the bush to get water from the river. Villagers hunted for the missing people and found six bodies in the bush. All had been decapitated. Simon Chaola said that he knew that the attackers were Rhodesian, and not Portuguese, because they shouted at the villagers in Famagalo, or 'Kitchen Kaffir'- the pidgin language spoken by white Rhodesians to Africans. He reoognised the language, bemuse like many Mozambicans in the area near the border, he had worked in Rhodesia rather than do forced labour for the Portuguese. He said that the s shouting 'Bwela Lapt 'Come here' - as the away. Other villagers I Martin that they hae bers, jet fighters and flying across the b planes were painted d; not silver like the Airforce's planes. He was also shov Army hats, as well tion, grenades and par, The villagers sais troops did not ask t LIMO (Mozambique Front), but about ga ZANU (Zimbabwe tional Union). Geba Forgot hrt village in the Makom that he had been qu Rhodesian troops 'kidnapping' by ZV 100 schoolchildren Rhodesian mission stat The attacks have huge refugee pron] Mozambique and ate the utmost the reMLe omb villages rudimentary FRELIMO administration in the area. According to David Martin, as many as 1500 villagers have fled to FRELIMO and they are now desperately short of food. About 250 of them who are sick have been brought out to a FRELIMO base camp. Atrocities There he heard more stories of Rhodesian atrocities. Zefa Nchuka, a woman in her fifties with eight children, described how, with her husband, Miliyon, and other members of her family, she fled into the bush when Rhodesian planes strafed their village near Likela. Next day her husband returned to the village with two other men to let out the chickens and other livestock. The other two men came back but her husband was shot. Later other villagers told her that they had seen bis decapitated body in a dried-up river bed near the village. Langton Williams from Mpamgula area 20 miles from Zumbo said that at least 15 people from his village died when Rhodesian planes bombed a well where women and children were drawing water. FRELIMO has said that it has ordered full reports from all its commanders in the affected areas and that it is not yet in a position to make any estimate as to how many villagers hae been killed in the Rhodesian attacks. David Martin estimates that from the accounts he was given the most conservative figure for killings by both Rhodesian and Portuguese troops in the Zambezi area in August is around 300 and that it may turn out to be many more. IDAF grant THE INTERNATIONAL Defence and Aid Fund has announced that it is'to give £1000 to FRELIMO for emergeney relief to the Mozambicans who have fled to FRELIMO for protection as a result of the Rhodesian bombings. he soldiers were -apa' - meaning the villagers ran ,1 told David had seen bornand helicopters e border. The A dark grey and the Portuguese sown Rhodesian eell as ammuni parachutes. said that the isk about FRE. que Liberation t guerrillas from ve African Nafrom Chisubvu kombe area said i questioned by ps about the ZANU of over kren from a station in June. save created a ,roblem inside are straining to esources of the

INSIDE SOUTH AFRICA TUCSA sells out black workers TUCSA (the white-dominated Trade Union Council of South Africa) has intervened in the strike of blackworkers at the notorious Frame Group of textile mills as an apologist for the company's management. In a statement issued jointly by TUCSA General Secretary Arthur Grobbelaar and a Frame Group mrector, . Selwyn Lurie, TUCSA states: 'An acceptable mudus operandi has been agreed upon for future discussions between the Frame Group and the Textile Workers Industrial Union of South Africa.' The statement continues: 'The union sincerely regrets some reports of unfounded and adverse criticisms of the Frame Group which have appeared in the Press from time to time." Five hundred striking workers were paid off at the Group's mill at Jacobs, near Durban, on August 8 and a further lock-out took place at the Wentex mill, also outside Durban, a few days later. Before last February's strike wave workers at some Frame Group mills were being paid as little as £3 a week. Police were called to a steel plant near Alberton in the Transvaal, at the beginning of September, after 700 African steel workers had struck for higher pay. The plant is owned by a South African-owned company, Scaw Metals. Later the men returned to work after they had been promised that the management would discuss their demands. They were asking for wage increases and a holiday bonus. In Durban five men who were arrested for leafletting workers during the strikes last February were acquitted of charges of promoting racial hostility, at the beginning of September. The men gave out leaflets headed 'Black People's Convention' and showing a picture of two fists holding a broken chain. They were accused under the Bantu Administration Act of 'uttering words or distributing pamphlets including words that would promote feelings of racial hostility between Africans and whites.' Africans resist forced resettlement AFRICANS who resisted an attempt to forcibly 'resettle' them were teargassed by police at the beginning of September. Earlyon the morning of Wednesday September 5 police surrounded an African village in the Groblersdal district in the northern Transvaal and told villages over loudspeakers that they were to be moved to a new area nearly 40 miles away. At the beginning of the month villagers had been told thatthey would be given until the end of the month to move of their own accord and that if they had not moved by then they would be forcibly taken away. When the villagers refused to move, police broke down the door of the house of their chief, Arthur Malopole and pulled hih out. They were surrounded by a group of women who tried to form a barrier around the chief, while other villagers formed a human road block in an attempt to stop the police car which was waiting to carry him away. The police then used teargas to disperse 'the crowd and arrested. five people, including the chief. Eventually the villagers were forced onto, lorries and the five men were later released. According to a police spokesman, the area to which the villagers were moved-Steelport River in Sekhukhuneland-was 'a lush territory where all the necessary facilities have been laid on.' He said 'The chief and his councillors are quite happy now that they have moved to their new -kraal.' But Chief Makopole denied that his people were happy with the new site. He said that the land allocated was not enough for the 200at people who would eventually be moved there. Tents hlad been hastily put up to provide storehouses there and the only housing was 600 temporary galvanised iron shacks. The removal was a small part of the South African government's massive resettlement ohms under which Africans are being moved from 'black spots' in areas designated aswhite to theals'aclled homelands or Bantustans. In this case the villagers were being moveg from a 'white' area into an area designated as part of the Lebowa Bantustan. Black students refused readmission FORT HARE students who boycotted lectures in August have been refused readmission to the university. The ban means that in the coming academic year the student body at Fort Hare will number only about 500, instead of the full complement of 1500. At the end of August the University Registrar announced that attendance lectures ,would be called at lectures and that any student who was not there would be assumed to be no longer interested in studying. On the day he made his announcement the campus was patrolled by uniformed and plainclothed police and there was an almost total boycott of lectures. The day before, about 150 students held a sit-in at the university in defiance of the authorities ban on meetings. A group of 30 students who left Fort Hare for Cape Town issued a statement demanding their unconditional reinstatement. They said that Fort Hare had 'turned into a contrentation camp. Police have access to our living quarters and we are treated like primary school children. 