Summaries of Bradley Foundation Grants to State Policy Network Groups Center for Media and Democracy August 29, 2017
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990-PF and Its Separate Instructions Is at Www Ins Gov/Form990pf for Calendar Year 2016 Or Tax Year Heamnina
0 0 Return of Private Foundation OMB No ,5950052 Form 990 -PF or Section 4947( a)(1) Trust Treated as Private Foundation O ^+ Department of the Treasury ► Do not enter social security numbers on this form as it may be made public V Internal Revenue Seri ► Information about Form 990-PF and its separate instructions is at www ins gov/form990pf For calendar year 2016 or tax year heamnina . 2016 . and endma .20 Name of foundation A Employer Identification number THE LYNDE AND HARRY BRADLEY FOUNDATION INC 39 6037928 Number and street (or P O box number it mail is not delivered to street address ) Room /suite B Telephone number (see instructions) 1241 N FRANKLIN PL (414) 291 9915 City or town state or province country and ZIP or foreign postal code C If exemption application is pending check here q MILWAUKEE WI 53202-2901 q q q G Check all that apply Initial return Initial return of a former public charity D 1 Foreign organizations check here ► q Final return q Amended return 2 Foreign orgaandniz ations meeting the 65% test Name q E] Address change 7] change check here nd attach computation ► H Check type of organization q Section 501 (c)(3) exempt private foundation E If private foundation status was terminated under s ec ti o n 507(b)(1)(A) check here El Section 4947(a)(1) nonexempt chartable trust E] Other taxable private foundation q Fair market value of all assets at J Accounting method 2 Cash Accrual F lithe foundation , s,n a 60-month termination q end of year (from Part 11, col (c), q Other (specify) under section 5o7(bRl)IB) check here ► line 16) ► $ 849 426 516 (Part / column (d) must be on cash basis) Analysis of Revenue and Expenses (d ) Disbursements (a) Revenue and net for chartable expenses per (b ) Net investment (c) Adjusted amounts in columns (b), (c) and (d) may not necessarily equal income income purposes books the amounts in column (a) (see Instructions)) (cash basis only) 1 Contributions, gifts, grants etc , received (attach schedule) (489,697) 1 - 1 1 2 if the fotndaton is not required to attach Sch B -`a:, i f•,x. -
Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017). -
Groups to Watch
Groups to watch There is no question that conservative foundations and think tanks will put an increased emphasis on attacking public sector unions and public schools after the Supreme Court makes its decision in the Janus v. AFSCME case. They are already spending hundreds of millions of dollars across the nation to elect anti-labor and anti-public education candidates and to produce so-called "research," television ads and mailings to bash unions. The Koch network alone plans to spend $400 million this year.1 Virtually all of these organizations aren't required to report their donors. These groups try to bill themselves as pro-worker – they are not. They want to privatize our public schools, lower taxes for corporations and the wealthy, block access to health care, cut pensions, suppress voters, gerrymander and weaken the political power of unions. The tentacles of all of these group are already reaching into Minnesota, advocating for vouchers, more charter schools, defined-contribution pensions and the destruction of public employee unions. State Policy N etwork The State Policy Network (SPN) is a web of so-called “think tanks” that push a right-wing agenda in every state across the country, all while reporting little or no lobbying activities. The $80 million empire2 works to rig the system against working families by pushing for privatizing public schools, blocking expanded access to health care, lowering taxes for corporations and the very wealthy and undermining workers’ rights and unions. SPN and many of its affiliates are members of the controversial American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), where corporate lobbyists and special interest group representatives vote as equals with state lawmakers behind closed doors on “model” legislation that in many cases ends up benefiting the corporations’ bottom line. -
Monetized Hate: Decoding the Network
