DOCSLIB.ORG

Liberalism and World Politics Author(S): Michael W

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Liberalism and World Politics Author(S): Michael W Liberalism and World Politics Author(s): Michael W. Doyle Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 80, No. 4 (Dec., 1986), pp. 1151-1169 Published by: American Political Science Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1960861 . Accessed: 15/10/2011 20:37 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Political Science Review. http://www.jstor.org LIBERALISMAND WORLDPOLITICS MICHAEL W. DOYLE Johns Hopkins University Building on a growing literaturein internationalpolitical science, I reexamine the traditional liberal claim that governments founded on a respect for individualliberty exercise "restraint" and "peacefulintentions" in theirforeign policy. I look at three distinct theoreticaltraditions of liberalism,attributable to three theorists: Schumpeter,a democratic capitalist whose explanation of liberal pacifism we often invoke; Machiavelli, a classical republicanwhose glory is an imperialismwe often practice;and Kant, a liberalrepublican whose theory of internationalismbest accounts for what we are. Despite the contradictionsof liberalpacifism and liberalimperialism, I find, with Kant and other democraticrepublicans, that liberalismdoes leave a coherent legacy on foreign affairs.Liberal states are different.They are indeedpeaceful. They are also prone to make war. Liberalstates have createda separatepeace, as Kant argued they would, and have also discoveredliberal reasonsfor aggression,as he feared they might. I conclude by arguing that the differences among liberal pacifism, liberal imperialism,and Kant'sinternationalism are not arbitrary.They are rooted in differing conceptionsof the citizen and the state. Promoting freedom elect theirgovernments, wars become im- will produce peace, we have often been possible. Furthermore,citizens appreciate told. In a speech before the BritishParlia- that the benefits of trade can be enjoyed ment in June of 1982, PresidentReagan only under.conditions of peace. Thus the proclaimedthat governmentsfounded on very existenceof liberalstates, such as the a respect for individual liberty exercise U.S., Japan, and our European allies, "restraint"and "peaceful intentions" in makes for peace. theirforeign policy. He then announceda Buildingon a growing literaturein in- "crusadefor freedom"and a "campaign ternationalpolitical science, I reexamine for democratic development" (Reagan, the liberal claim President Reagan re- June9, 1982). iterated for us. I look at three distinct In making these claims the president theoretical traditions of liberalism, at- joined a long list of liberal theorists (and tributableto three theorists:Schumpeter, propagandists)and echoed an old argu- a brilliant explicator of the liberal ment: the aggressive instincts of pacifism the president invoked; Machia- authoritarianleaders and totalitarianrul- velli, a classicalrepublican whose glory is ing parties make for war. Liberalstates, an imperialism we often practice; and founded on such individual rights as Kant. equality before the law, free speech and Despite the contradictions of liberal other civil liberties,private property, and pacifism and liberal imperialism,I find, elected representationare fundamentally with Kant and other liberal republicans, against war this argumentasserts. When that liberalism does leave a coherent the citizens who bear the burdensof war legacy on foreignaffairs. Liberal states are AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 80 NO. 4 DECEMBER, 1986 American Political Science Review Vol. 80 different. They are indeed peaceful, yet (Schumpeter,1955, p. 6). Excludingim- they are also prone to make war, as the perialisms that were mere "catchwords" U.S. and our "freedomfighters" are now and those that were "object-ful"(e.g., doing, not so covertly, againstNicaragua. defensiveimperialism), he tracesthe roots Liberal states have created a separate of objectlessimperialism to threesources, peace, as Kant argued they would, and each an atavism. Modern imperialism, have also discovered liberal reasons for according to Schumpeter,resulted from aggression,as he fearedthey might. I con- the combinedimpact of a "warmachine," clude by arguing that the differences warlike instincts, and export among liberal pacifism, liberal im- monopolism. perialism, and Kant's liberal interna- Once necessary, the war machine later tionalism are not arbitrarybut rooted in developeda life of its own and took con- differing conceptions of the citizen and trol of a state's foreign policy: "Created the state. by the wars that requiredit, the machine now created the wars it required" LiberalPacifism (Schumpeter, 1955, p. 25). Thus, Schumpetertells us that the army of an- There is no canonical description of cient Egypt, created to drive the Hyksos liberalism. What we tend to call liberal out of Egypt, took over the state and pur- resemblesa family portrait of principles sued militaristic imperialism. Like the and institutions, recognizableby certain later armies of the courts of absolutist characteristics-for example, individual Europe, it fought wars for the sake of freedom, political participation, private glory and booty, for the sake of warriors property, and equality of opportunity- and monarchs-wars gratia warriors. that most liberal states share, although A warlike disposition, elsewherecalled none has perfected them all. Joseph "instinctual elements of bloody