'We decided to stay away from classes simplybecause the rector and his administration were not prepared to reason with us. Instead intimidation methods were used.' Vorster hits at white Press PRIME Minister Vorster has announced that the Riotqus Assemblies Act is to be amended so that it can be used against newspapers which report black protests. In a speech to the National Party's Cape Congress he said that the Act had been 'watered down' by court decisions. The only hint of exactly how the Act will be amended came in a later speech to the Orange Free State Congress of the party at the end of September. Then Vorster said that he was considering including a clause that would prevent newspapers from appearing on the streets if they contained 'racial incitement'. The Act is one of the main weapons used against strikers: its first section makes it a crime to try to dissuade people from carrying out their work by 'continual harrasment', including 'offensive jeers, jibes and like conduct.' Its second section contains a clause which makes it an offence to act, speak or publish anything in a manner which 'might reasonably . be expected' to incite people to violence-even if they cannot be shown to have that specific intent. SA companies plan EEC breakthrough SOUTH AFRICAN companies may set up subsidiaries in Britain to import finished and semi-finished components from South Africa. This would be one way they could get round the restrictions imposed on their exports by the EEC. According to the South Africa House bulletin Today's News, plans to do this were canvassed by the recent Birmingham Chamber of Commerce trade mission to South Africa. The Chamber of Commerce says it is interested in 'joint ventures' between South Africamn and British firms. These would import South African components and raw materials for assembly into products for re-export to the rest of the EEC. British companies interested are mostly relatively small concerns in the engineering industry. The kind of components involved are small engineering parts, mostly for the motor manufacturing industry. According to a Chamber of Commerce spokesman South Africa makes 'the best exhausts in the world.' Women banned in new wave of restrictions TWO WOMEN, Mrs Fla Raigobin and Mrs S Moodley, are the latest people to be banned in the new wave of bannings that began last year when eight people connected with SASO (South African Students Organisation) were placed under restriction. Mrs Ramgobin has also been placed under house arrest. She is the wife of Mewa Ramgobin, who, formed a Committee for Clemency for Political Prisoners in 1971 and has since also been banned and placed under house arrest. She is restricted to Inanda, Durban and must report to the police everyweek. Mrs Moodley worked as a research assistant for Black Community Programmes, a group associated with the Black People's Convention. Site is the third member of the BPC to be banned in the last few monthsthe others are Bokwe Mafuna and Steve Bike, Her husband, Strin Moodley, who was active in SASO, is also banned and is under house arrest. Jerry Modisane, former President of SASO, has been found guilty of breaking his banning order by attending a social gathering. He was sentenced to four months imprisonment suspeftded for three years. 'Free Mandela' - Bantustan leader A CALL for the release of political prisoners 'such as Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu' was made by Bantustan leader'Collins Ramusi at the Progressive Party's annual conference in September. Collins Ramusi is the Deputy Chief Minister of the Lebowa 'homeland'. He praised Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisuhi and said that they were 'better leaders' than he was himself. He said that black people were not prepared to forget about political prisoners and refugees and asked why the South African Nationalist Party who were ready to release people considered traitors in the Second World War, were not prepared to release political prisoners today. He demanded: 'Theymust release our people.' He went on to say that the government 'must also allow those who were forced to flee their country to return home unconditionally'. Later in his speech he asked 'Do white people actually expect us to resist terrorists when they come? When the terrorists strike in this country, do 'you not know what we are feeling?' He said that Africans would not allow themselves to be relegated to Bantustans which were without adequate food, water resources and employment. 'We are not willing to starve and die in the homelands.' The Lebowa Bantustan is made up of scattered pieces of land in the northern Transvaal. Army used to scare villagers MASSIVE army manoeuvres held in the far northern Transvaal near the Rhodesian border have been attacked as a deliberate attempt to 'scare the people into submission'. According to an opposition memher of the Venda Bantustan's Legislative Assembly, the manoeuvres were timed to coincide with protest meetings held in the Bantustan to oppose plans to 'resettle' people living in the area.. In one incident army trucks loaded with soldiers carrying their guns drove through a village as 500 people were meeting to discuss the proposed removals. A spokesman for those attending the meeting said that the villagers were being removed to a notoriously arid area. Council acts against refusal of passport THE COLOURED Representative Council suspended its sessior for nearly a week in September in protest against the government's refusal of a passport to Coloured Labour Party leader Sonny Leon. It was also protesting against derogatory remarks made by the Minister of the Interior, Connie Mulder, aboutthe leader of the pro-government Federal Party, Tom Swartz. A motion to suspend all council activities until after talks between Council deputation and Cabinet ministers was proposed by the Federal Party leader. At a press conference he emphasised that the Council was closing in protest; At the talks-which were boycotted by the Labour Party-Prune Minister Vorster said that Sonny Leon's passport had been withdrawn because statements which he had made publicly both in South Africa and abroad were 'not in the interests of the country and its population