MONETIZED HATE: DECODING THE NETWORK THE NETWORK REVISITED The present scourge of anti-Arab and anti-Muslim bigotry in our country is rooted in a calculated, insidious effort to contaminate our public discourse. This effort dates back to the early 2000s, when a small, interlaced network of analysts and activists exploited a nationwide climate of fear in the aftermath of 9/11. To be sure, the systemic mistreatment of our Arab American and American Muslim communities did not begin with the new millennium. However, the success of this so-called network to mainstream hateful rhetoric and advance discriminatory policies is considerable, and thus deserves outsize attention. In 2011, The Center for American Progress (CAP) published “Fear, Inc. The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America.”1 The report found that a nationwide rise in anti-Muslim bigotry was traceable to a handful of “misinformation experts.” These individuals and their organizations relied on a syndicate of activists, media partners, and grassroots organizing to radiate bias presented as fact. They also relied on significant financial support from a select group of charitable foundations. This network of donors, analysts, and activists not only distorted millions of Americans’ understanding of Islam and Muslims, it also drove inequitable policies. One example highlighted in the report was that of so-called “anti-Sharia bills”2 introduced in numerous state legislatures. Most of these bills drew from model legislation drafted by David Yerushalmi,3 an SPLC-designated anti-Muslim extremist. CAP released a follow-up in 2015 entitled “Fear Inc., 2.0. The Islamophobia Network’s Effects to Manufactured Hate in America.” 4 While the revelations of CAP’s initial report led charitable organizations, politicians, and the media to sever ties with many of the network’s key members, the 2015 edition also found that individuals within the network had successfully advanced a range of anti-Muslim policies at the local, state, and federal level. -
America's Other Election
America’s Other Election Gary Gerstle It is time we reckoned with the cost of the country’s Trump obsession—not simply in distorting politics at the national level but in taking our gaze away from what is going on in the states. There, another election is being held in November and then another in 2018, and the stakes are high. Democrats and Republicans are vying to turn as many states as possible to their par- tisan advantage. Barring a collapse of the Trump campaign, Republicans stand to win many more of these contests than Democrats. 2016 States have again become what U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis ALL F Brandeis once called them almost a hundred years ago—laboratories of · T democracy. Battles on significant issues are being fought out within their borders: whether or not to legalize marijuana; whether or not to raise the issen D minimum wage; what restrictions can be placed on a woman’s right to an abortion; whether to preserve or curtail the collective bargaining rights of public-sector employees; whether or not transgender people will be allowed to use the bathroom of their chosen gender; whether small business own- ers must serve gay customers; how to reconfigure the electorate in terms of districting and protection (or lack thereof) of minority voting rights; whether or not states and cities should tax sugar and other substances harmful to health. That these battles are being waged with such intensity reflects the his- toric importance of the states in the American federal system. The federal government and the Supreme Court, in particular, reined in states’ rights in the 1960s, as part of their campaign to insure that minorities and women had full access to the liberties guaranteed by the Constitution. -
We Welcome Your Support in Our Nonpartisan War on Waste. It's Your
PAID ADVERTISEMENT President Donald J. Trump The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20500 Dear Mr. President, In our previous two communications in The Wall Street Journal, we called attention to the lurking threat our country faces from an exploding national debt fueled by runaway government spending. We urged you to lead a national campaign to restore fi scal soundness to our great country by waging a nonpartisan War on Waste. From a recent U.S. Government Accountability Offi ce report*: “Since 2003…cumulative improper payment estimates have totaled about $1.4 trillion.” $1,400,000,000,000. Examples of improper payments are payments to doctors with suspended or revoked medical licenses or to people identifi ed as deceased in federal death fi les. A War on Waste is long overdue. We respectfully recommend that you announce to the nation that you are beginning a four-step War on Waste, that stamping out profl igate government spending is a top priority of your administration. Step 1 – Start a Transparency Revolution Publicize every White House expenditure. Direct every department and agency in your administration to follow suit. Classifi ed expenditures would be excluded. Transparency will be a culture-changing force. It will revolutionize government. It will infl uence how people vote. Knowing there is nowhere to hide will motivate politicians to earn votes with fi scal prudence rather than wasting taxpayer dollars by buying votes. We are living in the Information Age and the Big Data world. There is no reason why every government expenditure should not be public, accessible to the voting public via cell phone, computer, and iPad. -
A Case Study in Detroit