Schumpeterclearly fits within this family primitivism,"is the naturalideology of a when he considers the internationalef- war machine.It also exists independently; fects of capitalismand democracy. the Persians,says Schumpeter(1955, pp. Schumpeter's "Sociology of Im- 25-32), were a warrior nation from the perialisms,"published in 1919, made a outset. coherent and sustained argument con- Under modern capitalism, export cerning the pacifying (in the sense of monopolists, the third source of modem nonaggressive) effects of liberal institu- imperialism,push for imperialistexpan- tions and principles (Schumpeter,1955; sion as a way to expand their closed see also Doyle, 1986, pp. 155-59). Unlike markets. The absolute monarchieswere some of the earlier liberal theorists who the last clear-cut imperialisms. focused on a single feature such as trade Nineteenth-centuryimperialisms merely (Montesquieu,1949, vol. 1, bk. 20, chap. representthe vestiges of the imperialisms 1) or failed to examine critically the created by Louis XIV and Catherinethe arguments they were advancing, Great. Thus, the export monopolists are Schumpeter saw the interaction of an atavism of the absolute monarchies, capitalismand democracyas the founda- for they depend completelyon the tariffs tion of liberalpacifism, and he tested his imposed by the monarchs and their arguments in a sociology of historical militaristic successors for revenue imperialisms. (Schumpeter,1955, p. 82-83). Without He definesimperialism as "anobjectless tariffs, monopolies would be eliminated disposition on the part of a state by foreign competition. to unlimited forcible expansion" Modem (nineteenth century) imperi- 1152 1986 Liberalismand World Politics alism, therefore,rests on an atavisticwar Schumpeter's explanation for liberal machine, militaristic attitudes left over pacifism is quite simple: Only war profi- from the days of monarchicalwars, and teers and military aristocratsgain from export monopolism, which is nothing wars. No democracy would pursue a more than the economic residue of minority interest and tolerate the high monarchicalfinance. In the modern era, costs of imperialism. When free trade imperialistsgratify their private interests. prevails, "no class" gains from forcible From the national perspective, their im- expansionbecause perialisticwars are objectless. Schumpeter's theme now emerges. foreign raw materials and food stuffs are as accessibleto each nation as thoughthey were in Capitalismand democracyare forces for its own territory.Where the culturalbackward- peace. Indeed, they are antitheticalto im- ness of a region makes normal economic inter- perialism. For Schumpeter, the further course dependent on colonization it does not development of capitalism and democ- matter, assuming free trade, which of the "civilized"nations undertakes the task of coloni- racy means that imperialismwill inev- zation. (Schumpeter,1955, pp. 75-76) itably disappear. He maintains that capitalismproduces an unwarlikedisposi- Schumpeter'sarguments are difficultto tion; its populace is "democratized,in- evaluate. In partial tests of quasi- dividualized, rationalized"(Schumpeter, Schumpeterian propositions, Michael 1955, p. 68). The people's energies are Haas (1974, pp. 464-65) discovered a daily absorbed in production. The cluster that associates democracy, disciplines of industry and the market development, and sustained moderniza- train people in "economic rationalism"; tion with peaceful conditions. However, the instability of industrial life M. Small and J. D. Singer (1976) have necessitates calculation. Capitalism also discovered
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
    harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY.
    [Show full text]
  • Reaching Beyond the Ivory Tower: a “How To” Manual *
    Reaching Beyond the Ivory Tower: A “How To” Manual * Daniel Byman and Matthew Kroenig Security Studies (forthcoming, June 2016) *For helpful comments on earlier versios of this article, the authors would like to thank Michael C. Desch, Rebecca Friedman, Bruce Jentleson, Morgan Kaplan, Marc Lynch, Jeremy Shapiro, and participants in the Program on International Politics, Economics, and Security Speaker Series at the University of Chicago, participants in the Nuclear Studies Research Initiative Launch Conference, Austin, Texas, October 17-19, 2013, and members of a Midwest Political Science Association panel. Particular thanks to two anonymous reviewers and the editors of Security Studies for their helpful comments. 1 Joseph Nye, one of the rare top scholars with experience as a senior policymaker, lamented “the walls surrounding the ivory tower never seemed so high” – a view shared outside the academy and by many academics working on national security.1 Moreover, this problem may only be getting worse: a 2011 survey found that 85 percent of scholars believe the divide between scholars’ and policymakers’ worlds is growing. 2 Explanations range from the busyness of policymakers’ schedules, a disciplinary shift that emphasizes theory and methodology over policy relevance, and generally impenetrable academic prose. These and other explanations have merit, but such recommendations fail to recognize another fundamental issue: even those academic works that avoid these pitfalls rarely shape policy.3 Of course, much academic research is not designed to influence policy in the first place. The primary purpose of academic research is not, nor should it be, to shape policy, but to expand the frontiers of human knowledge.