groups.' Last year Sonny Leon said that he was opposed to continued foreign investment in South Africa, during a visit to the US. In a joint statement issued by the government and Federal Party leaders after the talks, the government said that the passport would only be returned if the Labour Party leader gave unequivocal assurances that he would not 'again harm South Africa's interest overseas. A majority of the elected seats in the Coloured Representative Council are held by the Labour Party: but most members of the Council are government-appointed and belong to the Federal Party. Recently government intransigenc* and the increasing political awareness of the coloured community, have forced even the Federal Party to oppose the government on some issues. University reverses ban on Coloureds THE AFRIKAANS University of Pretoria's Council has been forced to hurriedly reverse its ban on two Coloured architectural students after University of Cape Town students refused to attend an architectural 'Work Week'. The Coloured students were members of a group of eight students and three lecturers from UCT who planned to attend the week. After the University of Pretoria lifted its ban, one of the Coloured members of the group said that he would still refuse to go. He said 'It's not only because the reversal of the ban came at the last minute. It's the principle of the thing.' Participants from the University of Natal also decided to withdraw from the Work Week if the ban on Coloureds was not reversed. Bank mounts press campaign on investment THE SOUTH African Trust Bank has mounted a big press campaign in overseas countries, including Britain and Australia, to oppose the economic boycott campaign. Advertisements to be placed in overseas newspapers carry pictures and signed messages from Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, Chief Minister of Bophuthatswana and Mrs Lucy Mvubelo, Secretary of the National Union of Clothing Workers. The first of the ads lobe placed in the British pless-in The Guardian, September 19-carries a picture of Chief Mangope saying 'Economic sanctions make me shudder. We, the black people, will be the first to suffer.' According to Trust Bank Chairman, Jan Marais, the ads are part of an international campaign to promote investment and trade with South Africa.

'This is a time of revolt against the whip This is the time of armed struggle' Armando A REMARKABLE collection of poems has recently been selected and translated by Margaret Dickinson end produced by the East African Publishing Housb in Nairobi. These poems of resistance from Angola, Mozambique and Guine not only trace the growth of revolutionary consciousness in the Poeruguese-occupied African territories; they also show the emergence of a poetic imagination rooted in life with a tenacious passion which makes much current European poetry appear trival and provincial. In her introduction, Margaret Dickinson quotes Fanon's statement that 'To fight for national culture means in the first place to fight for the liberation of the nation, that material key-stone which makes the building of a culture possible.' Here the blossoming of the national culture seems to be occuring in accord with the fight for liberation; the result is work which is both inspired and inspiring. Then Bullets Begin to Flowed is divided into two sections: 'Before the Struggle' and 'During the Struggle'. The poems in the first section are largely poems of soffering-the sufferings of the slave labour labourers building the roads, of the contrgct labourers in the mines of the Rand, of the pain of hunger, of poverty and of aspirations which it is impossible to fulfill. Night and sleep are constant presences in these poems: . 'We are the children ofa dense night which is shattered in places by strange cries rages suppressed for many hundred years today are globules of our own blood.' Awareness intensifies; awareness of anger, of oppression, of the implications of love for the native land. And in the second section of the book comes the breaking of bonds; the crystallization of anger and national consciousness in the armed struggle: 'Those strange times Times of dense shadows Times of anguish Tunes of humiliation Times of inert rage Those times have vanished defeated 'This is a time of the certainty of a joyful day This is a time of war against rotteness This is' a time of revolt against the whip This is the time of armed straggle.' Many of the poets represented in this book are active freedom fighters; others languish in Portuguese prisons. The poems which follow are but a sample of a collection of vital interest to everyone concerned with the relation between art and the revolution. Caroline de Crespigny When Bullets Begin to Flower is published by the East African Publishing House, PO Box 30571, Nairobi, Kenya and is available from Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guinie 12 Little Newport St., WC2, 75p. magaiqa" Noemia de Sousa The blue and gold morning of paper propaganda has engulfed the blockhead, engulfed mamparra* who is utterly dazed by the meaningless gibber of the whites on the station and by the querulous puffing of the trains. It has swallowed his eyes, round with amazement, his'heart, bound by the pain of the unknown and his bundle of rags which is charged with great longings and woven with mamparra's unreaised dreams. And one day the train came back, puffing, puffing oh, nhanisse, came back And with it Magaica with overcoat, tie and striped socks, a being displaced and enmeshed in ridicule. -Where has it left you, that bundle of dreams, Magaica? You're carrying cases full of the false glitter of the remnants of the false culture of the compound of the Rand. And, stunned, Magaica lit a lamp to search for lost illusions, for his youth and his health which stay buried deep in the mines of Johannesburg. Youth and health, the lost illusions which will shine like stars on some Lady's neck in some City's night. * a man who has just returned from working in the South African mines. african poetry Agostinho Neto Out on the horizon there are fires and the dark silhouettes of the beaters with arms outstretched, in the air, the green smell of burning palms. African poetry In the street a line of Bailundu bearers tremble under the weight of their load in the room a mulatto girl with meek eyes colours her face with rice powder and rouge a woman wriggles her hips under a garish cloth on the bed a man, sleepless, dreams of buying knives and forks so he can eat at table in the sky the glow fires and the silhouette of black men dancing with arms outstretched, in the air, the hot music of marimbas African poetry and in the street the bearers in the room the mulatto girl on the bed the man, sleepless The burnings consume consume the hot earth with horizons afire. when my Brothers come home A. Almeida dos Santos When my mother shall see my brothers And embrace them We'll all go to live On the Catete Road We'll have to build with our own hand, A small house Well made, Where we'll all go to live. It will be red And covered all over with thatch. The work will be easy For the clay is already stained With so much, so much blood It has