education policy analysis archives A peer-reviewed, independent, open access, multilingual journal Arizona State University Volume 29 Number 21 February 22, 2021 ISSN 1068-2341 How does Teach For America Engage Its Alumni Politically? A Case Study in Detroit 1 Jeremy Singer Wayne State University United States & T. Jameson Brewer University of North Georgia United States Citation: Singer, J., & Brewer, T. J. (2021). How does Teach For America engage its alumni politically? A case study in Detroit. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 29(21). https://doi.org/10.14507/epaa.29.5943 Abstract: We describe the alumni engagement efforts by Teach For America (TFA) in Detroit as a case study of the specific ways that the organization works to influence its alumni’s involvement in educational politics and disposition towards particular types of educational reform. During the 2019-20 school year, TFA Detroit facilitated a series of “policy 1Statement of financial disclosure: As a graduate research assistant at Wayne State University, Jeremy Singer is partially funded by and supports research projects that are partially funded by a grant from the Skillman Foundation. Journal website: http://epaa.asu.edu/ojs/ Manuscript received: 8/31/2020 Facebook: /EPAAA Revisions received: 12/3/2020 Twitter: @epaa_aape Accepted: 12/4/2020 Education Policy Analysis Archives Vol. 29 No. 21 2 workshops” for its alumni, intended to inspire TFA corps members and alumni to engage in political and policy advocacy. Combining field notes and other artifacts from the policy workshops with a social network analysis of the featured participants and central organizations, we show that TFA Detroit drew upon its local, state, and national policy networks to construct workshops that in turn would politically mobilize alumni to support their networks’ preferred city and state policies and reforms. -
Return of Private Foundation
I ^ I FILED PURSUANT TO NOTICE 2004-05 Return of Private Foundation OMB No 1545-0052 Form 990-PF or Section 4947(a)(1) Nonexempt Charitable Trust ^O Department of the Treasury Treated as a Private Foundation Internal Revenue Service Note. The foundation may be able to use a copy of this return to satisfy state reporting requirements. For calendar year-2012 or tax year beginning , and ending Name of foundation A Employer identification number THE SEARLE FREEDOM TRUST C/O KINSHIP TRUST COMPANY 36-7244615 Number and street (or P 0 box number if mail is not delivered to street address ) Room1sulte B Telephone number 303 W MADISON 800 312-803-6700 City or town, state, and ZIP code C if exemption application Is pending, check he ► CHICAGO, IL 60606 G Check all that apply, L_J Initial return initial return of a former public charity D 1. Foreign organizations, check here EJ Final return Amended return 85% test, 0 Address change Name change 2 chec here and attach computation H Check type of organization: LXJ Section 501(c)(3) exempt private foundation E If private foundation status was terminated = Section 4947(a)(1) nonexempt charitable trust 0 Other taxable private foundation under section 507(b)(1)(A), check here I Fair market value of all assets at end of year J Accounting method: Cash L_J Accrual F If the foundation is in a 60-month termination (from Part ll, col. (c), line 16) = Other (specify) under section 507(b)(1)(B), check here ► $ 111, 5 7 8 , 6 41 . -
Olin Foundation in 1953, Olin Embarked on a Radical New Course
THE CHRONICLE REVIEW How RightWing Billionaires Infiltrated Higher Education By Jane Mayer FEBRUARY 12, 2016 If there was a single event that galvanized conservative donors to try to wrest control of higher education in America, it might have been the uprising at Cornell University on April 20, 1969. That afternoon, during parents’ weekend at the Ithaca, N.Y., campus, some 80 black students marched in formation out of the student union, which they had seized, with their clenched fists held high in blackpower salutes. To the shock of the genteel Ivy League community, several were brandishing guns. At the head of the formation was a student who called himself the "Minister of Defense" for Cornell’s AfroAmerican Society. Strapped across his chest, Pancho Villastyle, was a sashlike bandolier studded with bullet cartridges. Gripped nonchalantly in his right hand, with its butt resting on his hip, was a glistening rifle. Chin held high and sporting an Afro, goatee, and eyeglasses reminiscent of Malcolm X, he was the face of a drama so infamous it was regarded for years by conservatives such as David Horowitz as "the most disgraceful occurrence in the history of American higher education." John M. Olin, a multimillionaire industrialist, wasn’t there at Cornell, which was his alma mater, that weekend. He was traveling abroad. But as a former Cornell trustee, he could not have gone long without seeing the iconic photograph of the armed protesters. What came to be known as "the Picture" quickly ricocheted around the world, eventually going on to win that year’s Pulitzer Prize. -
Threat from the Right Intensifies
