205 Working Paper December 2020

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

205 Working Paper December 2020 205 Working Paper December 2020 Technological change and precarity: how technology is changing the UK’s low skill labour market and a search for policy responses By Steffan Willis DPU Working Papers are downloadable at: www.ucl.ac.uk/bartlett/ development/DPU Working Papers provide an outlet for researchers and professionals working in the fields of development, environment, urban and regional development, and planning. They report on work in progress, with the aim to disseminate ideas and initiate discussion. Comments and correspondence are welcomed by authors and should be sent to them, c/o The Editor, DPU Working Papers. Copyright of a DPU Working Paper lies with the author and there are no restrictions on it being published elsewhere in any version or form. DPU Working Papers are refereed by DPU academic staff and/ or DPU Associates before selection for publication. Texts should be submitted to the DPU Working Papers’ Editor Étienne von Bertrab. Design and layout: Ottavia Pasta 2 Technological change and precarity: how technology is changing the UK’s low skill labour market and a search for policy responses By Steffan Willis Abstract Author Technological change is having significant impacts on the UK’s labour market Steffan Willis and low skill workers in particular. This paper constructs a framework linking the capabilities of technologies to changes in the occupational structure of the Supervisor labour market, arguing that technologies which substitute for low skill labour Dr. Robinson Rojas Sandford weaken the bargaining position of workers relative to employers. The frame- work draws upon two hitherto distinct bodies of work namely, that of a labour MSc Urban Economic Development economics literature on skills-biased technological change and the literature around precarious employment which links labour market flexibility to individ- Development Planning Unit, ual labour market outcomes. This framework is used to analyse the impact University College London of technological change on low skill workers through the lens of precarious employment. The paper adopts a two-stage analytical approach. Using data 2nd September 2019 / from the Labour Force Survey the paper finds evidence of increasing levels reviewed for DPU working paper of precarious employment amongst low skill workers. This is combined with 30th November 2020 a qualitative assessment of the current labour market policy concluding that workers possessing basic levels of education and skills no longer command sufficient bargaining power to ensure high wages and secure employment and that existing government policies do little to enable low skill workers impacted by technological change to develop the skills needed to be competitive in the contemporary labour market. The paper concludes with a discussion of poten- tial policy responses. 3 Content 0105 Introduction 0515 The low skill labour market 15 Technology-driven structural change 19 Precarious employment 22 Precarious employment in the non-graduate labour market 0207 Literature review and theoretical framework 07 Technological change and labour market 09 Labour market flexibility 0625 Current labour 0729 Policy options market policies 30 Minimum wage and 25 National living wage universal basic income 27 Education, training and skills 31 Employees, workers and the self-employed 31 Adult skills policy 0311 Framework 11 Low skilled workers 12 Analytical framework 0834 Conclusion 0414 Methodology 4 There’s never been a better time to be a worker with special skills or the right education… there’s never been a worse time to be a worker with only ‘ordinary’ skills and abilities to offer. 01. Introduction Prophecies of impending automation-induced unemployment are widespread. In 2012 an oft miscited study by Frey & Osborne caused headlines after they found that 47% of jobs in the US were at high risk of automation. Whilst often hyperbolic, these fears are not without some merit. There have been impres- sive advances in artificial intelligence and robotics in recent years, enabling an ever-growing number of tasks to be performed by machines and there have been significant falls in certain ‘at risk’ occupations. History demonstrates that fears of new technologies displacing workers have been a consistent feature of technological change, stretching back to the Luddite revolts of the early 19th century. However, the increase in productive capacity enabled by rapid tech- nological development during the industrial revolution created many more jobs NOTE 01 than it displaced1. Is this time different? When taken at a macro-level, there is Although, significantly for the no clear evidence to suggest that it is - the ratio of employment to population contemporary debate, the conditions rose between 2005 and to 2019, adding 3.3m jobs to the UK economy and in the factories and mills of the period were considerably worse those of the unemployment is at record lows. small-scale hand artisans that they displaced. Source: Engels, 1845. However, whilst the total number of jobs seems unlikely to fall, the type of jobs will almost certainly change significantly over the medium to long term. These shifts in the occupational structure of the labour market will depend on whether workers possess skills which are either augmented by, or substituted for, technology. Quoting Brynjolfsson & McAfee (pg. 11, 2014) in The Second Machine Age: “there’s never been a better time to be a worker with special skills or the right education…there’s never been a worse time to be a worker with only ‘ordi- nary’ skills and abilities to offer” This paper is about the ‘ordinary’ worker. What impact is technological change