had so much time to run There will be a garden as well With roses and bougainvilleas That will be easy Fox even if the rains come late It will be watered By the tears That all our eyes have shed. When mymother shall see my brothers And embrace them 'We'll all go to live On the Catete road And we'll eat dried fish and drink Quissangua bought from Bie And we'll sleep on grass matting. Soothed by the light wind Blowing on Msseque We shall rest From the long road travelled We shall rest Ready for the longer road ahead Oh when my mother shall see My brothers and embrace them It will be small, our well built house (although I have millions of brothers) When my mother shall see my brothers' And embrace them Well go and sweep Away the ashes of those who went before And sing Guebuza Spreading our joy On the mountainside Through the drifted sand, In the valleys, On the banks of streams, And up by the springs We must sing! Ah when my mother shall see my brothers And embrace them A fire will burn The height of Of each furrow And the light Of each star Will be greater Mother, listen to your son DON'T WAIT MOTHER THEY ARE COMING, SWIFTLY poem Jorge Rebelo Come, brother and tell me your life come, show me the marks of revolt which the enemy left on your body Come, say to me "here my hands have been crushed because they defended the land which they own "Here my body was tortured because it refused to bend to invaders "Here my mouth was wounded because it dared to sing my people's freedom" Come brother and tell me your life, come relate me the dreams of revolt which you and your fathers dreamed in silence through shadowless nights made for love Come tell me these dreams become war, the birth of heroes, land reconquered, mothers who, fearless, send their sons to fight. Come, tell me all this, my brother. And later I will forge simple words which even the children can understand words which will enter every house like the wind and-fall like red hot embers on our people's souls In our land Bullets are beginning to flower. *~tr yd~ eymour Miners quene for food at a gold mine near Johannesburg. Like Magaica they have travelled hundreds of miles from their own country to spend the best years of their lives working underground.

Anti-Apartfeer News October 1973 Pa0 'Get SATH SAtroops out' ANC SOUTH A AL t te riis gvenuet in,fecssrywUTot h A CALL to the British government ment, if necessary without the. to put pressureon South Africa to co-operation of the Smith cegime. withdraw itsarmedforcesfrom Amethod of enforcing any agree- trooesia was mae , n,,yu. National Council Deputy President, Rev Casnan Banana, during a visit to London at the end of August. Rev Canaan Banana said that South Africa's presence in Rhodesia had created an explosive situation which might lead to another type of Vietnam war in Southern Africa.' The demand was part of a fivepointprogramme which Rev Banana put to the British government at an interview with the head of, the Rhodesia Department at the Foreign Office. He also called for the removal of the Smith-Home settlement proposals from the negotiating table. He said that as long as they remained they gave 'false hope' to Smith that there would be a reversal of African opinion. the convening of a constitutional conference by the British governDeath penall aiding guerr THE SMITH regime is to introduce the death penalty for aiding guerrillas or for failing to report their presence to the authorities.It will also be an offence punishable by hanging to undergo guerrilla training or to recruit people for guerrilla training. Amendments to the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act tabled by 'Minister of Justice, Law and Order' Desmond Lardner-Burke increase the maximum penalty for 'terrorism and acts of sabotage' to life imprisonment or death. The Minister is also to have increased powers to prevent political meetings. At present he can ban any gathering for three months by publishing a notice in the Government Gazette. A new amendment increases this period to 12 months. A 16-year-old African faces the death penalty if he is convicted on No (on a statement by Smith regime, July 1973) A warning in confidence to tobacco growers from Rhodesia owners who may wish to eliminate you: Maintain vigilance ovdryour minions, keep compass on degree of tarn out, watch for abnormal compound activity; check and double check loyalty and test allegiance constantly. In'short, keep eyes peeled for signs of grudge, grevance or latent agitation. Employees are easily subverted, studgeholders in particular are easy meat for marauders. Check and double check all loiterers, malingerers and squatters for possible imposters. By law only your natives may live as your labour. If dramatic change occurs, summon securityforces. Ten tips against slip-up in case of terrorist attack; if carefully carried out will fool all intruders: ment reached would nave to oe worked out by the conference British pressure for the release of all political detainees including ZAPIJ President Joshua Nkamo and ZANU leader Rev Sithole assistance from the British government for the stream of refugees from Rhodesia into Botswana and Zambia British veto Rev Banana said that British policy militated against a dialogue between black and- white in Rhodesia. Britain's veto of proposals to strengthen sanctions at the UN had given Smith hope that sanctions would fail away. The impression was given that 'Smith calls the tune and the British government dances to it.' He said that the wave of detentions of top ranking ANC officialsty for illas charges brought against him in the Salisbury High Court of being involved in a guerrilla attack in which a white farmer's wife died. He is alleged to have taken part in an attack on a farm in the Centenary area on January 24. Guerrillas are said to have thrown four hand grenades into the farmer's house, one of which killed Mrs Gertroda Kleynhans. The case-like previous guerrilla trials-is being heard in camera and the name of accused has been withheld. Another white woman was killed in a ladmine explosion near Centenaryon September 2. She was the wife of a policeman who had recently been moved into the area. In another explosion later the same week three more people-one white and twoAfrican-were injured. 33 of the organisation's 55-man Executive have now been detained looked like a prelude to action against the whole organisation. This, he went on, would be tragic. The ANC was 'the last and final test' ofwhether Africans would be allowed to work constitutionally: if they were not, there would be no alternative but to go underground and there would be an increase of the spilling of blood that had already begun Rev Banana revealed that the regime is now giving blank detention orders to District Commissioners and police officials so Sir Alec Douglas-Home: asked te that detentions can be speeded up. put pressure on South Africa to He alleged that the same sort withdraw its troops from Rhodesia of atrocities as Rhodesian troops to Zambian sources, Zambia had were perptrating in Mozambique' admitted 2000 refugees within thi were also happening inside last month. Rhodesia. Civilians in the north Rev Banana said that after less of the country were being tortured ing Rhodesia for a meeting of thi and shot in cold, blood. Ali Africa Council of Churches in In Botswana he had met refugees Botswana, he had visited Zambia who had fled rather than wait for Kenya, Nigeria, Liberia and Britain. the arrival of the army. According US moves to ban chrome imports from Rhodesia US SECRETAR Kissinger has p that the Nixon support the eff Hubert Humph 'Byrd Amendim certain Rhodesi United States. Rhodesian amendment we lion last year an around £6 milli months of this y The White maintaining a on the amendm the effect of Rhodesian expo sanctions. Dr Kissinger to liberal sen during Senate Committee hear Cause for Alarm To confuse observation avoid obvious routine; vary your bed nightly, but not till servants are out of sight. .Have houseboys return all keys you may once have entrusted. 