    [Show full text]
  • Twenty-Four Conservative-Liberal Thinkers Part I Hannes H
    Hannes H. Gissurarson Twenty-Four Conservative-Liberal Thinkers Part I Hannes H. Gissurarson Twenty-Four Conservative-Liberal Thinkers Part I New Direction MMXX CONTENTS Hannes H. Gissurarson is Professor of Politics at the University of Iceland and Director of Research at RNH, the Icelandic Research Centre for Innovation and Economic Growth. The author of several books in Icelandic, English and Swedish, he has been on the governing boards of the Central Bank of Iceland and the Mont Pelerin Society and a Visiting Scholar at Stanford, UCLA, LUISS, George Mason and other universities. He holds a D.Phil. in Politics from Oxford University and a B.A. and an M.A. in History and Philosophy from the University of Iceland. Introduction 7 Snorri Sturluson (1179–1241) 13 St. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) 35 John Locke (1632–1704) 57 David Hume (1711–1776) 83 Adam Smith (1723–1790) 103 Edmund Burke (1729–1797) 129 Founded by Margaret Thatcher in 2009 as the intellectual Anders Chydenius (1729–1803) 163 hub of European Conservatism, New Direction has established academic networks across Europe and research Benjamin Constant (1767–1830) 185 partnerships throughout the world. Frédéric Bastiat (1801–1850) 215 Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–1859) 243 Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) 281 New Direction is registered in Belgium as a not-for-profit organisation and is partly funded by the European Parliament. Registered Office: Rue du Trône, 4, 1000 Brussels, Belgium President: Tomasz Poręba MEP Executive Director: Witold de Chevilly Lord Acton (1834–1902) 313 The European Parliament and New Direction assume no responsibility for the opinions expressed in this publication.
    [Show full text]
  • Alternative North Americas: What Canada and The
    ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS What Canada and the United States Can Learn from Each Other David T. Jones ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20004 Copyright © 2014 by David T. Jones All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, scanned, or distributed in any printed or electronic form without permission. Please do not participate in or encourage piracy of copyrighted materials in violation of author’s rights. Published online. ISBN: 978-1-938027-36-9 DEDICATION Once more for Teresa The be and end of it all A Journey of Ten Thousand Years Begins with a Single Day (Forever Tandem) TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1 Borders—Open Borders and Closing Threats .......................................... 12 Chapter 2 Unsettled Boundaries—That Not Yet Settled Border ................................ 24 Chapter 3 Arctic Sovereignty—Arctic Antics ............................................................. 45 Chapter 4 Immigrants and Refugees .........................................................................54 Chapter 5 Crime and (Lack of) Punishment .............................................................. 78 Chapter 6 Human Rights and Wrongs .................................................................... 102 Chapter 7 Language and Discord ..........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • International Relations in a Changing World: a New Diplomacy? Edward Finn
    INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN A CHANGING WORLD: A NEW DIPLOMACY? EDWARD FINN Edward Finn is studying Comparative Literature in Latin and French at Princeton University. INTRODUCTION The revolutionary power of technology to change reality forces us to re-examine our understanding of the international political system. On a fundamental level, we must begin with the classic international relations debate between realism and liberalism, well summarised by Stephen Walt.1 The third paradigm of constructivism provides the key for combining aspects of both liberalism and realism into a cohesive prediction for the political future. The erosion of sovereignty goes hand in hand with the burgeoning Information Age’s seemingly unstoppable mechanism for breaking down physical boundaries and the conceptual systems grounded upon them. Classical realism fails because of its fundamental assumption of the traditional sovereignty of the actors in its system. Liberalism cannot adequately quantify the nebulous connection between prosperity and freedom, which it assumes as an inherent truth, in a world with lucrative autocracies like Singapore and China. Instead, we have to accept the transformative power of ideas or, more directly, the technological, social, economic and political changes they bring about. From an American perspective, it is crucial to examine these changes, not only to understand their relevance as they transform the US, but also their effects in our evolving global relationships.Every development in international relations can be linked to some event that happened in the past, but never before has so much changed so quickly at such an expansive global level. In the first section of this article, I will examine the nature of recent technological changes in diplomacy and the larger derivative effects in society, which relate to the future of international politics.