having on the employment outcomes of low skilled workers in the UK labour market and what policy responses are needed to ameliorate the most pernicious effects? Drawing upon theories of technological change developed by labour economists, this paper constructs a framework linking the capa- bilities of technologies to changes in the occupational structure of the labour market, arguing that technologies which substitute for low skill labour weaken the bargaining position of workers relative to employers. Having made this link, the impact on low skill workers is analysed through the lens of precarious employment defined as low income, low quality, low security employment. Framed within the current policy context this paper asks, what impact is tech- nological change having on the incidence of precarious employment amongst low skilled workers in the UK labour market and what policy responses are 5 needed to ameliorate the most pernicious effects? Section 2 begins with a thorough review of the relevant literature, aiming to draw out and critique the main theoretical concepts which then inform the conceptual and analytical framework described in section 3. The research process followed a two-step process. Section 5 provides descriptive analysis of the key trends impacting low skill workers, finding evidence of increasing incidence of precarious employment amongst this population. This is cou- pled with a qualitative assessment of the current labour market policy context in section 6. The conclusion, which feeds into the policy recommendations outlined in section 7, is that workers possessing basic levels of education and skills no longer command sufficient bargaining power to ensure high wages and secure employment and that existing government policies do little to en- able low skill workers impacted by technological change to develop the skills needed to thrive in the contemporary labour market. The policy responses fall into two categories: those which tackle the issues of low income and lack of security associated with precarious employment and those designed to equip workers with skills augmented by technology. Framed within the current policy context this paper asks, what impact is technological change having on the incidence of precarious employment amongst low skilled workers in the UK labour market and what policy responses are needed to ameliorate the most pernicious effects? FIGURE 1.1 Neil Schofield (2019). Gig Economy. Licensed under 6creative commons (CC BY-NC 2.0). Avaiable here. Technological change increases the demand for higher level skills. If demand outpaces supply, then the wages of highly skilled workers will rise relative to lower skilled workers. 02. Literature review and theoretical framework This section provides a thorough review and critique of two distinct but interre- lated bodies of literature, namely a labour economics literature focused on the impact of technological change on labour markets and a literature which links labour market flexibility with individuals’ labour market outcomes. The theories underpinning these literatures are drawn out and evaluated and then summa- rised into a conceptual and analytical framework in Section 3. 2.1 Technological change and labour markets How has technological change impacted labour markets? This question has been the subject of academic debate amongst, primarily US-focused, classi- cal labour economists since the 1970s. Tinbergen (1974), looking to explain widening income inequality, proposed a model of supply and demand for skills, arguing that technological change increases the demand for higher level skills. If demand outpaces supply, then the wages of highly skilled workers will rise relative to lower skilled workers. This insight formed the basis of the skill-biased technological change (SBTC) hypothesis that was developed by, amongst others, Katz & Murphy (1992),
Recommended publications
  • The National Living Wage and Falling Earnings Inequality
    The National Living Wage and falling earnings inequality Abigail McKnight and Kerris Cooper Contents Key findings Implications for policy and practice The National Minimum Wage and the National Living Wage Earnings inequality and the NMW/NLW Relationship between NMW/NLW and earnings at 10th percentile Minimum wages can reduce inequality when set high enough Data Appendix: Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings Acknowledgements About the publication and the authors CASEbrief 38 Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion March 2020 London School of Economics Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE CASE enquiries – tel: 020 7955 6679 Key findings • Inequality in weekly and hourly earnings has fallen since the introduction of the National Living Wage in April 2016. This is the first rapid fall since at least the late 1970s. • The replacement of the National Minimum Wage with the more generous National Living Wage for employees aged 25 and over has led to a compression in the lower half of the wage and weekly earnings distributions. • The National Living Wage now touches the 10th percentile of the wage distribution for all employees (which includes lower paid part- time employees) and the gap between the minimum wage rate and the 10th percentile of the wage distribution for full-time employees has narrowed markedly. Implications for policy and practice • Set high enough, with sufficient ‘bite’, minimum wages can be effective at reducing wage and earnings inequality. • Without a minimum wage (set either through collective bargaining or legislation), market set wages result in low paid workers being paid even lower rates. Increases in their wage rates, to rates approaching 60% of median pay, can be achieved without substantial loss of employment.
