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Social Inclusion and Exclusion in the Life Stories of Deported Asylum Seekers from Finland to Iraqi Kurdistan

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Social Inclusion and Exclusion in the Life Stories of Deported Asylum Seekers from Finland to Iraqi Kurdistan Article • DOI: 10.1515/njmr-2018-0026 NJMR • 8(3) • 2018 • 183-191 SOCIAL INCLUSION AND EXCLUSION IN THE LIFE STORIES OF DEPORTED ASYLUM SEEKERS FROM FINLAND TO IRAQI KURDISTAN Abstract This study explores how social inclusion and exclusion manifest as a dynamic Sirpa Korhonen*, Marko Siitonen continuum in the everyday lived realities of irregular migrants. Based on narratives of Iraqi Kurdish asylum seekers, who were eventually deported from Department of Language and Communication Studies, University of Jyväskylä, Jyväskylä, Finland, the analysis depicts the ways in which societal structures, personal Finland negotiations as well as relationships and social networks interplay in lives characterized by multiple locations, transitions and positions. Establishing and maintaining social contacts, belonging to various networks and being able to decide and act are primary factors that help us understand how the narrators relate to the continuum. The participants construct narratives illustrating several viewpoints or positions regarding participation, agency and dependency on outside actors and networks. Keywords inclusion/exclusion • asylum seeking • deportation • life stories • Kurds Received 18 March 2016; Accepted: 29 May 2018 Introduction the closing of national borders (e.g. Collyer 2012). The two Kurds’ Refugees, internally displaced people, asylum seekers and irregular experiences bear similarities to other cases discussed in research migrants on the whole are sometimes represented as “the most literature regarding deportations (e.g. Collyer 2012; Drotbohm 2011; excluded, disempowered, and disenfranchised populations in the Hautaniemi, Juntunen & Sato 2013; Schuster & Majidi 2013); the world”, (Wilding 2009: 1661). In this article, we examined the different biographies illustrate the deportees’ relationships on an interpersonal positions asylum seekers may find themselves in during the varying and community level and vividly picture their precarious belonging. turns of their journey and challenged the above mentioned simplistic Life stories is a narrative approach typically focusing on small assumption of a static position of “the excluded” by examining the data sets based on individual experiences (see e.g. He 2002; constructions of inclusion and exclusion through the life stories Huttunen 2010; Koettig 2009). The method can facilitate the study of Iraqi Kurdish asylum seekers in Finland who were eventually of changes in individual lives, instigated by personal decisions, deported back to their region of origin. relationships, cultural environments, communities, societies, nation We explored the precariousness of status and belonging (Sigona states and supranational units, and it was considered appropriate for 2012; see also Bernhard et al. 2007) of our participants through the this small and hard-to-reach target group (deportees from Finland). concepts of social inclusion and exclusion. The aim was to expand The approach also answers the call for connecting “the different our understanding of the dynamic tensions between the two concepts stages of the journey” (Schuster & Majidi 2015: 648) in deportation and illustrate how they stand in contradiction but are simultaneously studies. In addition, life stories allow for insight into the contradictory necessary components of the narrated experiences. In our analysis, and complex nature of experiences, regarding them as a mirror of social inclusion and exclusion do not present a dichotomy but rather social realities (Andrews, Squire & Tamboukou 2008). appear as a continuum of oppositional tendencies forming a larger This article is a part of a biographical-narrative project of whole (see e.g. Baxter & Montgomery 1998). researching refugee returns2 from Finland, aiming to understand Our study looks at the dynamics of social inclusion and exclusion different return situations within “ongoing migration processes” through two cases of Iraqi Kurdish asylum seekers in Finland (Ammassari & Black 2001: 18). The two biographies in this article who were deported after receiving negative decisions on their constitute a special case within the project, most clearly exemplifying applications for asylum. Deportation, understood as a “state practice” the central themes of our study. The first author met the returnees in (Drotbohm 2011: 381) to remove “undesired” (see e.g. Juntunen, Iraqi Kurdistan in December 2013; they had been seeking asylum in Kalčić & Rogelja 2014) migrants by force, or threat of force (Collyer Finland for two to three years and were then deported and lived back 2012), from a nation state, has become increasingly common