    [Show full text]
  • The 'Great Debates' in International Relations Theory
    The ‘Great Debates’ in international relations theory Written by IJ Benneyworth This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. The ‘Great Debates’ in international relations theory https://www.e-ir.info/2011/05/20/the-%e2%80%98great-debates%e2%80%99-in-international-relations-theory/ IJ BENNEYWORTH, MAY 20 2011 International relations in the most basic sense have existed since neighbouring tribes started throwing rocks at, or trading with, each other. From the Peloponnesian War, through European poleis to ultimately nation states, Realist trends can be observed before the term existed. Likewise the evolution of Liberalist thinking, from the Enlightenment onwards, expressed itself in calls for a better, more cooperative world before finding practical application – if little success – after The Great War. It was following this conflict that the discipline of International Relations (IR) emerged in 1919. Like any science, theory was IR’s foundation in how it defined itself and viewed the world it attempted to explain, and when contradictory theories emerged clashes inevitably followed. These disputes throughout IR’s short history have come to be known as ‘The Great Debates’, and though disputed it is generally felt there have been four, namely ‘Realism/Liberalism’, ‘Traditionalism/Behaviouralism’, ‘Neorealism/Neoliberalism’ and the most recent ‘Rationalism/Reflectivism’. All have had an effect on IR theory, some greater than others, but each merit analysis of their respective impacts. First we shall briefly explore the historical development of IR theory then critically assess each Debate before concluding.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Corporatism and Liberalism: State and Civil Society in Cooperation in Nicaragua Hannah Pallmeyer Macalester College, [email protected]
    Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Hispanic Studies Honors Projects Hispanic Studies 2009 Beyond Corporatism and Liberalism: State and Civil Society in Cooperation in Nicaragua Hannah Pallmeyer Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/hisp_honors Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Latin American History Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Models and Methods Commons, Political History Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Pallmeyer, Hannah, "Beyond Corporatism and Liberalism: State and Civil Society in Cooperation in Nicaragua" (2009). Hispanic Studies Honors Projects. Paper 2. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/hisp_honors/2 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Hispanic Studies at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hispanic Studies Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Beyond Corporatism and Liberalism: State and Civil Society in Cooperation in Nicaragua Latin American Studies Honors Thesis Hannah Pallmeyer April 13, 2009 Advisor: Professor Paul Dosh Readers: Professor Paul Dosh Professor Olga González Professor Ernesto Capello Table of Contents Abstract Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………..………………………1 Introduction Thesis Outline Chapter 2: Nicaraguan Political and Civil Society
    [Show full text]
  • 15 Liberalism and Realism: A
    International Journal of Business and Management Review Vol.1, No.4, pp.15-25, December 2013 Published by European Centre for Research Training and Development UK (www.ea-journals.org) LIBERALISM AND REALISM: A MATRIX FOR POLITICAL ECONOMY IKE NNIA MBA SR, PHD Department of Management, University Of Nigeria, Enugu Campus EZE UKAMAKA TERESA Inspector of Education, Ministry Of Education, Enugu State ABSTRACT: Politics and economics share an intimate relationship. To separate either in analysis is unfair, as it dismisses the interdependency between both schools of thought. Thus, in issues pertaining to the Political Economy, there is a fusion between politics and economics to obtain the most thorough and holistic understanding of both spheres. Political economy is concerned with the allocation of scarce resources in a world of infinite wants and needs. In order to allocate these resources, politics are used within a state to provide for the people. Of the different analytic frameworks there are two dominant perspectives: Liberalism and Realism. Liberalism can be attributed to a political doctrine that takes protecting and enhancing the freedom of the individual and their economic activities to be paramount in nation-states, while Realism is based on certain assumptions or premises that nation-states are the dominant actors within the political economy and the proper units of analysis. Other units of analysis are subordinated to the nation-state and therefore superfluous to integrate into evaluation. This paper is directed towards liberalism and realism paradigm; a matrix very useful in comprehending the behavior of the nation-state and in describing, explaining, and predicting political economy.