    [Show full text]
  • Ontario Living Wage Network Employer Guide 2020
    ONTARIOLIVINGWAGE.CA A Guide to Becoming a Living Wage Employer ONTARIO ONTARIOLIVINGWAGE.CA NETWORK A Guide to Becoming a Living Wage Employer CONTENTS Why become a Living Wage Employer?...........................................................................................3 Benefits of becoming a Living Wage Employer................................................................................3 What is the Living Wage?................................................................................................................3 Why is it necessary?........................................................................................................................3 Current Living Wage rates...............................................................................................................4 Conditions for becoming a Living Wage employer.............................................................................4 Phased Implementation...................................................................................................................4 Applying to become a Living Wage Employer..................................................................................5 License Agreement and Annual Employer Fees...............................................................................6 Support............................................................................................................................................7 Updating of the Living Wage...........................................................................................................7
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Pay Policy Statement 2018/2019
    Summons Item 8. Stockport Metropolitan Borough Council Annual Pay Policy Statement 2018/19 1. Introduction 1.1 This Pay Policy Statement (the ‘statement’) sets out the Council’s approach to pay policy in accordance with the requirements of Section 38 of the Localism Act 2011. The statement also has due regard for the associated statutory guidance including supplementary guidance issued in February 2013 and the Local Government Transparency code 2014. For the first time the statement also incorporates the Councils Gender Pay Gap information as the Council is now required to publish this on an annual basis under the GPG reporting requirements. 1.2 The purpose of the statement is to provide transparency with regard to the Council’s approach to setting the pay of its employees (excluding teaching staff working in local authority schools) by confirming the methods by which salaries of all employees are determined; the detail and level of remuneration of its most senior staff i.e. ‘chief officers’, as defined by the relevant legislation; the responsibility of the Appointments Committee to ensure the provisions set out in this statement relating to the Chief Executive, Deputy Chief Executive, Corporate Directors and Service Directors are applied consistently throughout the Council and recommend any amendments to the Council. 1.3 Once approved by the full Council, this policy statement will come into effect from the following April and will be subject to review on a minimum of an annual basis, the policy for the next financial year being approved by 31 March each year. 2. Other legislation relevant to pay and remuneration 2.1 In determining the pay and remuneration of all of its employees, the Council will comply with all relevant employment legislation.
    [Show full text]
  • Shrinking “Salariat” and Growing “Precariat”? Estimating Informal and Non-Standard Employment in Malaysia
    DISCUSSION PAPER 10/20 | 10 AUGUST 2020 Shrinking “Salariat” and Growing “Precariat”? Estimating Informal and Non-standard Employment in Malaysia Hawati Abdul Hamid and Nur Thuraya Sazali Khazanah Research Institute KRI Discussion Papers are a series of research documents by the author(s) discussing and examining pressing and emerging issues. They are stand-alone products published to stimulate discussion and contribute to public discourse. In that respect, readers are encouraged to submit their comments directly to the authors. The views and opinions expressed are those of the author and may not necessarily represent the official views of KRI. All errors remain authors’ own. DISCUSSION PAPER 10/20 | 10 AUGUST 2020 Shrinking “Salariat” and Growing “Precariat”? Estimating Informal and Non-standard Employment in Malaysia This discussion paper is prepared by Hawati Abdul Hamid and Nur Thuraya Sazali, researchers at Khazanah Research Institute (KRI). The authors are grateful for the valuable comments from Dr Lim Lin Lean, Datuk Dr Norma Mansor from University of Malaya, Muhammad Farqani Mohd Noor from Social Security Organisation (SOCSO), and Siti Aiysyah Tumin and Ahmad Ashraf Ahmad Shaharudin from KRI. The authors also thank Shariman Arif Mohamad Yusof and Amos Tong Huai En for their excellent assistance. Our special gratitude to Employees Provident Fund (EPF) and SOCSO for their support and assistance. Authors’ email address: hawati. [email protected] and [email protected] Attribution – Please cite the work as follows: Hawati Abdul Hamid and Nur Thuraya Sazali. 2020. Shrinking “Salariat” and Growing “Precariat”? Estimating Informal and Non-standard Employment in Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Khazanah Research Institute.