2" Essential poisons for crops, husbandry and irritating insects, including bathroom medications, must be collected secured against servants or safely thrown away. 3 Fho dlights, though a comfort, can easily be spotted by all types of terrorist trained to make like moths at night. Likewise, tallow or torches can pinpoint your position, 4 When erected, security fences electric or spiked provide excelient protection, but keepyur children clear. .Positioned on your perimeters, trip wires and man traps are both deadly deterrents, bat remember to unman every morning. "6 In event of rocket attack, oeware of exte but above all, don't stand beh if knocked at as 7 Liberate your I let your dogs rt give geese max aan early was but bear in min they may be us as a ruse to get at you. 8 " Don't blunder or get up your always creep w and beware of 9 If you trip your or trigger your don 't shoot or when without I hold your fire, as your spouse might take you as a parting gif 10 Though it's no -to stir apprehe nor create a nt you must now to love your Ita for the sake of and your farm Yof State Dr Henry tion. Hitherto, he 'has not been romised the Senate subject to direct Congressional quesadministration will tioning on this issue, while questions arts led by Senator to Mr Rogers had little effect as he reyto repeal the appeared to be Secretaryof State in ent' which allows name rather than in substance. tan exports into the Mr Kissinger's support could be crucial to getting rid of the amendexports under the ment. re about £5.6 mil nd have increased td W ho built on in the first eight ear. Zimbabwe? House has been stance of neutrality THE MAGNIFICENT iron age mins ent which hts had of Great Zimbabwe, built-by the continuing to let ancestors of the Africans of srts in,contraryto Mashonaland, have become a gave his promise political-racial issue after thousands r gaCelioros of years. Because Mr Smith's white stor Clifford Case Rhodesia doesn't want to believe Foreign Relations that anything so splendid could have ings on his nomia- been built by Africans. Archaeologists working on or writing about the ruins have been subjected to official and personal abuse. Displays and publications of the statutory Museums and Monuments Commission have been rsal walls, threatened with censorship, and the ruins themselves have been damaged hindyour door by reckless investigators ght. ThesechargesaremadebyMr Peter Giarlake, who was senior inivestock, spector of monuments in Rhodesia oamfree, from 1964 to 1970 and has just imummobility published abookonthe ruins. tningsystem; Manywhites, with. notable feats nd ofimagination;seethegenerally sod acceptedarchaeologicalviewpoint that the ruins were African as seditious against the Smith regime. Did the ruins just drop out of the sky? Well there is a carefully out at a bark, fostered theoryamong settlers that piander, theBantuarecomparativenewtthextreme caution comers to Southern Africa. So, deep breathing, whoever built them it wasn't the Africans If youhaveanyideaswhotownwire mighthavebuilt Great Zimbabwe, traps, providedtheyarenotblack,send shouts youransweronapostcardtOthe ight "Museums and Monuments Censorship Division, Ridiculous Theories Section, Illegal, Smith Regime. rbullet B. Immigration down RHODESIA'S net intake of white t our intention immigrants in Julywas the lowest nsion, . foranymonth -since shortly after steof alarm, UDIinNovember1965i680 white endeavour imigrants enteredthecountryand 630 white settlers left. but, Rliodesia'stotalpopulationwas us all, 5,890,000 at the end of June: this is made up of 270,000 whites. Bary Felhiberg 5,592,000 Africams and 27,600 Coloureds and Asians. I AFRICA o o d e ¢. e n THE PRETORIA Secretary of Planning has -denied that his department insisted on building twometre high brick walls to keep whites and black apart at the Kimberley drive-in cinema. All that was requisite was to have a non-transparent partition between the races, he said. This certainly did not men a 2-metre wall. He knew of places that used split-pole fences or some other means. The department also denied that it had suggested to the cinema management that black people should be locked in until whites had left. 'I am most upset' said the secretary. THEY don't mark the workers for Bloemfontein municipality with a hot branding iron. They simply clamp a coloured plastic bind round one of their arms. But it's quite all right-the man responsible for doing this, says Africans enjoy wearing brightly coloured bangles. Perhaps they also like taking the things off occasionally-or perhaps he hasn't thought of that. He says the bands are for identification; apparently the workers all look alike to him. BOW down before your local bench, you citizens of Umlazi, Durban. Your new magistrate is a former Maritzburg attorney who has been declared unfit to practise as an advocate by the Judge-President of Natal Supreme Court. Apparently all he's fit for is to mete out Mr Vorster's justice. WE'RE told that Africans 'rather enjoy' working at the Alpha mine in the Transvaal. 'There is a fairly informal and free atmosphere there and we don't lock them up in their compounds at night,' says one of the staff. 'Perhaps this compensates for low wages.' Well, at least he acknowledges the wages are low. NORMAN Mkwanyane has worked for the same- employer at Ixopo, Natal, for 18 years without any holidays. He says the boss gets angry when workers ask for leave so he has never asked. Noman's wage, after 18 years' devoted service, is just over £ a month. JOHANNESBURG traffic department had actually got away with using two black traffic officers as pointsmen in White areas for a number of years. Their brief is to deal with African pedestrians rather than white traffic, though one of them can't avoid directing white motorists as well. 'He has never had any trouble from the millions of cars that have passed him over the years said a spokesman. QIOTE if tht-month comes from a Natal Indian on the banning of all 'sexy' films from black cinemas: 'I don't know whether the censors think this will prevent. us from making babies.' MINUTES before the curtain was due to go up, eight policeman in plain clothes arrived to stop a show. They hai no authority to ban itbut they said they would take the names of everyone present if the show went ahead.