    [Show full text]
  • Department of Political Science Semester-IV (General Course)
    Department of Political Science By: Dr. Prafulla Kumar Das Semester-IV (General Course) DSC-1D (CC-4): Introduction to International Relations Credit 06 DSC1DT: Introduction to International Relations Course Content: 1. Approaches to International Relations b) Neo-Liberalism: Complex Interdependence (Robert O. Keohane and Joseph Nye) ( : Liberalism)) ও উপ উপ উ ও ও প , , প , , , উ উপ উ Liberalism উ liberalis উ । উ উ - ।উ ও প । উ ও উ । উ প , ও ও প । প ১৭৭৬ " "। ও , ও প , প । প , ও । উ ও উৎ ও প ও প উ উ প , প প ও প প ও উ ও , , ও ও ও , উ , ও , , ও । উ প , ও উ - ৎ , উ প , ও ও । Complex interdependence Complex interdependence in international relations is the idea put forth by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. The term "complex interdependence" was claimed by Raymond Leslie Buell in 1925 to describe the new ordering among economies, cultures and races. The very concept was popularized through the work of Richard N. Cooper (1968). With the analytical construct of complex interdependence in their critique of political realism, "Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye go a step further and analyze how international politics is transformed by interdependence" . The theorists recognized that the various and complex transnational connections and interdependencies between states and societies were increasing, while the use of military force and power balancing are decreasing but remain important. In making use of the concept of interdependence, Keohane and Nye also importantly differentiated between interdependence and dependence in analyzing the role of power in politics and the relations between international actors.
    [Show full text]
  • Final Collection of Essays
    Perspectives in Development: an Exercise in Worldmaking Best student essays of 2016/17 Editors: Peter Bardoel, Jeremiah F. de Guzman, M Adityanandana, Alejandra Ramirez Bermeo and Daniela Montero Peña Published by the International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus University Rotterdam Kortenaerkade 12 2518 AX The Hague, Netherlands Published in 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without written permission of the editors, authors or publishers. A catalogue record for this book is available from the Royal Library, The Hague, The Netherlands Printed in the Netherlands by De Bondt, Barendrecht Who Participated (All 2016-2017 Masters Students) Editors Peter Bardoel, ISS Faculty – Academic Skills Jeremiah F. de Guzman (Philippines, GDP) M Adityanandana (Indonesia, AFES) Alejandra Ramirez Bermeo (Colombia, SJP) Daniela Montero Peña (Costa Rica, SPD) Contributors Carolyn Yu (Canada, SPD) Daniela Calmon (Brazil, AFES) Daniela Montero Peña (Costa Rica, SPD) Dao Kim Tung (Vietnam, ECD) Julio César Muñoz (Ecuador, ECD) M Adityanandana (Indonesia, AFES) Maria Wagner (Germany, SJP) Miriam Ayoo (Kenya, MMAP) Montserrat Hernández Pozo (Mexico, SPD) Naomi Mwangi (Kenya, SJP) Philomena Ngissah (Ghana, ECD) Rafael Guimarães Requião (Brazil, GDP) Silva Diaz (Colombia, GDP) Silvia McElroy (US, MMAP) Suthida Chawla (Thailand,
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of Power
    Transcript The Future of Power Joseph Nye University Distinguished Service Professor, Harvard University Chair: Sir Jeremy Greenstock Former British Ambassador to the United Nations (1998-2003) 10 May 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. Transcript: The Future of Power Joseph Nye: I’d like to be not a typical professor in the sense of not speaking in fifty-minute bytes at a time, but restrain myself and follow Jeremy’s good instruction. Having been a visitor to Ditchley a few times I know he runs a very tight ship. The argument that I make in this new book about the future of powers, that there are two large power shifts going on in this century. One, I call power transition, which is a shift of power among states, which is largely from West to East.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberalism in a Realist World: International Relations As an American Scholarly Tradition
    Liberalism in a Realist World: International Relations as an American Scholarly Tradition G. John Ikenberry The study of international relations (IR) is a worldwide pursuit with each country having its own theoretical orientations, preoccupations and debates. Beginning in the early twentieth century, the US created its own scholarly traditions of IR. Eventually, IR became an American social science with the US becoming the epicentre for a worldwide IR community engaged in a set of research programmes and theoretical debates. The discipline of IR emerged in the US at a time when it was the world’s most powerful state and a liberal great power caught in a struggle with illiberal rivals. This context ensured that the American theoretical debates would be built around both power and liberal ideals. Over the decades, the two grand projects of realism and liberalism struggled to define the agenda of IR in the US. These traditions have evolved as they attempted to make sense of contemporary developments, speak to strategic position of the US and its foreign policy, as well as deal with the changing fashions and stand- ards of social science. The rationalist formulations of realism and liberalism sparked reactions and constructivism has arisen to offer counterpoints to the rational choice theory. Keywords: International Relations Theory, Realism, Liberalism The study of International Relations (IR) is a worldwide pursuit but every country has its own theoretical orientations, preoccupations and debates. This is true for the American experience—and deeply so. Beginning in the early twentieth cen- tury, the US created its own scholarly traditions of IR.
    [Show full text]