    [Show full text]
  • The Precariat: the New Dangerous Class
    Standing, Guy. "Why the Precariat Is Growing." The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2011. 26–58. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 2 Oct. 2021. <http:// dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781849664554.ch-002>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 2 October 2021, 10:56 UTC. Copyright © Guy Standing 2011. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 2 Why the Precariat Is Growing o understand why the precariat is growing one must appreciate the nature Tof the Global Transformation. The globalisation era (1975–2008) was a period when the economy was ‘disembedded’ from society as fi nanciers and neo-liberal economists sought to create a global market economy based on competitiveness and individualism. The precariat has grown because of the policies and institutional changes in that period. Early on, the commitment to an open market economy ushered in competitive pressures on industrialised countries from newly industrialising countries (NICs) and ‘Chindia’ with an unlimited supply of low-cost labour. The commitment to market principles led inexorably towards a global production system of network enterprises and fl exible labour practices. The objective of economic growth – making us all richer, it was said – was used to justify rolling back fi scal policy as an instrument of progressive redistribution. High direct taxes, long used to reduce inequality and to provide economic security for low earners, were presented as disincentives to labour, save and invest, and as driving investment and jobs abroad.
    [Show full text]
  • The Precariat for Itself: Euromayday and Precarious Workers' Movements
    The Precariat For Itself: EuroMayDay and Precarious Workers’ Movements Alex Foti A decade before Guy Standing wrote The Precariat, the precariat had already named itself. In the Fall of 2004 in London, anti-globalization activists drafted “The Middlesex Declaration of Europe’s Precariat”, a manifesto that set forth a call for a Pan-European May Day and listed a set of basic demands.1 It called an international May Day across Europe focusing on precarity and reclaiming labor, welfare, social rights denied to the precarious youth by neoliberal governments and corporations. As ChainWorkers had (in)famously written in 2001, the service precariat is to the industrial proletariat what informationalism is to fordism.2 From its inception, the EuroMayDay was intended as a First of May for the precariat and by the precariat, the class composed of young/queer/female/migrant precarious workers temping and toiling in the big cities transformed by the transnational flows of capital, knowledge, culture, information. The precariat was first mobilized by media and union activists in Milan, then in Barcelona, and then Hamburg, Berlin, Helsinki, Paris, Liège, Malaga, Sevilla, Lisboa, Ljubjana, Maribor, Stockholm, Copenhagen (just to name some of EuroMayDay’s hotspots).3 At the origin of this dynamic was a creative collective of Milanese subvertisers which had started networking social spaces in the city in 2001-2003, and started to interact with the rest of Italy and Europe, in order to reinterpret, in terms of discourse and communication, the meaning and purpose of International Workers’ Day, in the light of the radical transformations in the economy and the workplace that had taken place due to the combined effects of neoliberal deregulation and information revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • National Minimum Wage and National Living Wage
    NATIONAL MINIMUM WAGE AND NATIONAL LIVING WAGE Low Pay Commission Remit 2017 August 2017 NATIONAL MINIMUM WAGE AND NATIONAL LIVING WAGE – LOW PAY COMMISSION REMIT 2017 The Government is committed to delivering an economy that works for everyone. Through the National Minimum Wage and National Living Wage, the Government is ensuring the lowest paid are fairly rewarded for their contribution to the economy. The independent work of the Low Pay Commission (LPC) continues to play a central role in helping to achieve these ambitions. The LPC’s recommendations will continue to guide the Government as it sets the National Minimum Wage rates with the objective of helping as many low-paid workers as possible, without damaging their employment prospects. The Government would like the LPC to monitor, evaluate and review the levels of each of the different National Minimum Wage rates (16-17, 18-20, 21-24 age groups and apprentice rates) and make recommendations on the increase it believes should apply from April 2018 in light of this objective. The National Living Wage was introduced in April 2016 for workers aged 25 and over and has already directly benefitted over a million hard-working people across the UK. The Government asks the LPC to monitor and evaluate the National Living Wage and recommend the level to apply from April 2018. The ambition is that it should continue to increase to reach 60% of median earnings by 2020, subject to sustained economic growth. After 2020, the National Living Wage will rise by the rate of median earnings, so that people who are on the lowest pay benefit from the same improvements in earnings as higher paid workers.