THREAT FROM THE RIGHT INTENSIFIES May 2018 Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................1 Meeting the Privatization Players ..............................................................................3 Education Privatization Players .....................................................................................................7 Massachusetts Parents United ...................................................................................................11 Creeping Privatization through Takeover Zone Models .............................................................14 Funding the Privatization Movement ..........................................................................................17 Charter Backers Broaden Support to Embrace Personalized Learning ....................................21 National Donors as Longtime Players in Massachusetts ...........................................................25 The Pioneer Institute ....................................................................................................................29 Profits or Professionals? Tech Products Threaten the Future of Teaching ....... 35 Personalized Profits: The Market Potential of Educational Technology Tools ..........................39 State-Funded Personalized Push in Massachusetts: MAPLE and LearnLaunch ....................40 Who’s Behind the MAPLE/LearnLaunch Collaboration? ...........................................................42 Gates -
How Right Wing Funders Are Manufacturing News and Influencing Public Policy in Pennsylvania
Driving the News How right wing funders are manufacturing news and influencing public policy in Pennsylvania A Report by Keystone Progress August, 2013 This report was produced by Keystone Progress. Keystone Progress is Pennsylvania’s largest progressive advocacy organization with over 350,000 subscribers. Keystone Progress embraces a pragmatic and flexible approach to advancing equal opportunity for all, the protection of individual freedoms, and democratic, transparent and people-oriented (rather than corporate) government. We support every worker’s right to organize and earn a living wage, every individual’s right to control their reproductive health options, every child’s right to public education, and every human being’s right to breathe clean air, drink clean water, and access adequate health care, food and shelter. [email protected] 610-990-6300 2 Executive Summary There is a disturbing new movement to supplant genuine investigative reporting with pseudo-reporting by right-wing advocacy organizations. These advocacy groups, posing as legitimate news bureaus, are well funded and have become accepted as objective news organizations by many mainstream newspapers, television and radio news operations. In fact, one such network claims that it is already "provides 10 percent of all daily reporting from state capitals nationwide."i This insidious infiltration of legitimate news operations is led by the Franklin Center for Government and Public Integrity. Its local affiliate in Pennsylvania is the Pennsylvania Independent. Key Findings . Despite its claims, the Pennsylvania Independent is far from being independent or unbiased. The Pennsylvania Independent is run by the far-right Franklin Center for Government and Public Integrity, which has close ties to the American Legislative Exchange Council, the Koch brothers, the Tea Party, the Conservative Political Action Conference, the Heritage Foundation and numerous other conservative causes and candidates. -
EXPOSED:The State Policy Network
EXPOSED: The State Policy Network The Powerful Right-Wing Network Helping to Hijack State Politics and Government CENTER FOR MEDIA AND DEMOCRACY | ALECEXPOSED.ORG November 2013 ©2013 Center for Media and Democracy. All rights reserved. No part of this document may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photography, recording, or by information exchange and retrieval system, without permission from the authors. Center for Media and Democracy ALECexposed.org | PRWatch.org | SourceWatch.org 520 University Avenue, Suite 260 Madison, WI 53703 | (608) 260-9713 (This publication is available online at ALECexposed.org) CMD, publisher of ALECexposed.org, PRWatch.org, and SourceWatch.org, has created a clearinghouse of information on the State Policy Network at sourcewatch.org/index.php/Portal:State_Policy_Network and a reporter’s guide to SPN at prwatch.org/node/11909/. Please see these online resources for more information. This report was written by Rebekah Wilce, with contributions by Lisa Graves, Mary Bottari, Nick Surgey, Jay Riestenberg, Katie Lorenze, Drew Curtis, and Sari Williams. This report on SPN is also part of a joint effort with Progress Now called www.StinkTanks.org, which includes information about what citizens can do in response to SPN's secretive influence on the state laws that affect their lives. Contents Introduction ....................................................................................................... 1 SPN’s Founding and Role in the National Right-Wing