RTZ defends Bantustans In front of me is a clutch of glossy brochures reflecting the new defensive posture of the giants. Unable to bide their South African operations out of sight (except of course from the shareholders), and unwilling to terminate them, they must now defend and justify them. They cannot swim against the current of world opinion and make out that apartheid is a good thing. They assume (slipping under your guard and putting themselves on the side of the angels) that it is indeed a bad thing. But itis there and the problem is how best to operate, despite its laws and restrictions. The answer, broadly speaking, is to upgrade wages for both black and white (not to do so for whites, even if they are already paid 5-10 times as much, would of course be discriminatory, and that would never do.) Employ more blacks, introduce a few fringe benefits, make a couple of small donations to the South African Institute of Race Relations and some vaguely black powerish community project, report all this widely with every appearance of frankness and reasonableness, imply that vastly more could be done were it not for the wretched South African government and the wretched white trade unions - and hey presto! your profitable business operations are transformed into a veritable instrument of social progress and ultimate liberation. Nowadays it is not only Polaroid and Itarctawa Stak whtn na ue part or social reformers, but Kodak, Ford, General Electric, Citibank, ITT, and many others. The PR men have been hard at it, preparing bland reassuring paragraphs and interminable graphs and tables showing how much better their companies pay than the legal minimum, than they did five years, two years, six months ago, than other companies. Pass laws, the horrors of migratory labour, the frustration of education that is expensive and bad, job ceilings, insecurity, starvation in thevillages and brutality in the cities - none of this shadows the pages of the multi-nationals' apologia for their collaboration with apartheid. Sophisticated The most widely-publicised effort of this kind, and the most sophisticated so far, has been the Rio-Tinto- Zinc corporation's report on its most profitable subsidiary, the Palabora Mining Company (PMC). The composition of the panel gives some idea what is to he expected from the report. No less than two of its six members were Bantustan chief ministers - men committed to working within the framework of the apartheid policy, and trying to make a success of its principal creation, the Bantu Homelands. These were Butheleci of Kwazulu and Ntsanwise of Gazankula. (Don's wor if you hadn't heard of Ntanis or Gacankulo until last year, neither had 99 per cent of South Africans). Another two were academics Lawrence Schlemmer of Natal University .and -the otherwise The Phalaborwa copper mine is situated in the -north east Transvaal, in a rural area 340 miles from Johannesburg. Though copper has been known to exist there for centuries, large-scale mining only began in 1953 under a semi-government enterprise FOSKOR. By 1960 the whites-only townbhip had a population of 1000. Development in the 1960s, fostered by government in close partnership with foreign capital, had raised this number to 9000 by 1972. Palabora Mining Company, the RTZ giant that dominates the district, employs nearly 1000 whites, of whom slightly more than half are daily paid, the rest salaried. Five miles from Phalaborwa, where the mine is, lies Namakgale, an African township with about 20,000 inhabitants. Namakgale is situated in Lebowa, the Bantustan for the North Sotho. The 2300 Africans employed by RTZ at the mine therefore mostly unheard of Wolfgang Thomas of the University of Cape Town Convenor of the panel was Beyers Naude, the, director of the Christian Institute - a moderate man inuch reviled by his colleagues in the Dutch Reformed Church. The other member was Douwes Dekker, with a background of trade union and in. dustrial council expeience in an industry (textiles) where multiracial trade unionism has been kept alive precariously at the expense of really detersmined struggle for the interests of black -workers. The report produced by this panel is of course whitewash. But high quality whitewash. It is not afraid to point out critically that for the first four years of its operations (1967-70) PMC paid 75 per cent of its African workers below the breadline (the Poverty Datum Line). In 1971-2 the pro- A SPECIAL correspondent reviews 'Management Responsibility and African Employment in South Africa,' a study commissioned by the Rio Tinto-Zinc Corporation of its Palabora mine. The report reveals a new alliance of Bantustan stooges, white liberals and foreign capital 'live' in a Bantustan and work in white South Africa - the model apartheid in miniature. The bulk of goods and services they require are situated in Phalaborwa. Commercial development at Nanakgale is rudimentary. 58 per cent of PMC's black labour-force are classified as North Sotho. Nearby is the territory of Gamkuiu, the Bantustan for the Shagaan people, who comprise 38% of PMC's black labour force and 60 per cent of the population of Namakgale. Since 1964 the government has been preparing to allocate Namakgale to Gazankulu, a move which the Lebowa tribal authorities strongly oppose. North Sotho, Sha. gaan and other African peoples (Vendas and Swazis) have been living together peacefully in, the area for decades. By artiticially dividing them atong tribal lines, and making the administrative future of Namakgale a bone of contention amongst them, the portion was down to 65 per cent. In April 1973, after increases in January and April this year, still one- third, of PMC's black workers were eaining below the PDL estimated for the region at R70 a month 'Annual dividends as percentage of invested share capital varied between 64.5 and 87 per cent from 1966 to 1971, whicheven in the mining sector must be regarded as exceptionally high.' But these and other damning facts are couched in heavily 'balanced and objective' language and swamped by qualifications Things are getting better all the time, and there is plenty of scope for further improvement' is the general theme of the 140page report. All this was to be expected, and if it were all that the panel did, it would not merit much attention. But the panel cast AAM protests on pass laws computer sale THE ANTI-APARTHEID Move- 'The South African Government 'ment has protested to ICL is the legitimate government of that (International Computers Limited) country and, unless our own Governand to Prime Minister Heath about ment imposes restrictions as it has ICL's sale of a computer to the in the case of Rhodesia, we must South African Bantu Affairs Depart- continue to