    [Show full text]
  • Base Code Guidance: Living Wages
    BASE CODE GUIDANCE: LIVING WAGES Base Code Guidance: Living wages BASE CODE GUIDANCE: LIVING WAGES 1 1.0 Introduction 2 1.1 ETI Base Code Clause 5 3 1.2 Clause 5 and International Standards 5 1.3 ETI’s expectations of members 6 1.4 Why should companies pay or support living wages? 8 2.0 The journey towards living wages: summary infographic 12 2.1 Preparing for action 14 2.2 Taking action 17 2.2.1 Build the case for action internally 18 2.2.2 Share your commitment publicly 19 2.2.3 Optimise purchasing practices & sourcing strategies 20 2.2.4 Simplify your supply chain 22 2.2.5 Build strong relationships with suppliers 23 2.2.6 Review policies and codes of conduct 23 2.2.7 Promote freedom of association and social dialogue 24 2.2.8 Improve skills of buyers and suppliers 26 2.2.9 Support good HR, pay and productivity systems 27 2.2.10 Advocate for change at a national level 28 2.3 Learning from experience 29 Annex I Underlying causes of low wages 30 Annex II Further information and useful resources 31 Written by: Katharine Earley Photos: Nazdeek, ILO, ETI, Port of San Diego, World Bank BASE CODE GUIDANCE: LIVING WAGES 2 1 Introduction Every worker has the right to a standard of living adequate for change, such as promoting collective bargaining, and for the health and well-being of himself/herself and of his/ ensuring that value is fairly distributed across the supply her family as described in the Universal Declaration of Human chain.
    [Show full text]
  • Long Hours and Low Pay Leave Workers at a Loss
    THE JOB GAP ECONOMIC PROSPERITY SERIES Long Hours and Low Pay Leave Workers at a Loss October 2015 By Allyson Fredericksen The Alliance for a Just Society’s mission is to execute regional and national campaigns and build strong state affiliate organizations and partnerships that address economic, racial, and social inequities. www.allianceforajustsociety.org The Alliance’s Job Gap Economic Prosperity series examines the ability of working families to move beyond living paycheck-to-paycheck in today’s econ- omy, seeking to understand both the barriers keeping families from achieving economic prosperity and what actions policymakers can take to help families and communities thrive. www.thejobgap.org ALLIANCEFORAJUSTSOCIETY.ORG 206.568.5400 3518 SOUTH EDMUNDS ST., SEATTLE, WA 98118 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................5 Introduction ..........................................................................................................6 National Findings ................................................................................................8 State Findings .......................................................................................................13 California ................................................................................................................................................13 Connecticut ............................................................................................................................................15
    [Show full text]
  • Closing the Gender Pay
    Closing the gender pay gap: A review of the issues, policy mechanisms and international evidence Closing the gender pay gap: A review of issues, policy mechanisms and international evidence Gender, Equality and Diversity ILO Branch CLOSING THE GENDER PAY GAP: A REVIEW OF THE ISSUES, POLICY MECHANISMS AND INTERNATIONAL EVIDENCE JILL RUBERY* AND ARISTEA KOUKIADAKI** *Professor, Alliance Manchester Business School, University of Manchester **Senior Lecturer, University of Manchester’s School of Law International Labour Office • Geneva Copyright © International Labour Organization 2016 First published (2016) Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to ILO Publications (Rights and Licensing), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland, or by email: [email protected]. The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. Libraries, institutions and other users registered with a reproduction rights organization may make copies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. Visit www.ifrro.org to find the reproduction rights organization in your country. Rubery, Jill; Koukiadaki, Aristea. Closing the gender pay gap: a review of the issues, policy mechanisms and international evidence / Jill Rubery, Aristea Koukiadaki; International Labour