with in their cities of origin at the time of the interviews. The analysis of * E-mail: [email protected] 183 their life stories shows shifts and tensions between experiences of Khosravi 2010a: 98). Khosravi (2010a; 2007) supported the idea of inclusion and exclusion within the trajectories of the biographers, in “inclusive exclusion” (see also Agamben 1998), which he defined as their respective locations and positions. Moreover, the results illustrate a “dialectical principle” (Khosravi 2010a: 112) referring to the position how, within the dynamic continuum of social inclusion–exclusion, of being “on a threshold of in and out” (Khosravi 2007: 332), excluded another continuum of power of decision and agency – lack of control but at the same time included to a certain degree. Sigona (2016: 274- and agency is embedded. In the next sections, we will elaborate on 275), regarding statelessness, preferred to discuss “hierarchies of these, discuss the key concepts and depict the life stories of the two inclusion and membership” and “differential and precarious inclusion” returnees along with an analysis of their experiences. Finally, we will as opposed to “radical exclusion”. It is important here that there are present and discuss our findings. no clear-cut categories of inclusion and exclusion, nor do they form a dichotomy. It is this line of thinking that our take on the dynamic Identifying social inclusion and exclusion relationship between social inclusion and exclusion also follows. To sum up, while research has at times focused on either social Neither inclusion nor exclusion appears unproblematic in their use. inclusion or exclusion, for the purposes of this study, we deem it more Originally, a substitute for poverty, social exclusion is still strongly useful to approach inclusion and exclusion as a dynamic continuum. associated with economic and material aspects. Many studies These processes are relative to a given society or community and focusing on social exclusion posit that work-related status and operate at different levels (individual, group, community, society). economic status are its main criteria (Giambona & Vassallo 2014; The dynamic nature of inclusion and exclusion also means that they Lister 2000; Rose, Daiches & Potier 2012), thus claiming that the are subject to change over time (Atkinson et al. 2002; Chan et al. poor and unemployed are synonymous with the excluded. This overly 2014; European Commission 2004; Giambona & Vassallo 2014). On simplistic view does not consider e.g. the different ways to participate this basis, our research question is: how do deported asylum seekers and be included outside of paid employment (see e.g. Lister 2000). construct narratives of inclusion and exclusion in their life stories? Studies into inclusion, in turn, generally focus on those at risk of poverty and exclusion and look for socially inclusive practices and Method policies (European Commission 2004: 10; Luxton 2002; Sheehy 2004). Researching irregular migrants’ returns to the country of origin, Another way to approach social inclusion and exclusion is through the first author travelled to Iraqi Kurdistan3, specifically to the city the lense of relationships. In this line of research, researchers often of Sulaymaniyah and its surroundings, to conduct interviews with consider relationships central to inclusion as something that satisfies returnees from Finland. This study focuses on two of them, Baban the need to belong (Ricard 2011; Rose, Daiches & Potier 2012). and Hano (pseudonyms chosen by the participants themselves), Studies highlighting exclusion, in turn, emphasize isolation, being who shared the experience of asylum seeking4 in Finland, followed alone and rejected by others as essential markers of social exclusion by deportations two to three years after their arrival in Finland. (Blackhart et al. 2009; Ricard 2011; Williams 2007). Studies into Methodologically, the two life stories offer ample material for social exclusion may also shift the focus towards social relations (Sen analysis and allow for the focus on detailed individual experiences. 2000; Skoda & Nielsen 2013) or different networks, such as social, Thematically, failed asylum seeking is a very topical issue at the economic and cultural (Burchardt, Le Grand & Piachaud 2002; Gore moment and provides a fruitful context for the analysis of inclusion & Figueiredo 1997; Silva, Levin & Morgandi 2013). and exclusion. Individual, or group, agency is intrinsically cognate to the Since the study focuses on understanding participants’ discussion of exclusion and inclusion. It is then a question of experiences and the many unpredictable turns in their migration participation in the basic political, economic and social activities trajectories, a hermeneutic methodology of biographical-narrative of one’s society and of understanding the mechanisms controlling interviews (Rosenthal
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