pursue all legitimate ment. The computer is almost business in South Africa.' certainly being used to computerise information collected from the In a letter written from the operation of thePass Laws. Department of Trade and Industry ICL Director T C Hudson has in replyto the 'Anti-Apartheid replied that ICL 'markets its pro- Movement's protest to Prime ducts and services to legitimate Minister Heath, a spokesman governments and business concerns comments that the Government's in countries throughout the world' streholding in ICL does not give and that it does not plan to alter it the right to impose control on this policy. the company's 'commercial freeIn an earlier letter to a protesting dom.' shareholder, the company's See- The letter claims that the retary, D C L Marwood, wrote that British Government observes that ICL 'would not supply a computer UN arms embargo on South Africa to a customer whom we knew was (in fact it announced that it would goingtouseitasaninstrumentof sellarmstoSouthAfricaimmedoppression.' iately afterthe 1970 General He then contradicted himself by Election) and says that the embargo adding'Like other public companies does not extend to computers. It we are in business for the benefit adds that computer sales 'are accordof our own shareholders and ingly mattersforthediscretionofemployees, individual companies.' theirnet much wider. Their report not only endorses the benevolence of this particular RTZ subsidiary, it also develops a case for making the 'homelands' work; for promoting foreign in. vestment in South Africa in general and in the 'homelands' in particular: and for taking the PDL as an acceptable criterion of black wages (and later, the government is trying to divide them and distract their attention from their common economic and political problems-another text-book application of the Bantustan policy. Back in the 1940s, before the Nationalist government came to power, and long before such artificial crea, tions as 'Lebowa' and 'Gazankulu' were dreamed up-(they are a late 1960s innovation)-the whole area was a Native Reserve. When prospecting for phosphates was begun the mineral-rich area was carefully excised and turned into a 'white' area. It was this situation which RTZ moved in to exploit. In 1972, of RTZ'sworld-wide operations, PMC represented less than 10 per cent of total group assets, but provided 22 per cent of total group profits. In the first half of 1973 PMC profits rose to nearly £9 million compared with just over £6 million for the same period last year. MEL - Minimum Effective Level, or PDL plus 50 per cent). Nearly half the African population is.. domiciled in the 'homelands' where some political progress for them has been made. Actually, the greatest progress made by Africans politically has been in the cities, in terms of developing mass consciousness and building a broad and united movement for national liberation. In the 'homelands' it is only the likes of Buthelezi and Ntsanwisi who have made personal progress. They have done so by becoming paid servants of the government. The utter impotence and terrible plight of the Africans in the resettlement camps brings out starkly how empty are the 'rights' won by Africans in the homelands. The political emancipation of blacks in the 'homelands' has inspired a new radicaliation of blacks in the white areas. This process can be expected to continue, therefore.the key to freedom lies in the further development of lte 'homelands'. Actually it has been in the cities that the main developments have occurred in recent years-black consciousness, the strike movement, the spread of underground resistance. In the 'homelands', the milci publicised spokesmen are fighting verbal duels with the government from which they have won nothing in terms of more land, more rights or real power for their people. Indeed, many of the more militant statements of the cleverer Bantustan leaders are made to urban audiences or with them in view. The real pace-setters are the ANC activists underground, the workers in the factories, the students in their segregated colleges. The same arguments apply in the economic field. Pay higher wages in the 'homelands' and employers in the white areas will be obliged to follow suit. Actually, of course, there is no significant employment for blacks in the 'homelands', an4 what there is pays lower rates than urban enterprises. The argument concludes: 'Thus any steps which strengthen the homelands areas politically and economically, actually contribute towards the economic and political oeveiopment or an Airicans ane towards greater long-run political stability in a pluralistic Southern Africa. The passage illustrates dramatically how foreign capital, in conjunction with Bantustan agents of Government policy and with moderate liberal endorsement seeks to promote reformist illusions about how change may be effected in South Africa. The real danger for the anti-apartheid movement has long reased tobe that people may be misled about the true nature of apartheid. It lies in blunting awareness of the need to destroy apartheid, and especially in misleading people as to how change can be effected within the system. The sad thing is that men like Buthelezi and Beyers Naude imagine themselves to be in the front-line of the opposition to apartheid. The oppressed people of South Africa will sort out that illusion in their own time, but in the meantime the multi-nationals are going to use such men to help put a reforming face on the role of foreign capital as a pillar of apartheid. British Government blocks Marley plan to pull out of SA HARD luck Marley! The big tile of the Rhodesian assets would go to company has had its attempt to a company domiciled there-thus pull out of Rhodesia blocked by benefiting the Rhodesian economy. the British government and conse- The government's odd decision quently has been unable to sell off taken under the 1965 Southern its profitable South African interests Rhodesian Act, means that a firm for £5.6 million as planned, which wanted to pull out of Marley wanted to sell its Rhodesia has been forced to stay. Rhodesian tiles and property bus- Were sanctions really drawn up iness to Rho-Abercom and its South for this purpose? As Marley fiance, African interests to Rho-Abercom's director Mr John Pollard said parent, the Abercom Investments 'There's a pe culiarrelationshipbeconglomerate. tween BrtitinandRhodesia.Tils The deal was stopped after a seems more of a political thing.' group of officials fram the Bank of Moral for British fms thinking England, the- Treasury and the of investing in Southern Africa: you Foreign Office had studied the pro- too could end up with frozen assets. posals, on the grounds that control Stay out.