    [Show full text]
  • An Employee's Living Wage and Their Quality of Work Life
    sustainability.hapres.com Article An Employee’s Living Wage and Their Quality of Work Life: How Important Are Household Size and Household Income? Stuart C. Carr *, Jarrod Haar *, Darrin Hodgetts, James Arrowsmith, Jane Parker, Amanda Young-Hauser, Siautu Alefaio-Tuglia, Harvey Jones Project GLOW (Global Living Organizational Wage), EPIC (End Poverty & Inequality Cluster), Auckland, 1311, New Zealand * Correspondence: Stuart Carr, Email: [email protected]; Jarrod Haar, Email: [email protected]. ABSTRACT Living Wage (LW) campaigns normally assume a prototype household configuration in setting their LW rate, comprised of number of dependent householders and the number of incomes. This information is used to calculate the hourly pay rate required to sustain their quality of life and work life. Real households are nonetheless diverse in terms of number of householders and incomes, rendering the living wage conceptually more of a continuous variable than a single constant, across a wage spectrum. We explored this spectrum and its links to job attitudes with a nationally representative sample of N = 1011 low-waged New Zealanders. We measured each participant’s: hourly pay rate, number of household dependents and total household income, alongside individual job attitudes indicative of quality of work life (job satisfaction, work engagement, career satisfaction, meaningful empowerment, affective commitment, organizational citizenship behaviours and work-life balance). As a set, job attitudes consistently pivoted upwards into positive values approximating the campaign LW rate in New Zealand, regardless of either number of household dependents or household income (net of personal wage). However household income net of personal wage (unlike number of household dependents) buffered the gradient of the pivot upwards.
    [Show full text]
  • The Precariat Under Rentier Capitalism
    The Precariat under Rentier Capitalism Guy Standing We are in the midst of the Global Transformation, analogous to Karl Polanyi’s Great Transformation described in his seminal 1944 book. Whereas Polanyi’s Transformation was about constructing national market systems, today’s is about the painful construction of a global market system, in which the initial ‘dis-embedded’ phase was dominated by an ideology of market liberalisation, commodification and privatisation, orchestrated by financial interests, as in Polanyi’s model. The similarities extend to today’s challenge, constructing a ‘re-embedded’ phase, with new systems of regulation, distribution and social protection. A few common misconceptions should be acknowledged. Contrary to widespread claims, there has been no labour market deregulation, but rather state re-regulation. Occupational self-regulation has been displaced by state regulation through licensing, while labour market policy has shifted towards workfare, directing the unemployed and others to do state- determined activities to obtain means-tested benefits. Fostering globalisation in a context of a technological revolution has been favourable for global growth, if not for the OECD. But governments and international bodies have signally failed to counter the adverse distributional outcomes of globalisation within countries. Similarly, in advocating labour flexibility, negligible attention was given to the economic insecurities this generated.1 Meanwhile, the neo-liberal phase of globalisation evolved into ‘rentier capitalism’, in which more income is going to rentiers, those possessing financial, physical or so-called intellectual property.2 Ironically, advocates of free markets have overseen the construction of an unfree market system, in which more income derives from patents, trademarks, etc, that give monopolistic income for 20 years or more.
    [Show full text]