Aati-Apartheid News October 1973. !q 12 The London W1. SOUTH AFRICA-N Imprisoned Society One -day Conference Saturday 8th Dcember 1973 10am-6pm Central CollegiateTheatre, 15 Gordon St., WCl Speaers include: Albert Dlomo, Ruth First, John Gaetsewe, Frank Judd MP, Rt. Rev. Trevor Huddleston, Bishop of Stepney EntranceFee(includingdocumentation) 50p (Chues&PO'spayaletoheAntiApartheidMo 1ement) Furtherinfonmation: Bo~y "swon, Secretary Preparatory Con mitteeclo ARN, 89 Charlotte St, London W1 'SELL Alit- E Please send me ..v. copies of ANTI-APARTHEID NEWS. I undertake to pay for them at the rate given below or to return them if they remain unsold. N A M E ...... A D DRESS ...... Selling price 5p per copy. Price to bulk sellers, 4p per copy for orders of 6-12 copies;3%ip for orders of over 12 copies, plus postage. Return to: Anti-Apartheid Movement, 89 Charlotte St., London W1P 2DQ. &in tmAnti-AparthidL Movement Receive ANTI-APARTHEID NEWS and regular information on antiapartheid activities. NAM E ...... *...... A D D R ES S ...... I...... !...... ADD .ES...... PHO NE ...... membership: £2 pa; £1 students; 50p OAPs; overseas, airmail £5; surface mail £2. AA NEWS subscription only: 75p pa; Europe £1; outside Europe, airmail £3; surface mail £1 Affiliation: £20 student unions; E5 national organisations; £2 local organisations. Anti-Apartheid Movement, 89 Charlotte St.. London WI P 2D. Tel: 01-580 5311. Giro: 52 513 0004. Penguin African Library The South African Connecbon Western Investment in' Apartheid Ruth First, Jonathan Steee, Ohristbel Gurney 'The most comprehensive account yet published of South frica's dependenc e 0n Western and especially British capitlism' -Sunday5 Trles Unived Ktingdom 60p Ifes Zealand S2.10 Australia $2,10 (recommended) Catlaa $2.50 Publslise by Penguin Books ACAN NAUM ONRS Publc meeting to welcma1e the Namibia Caravan Friday l~vermbe 16 7 pm Friends House, Euston Road. London NW1 Bish op Colin Winter Alex Lyon MP PeterKatiaslel,SWAPO PeterJoes Chairman: Canon L. John Collins 'A new film about Namibia will be shown Exhibition of photographs Namibia Caravan, 39 Alma St., London NW5 Rater: 3p pw ord SOUTHERN Africa and Us. Satur, day October 13, 2.30pao. Cooperative Hall,DowninglSt, Ardwick, Manchester. Speakers: Dick Seabrook, Ben Turok. Chairman: Frank Allau MP Film: 'The Str agle Continues'. Conference sponsored by Norwest Co-operative Society, Manchester and Salford Trades Council and Manchester Anti-Apartheid Movement. Further details: Nor-West Co-op Society, 51 Downing St, Manchester M60 1LU. SANITY, the paper of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) keeps you in touch with the arns race, the threat of war and hopes for peace, £1 per year, to CND, 14 Grays Inn Road. London WCI, ROADRUNNER for political/ spiritual revolution. 8p monthly. Subscription £1.25 for 12 issues. 65 for 6. From 28 Brudnetts Rd., Manchester 21. Manchester 881 10477. TEMBA by Alton Khomalo. A presentation of African life in South Africa. Commonwealth Institute Kensington High St, London W8. October It and 12. 7.30pm. Tickets £1.75p. PICKET Bow Street Magistrates Court, Bow St., London WC2. lOam Thursday October II in support of demonstrators arrested during the anti-Caetano pickets. CFMAG, 12 Little Newport St., London WC2. WANTED: Residential accommodation (all-electric, ground floor preferred), where no objection is raised to total male nudity in house or garden. John Ormsby, Parrocks Lodge Caravan Site, Tatworth, Chard tomerser APARTHEID and the British Worker: A Handbook for trade unionists. Price 5p. From: AntiApartheid Movement, 89 Charlotte St., London W.I. CHALLENGE Monthly pdper of the Young Communist League. Price 5p. Subscription £1.25 for 12 issues. Send to 27 Bedford St., Lonoon WC2, PEACE NEWS-every Friday Sp. For information on radical nonviolence and pacifism in theory and practice: analyses of oppessions; news of actions and strategies for radical social change on all levels. From: 5 Caledonian Road, London Ni. SOCIALIST LEADER-the paper that consistently attacks apartheid. and gives support to the revolutionary struggle in Southern Africa. Also news and comment on all important events-both at home and abroad. 3p weekly or £1.87 a year from 23 King Street Chambers, Leeds 1. SOCIALIST WORKER - concerned about any and every issue where oppression rears its uglyhead. Weekly. Special offer: £3 for one year's subscription. Socialist Worker (Subscription Offer), Cobridge Works, Corbridge Crescent, London E2. RISING FREE Bookshop and mail order and bulk distribution of left books, pamphlets and newspapers. 197 Kings Cross Rd., London WCL. PHOTO CRAFT Haunptead 4 Heath St., London NW3 Tel: 01-435 9932 PHOTOGRAPHIC DEALERS AND PHOTOGRAPHERS