Exploitation· and Exclusion: Race and Class in Contemporary US Society

Edited by Abebe Zegeye, Leonard Harris, and Julia Maxted

"African Discourse" series, 3 African Discourse Series Exploitation and Exclusion: General Editor: Abebe Zegeye Race and Class in Contemporary US Society

No.1: Forced Labour and Migration: Patterns of Movement within Africa (eds A Zegeye & S Ishemo) Edited by No.2: Repression and Resistance: Insider Accounts of Apartheid (eds R Cohen, Y Muthien & A Zegeye) Abebe Zegeye Centre for Modern African Studies, University of Warwick No.3: Exploitation and Exclusion: Race and Class in Contemporary US Society (eds A Zegeye, L Harris & J Maxted) Leonard Harris Department of Afro-American Studies, Purdue University

Julia Maxted Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick

z Published for the Centre for Modern African Studies

University of Warwick

HANS ZELL PUBLISHERS

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Exploitation and exclusion: race and class in contemporary US society / edited by Abebe Zegeye, Leonard Harris, Julia Maxted. 296p. 220cm. -- (African discourse series: no. 3) "Published for the Centre for Modem African Studies, University of Warwick." Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-905450-67-1 (alk. paper) 1. Afro-Americans--Social conditions. 2. United States--Race relations. 3. Social classes--United States. I. Zegeye, Abebe. II. Harris, Leonard, 1948- III. Maxted, Julia. IV. Univeristy of Warwick. Centre for Modem African Studies. V. Series. E185.86.E8 1991 305.896'073--dc20 91-31148 CIP

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Typeset by Selro Publishing Services, 34 Warnborough Rd. Oxford Printed and bound in Great Britain by Antony Rowe Ltd. Chippenham, Wiltshire. Contents

The Editors Preface ix 1 Anthony Appiah Harvard University Social Forces, 'Natural' Kinds 1

2 Howard McGary Rutgers University The Nature of Race and Class Exploitation 14

3 Leonard Harris Purdue University The Concept of Racism 28

4 Bernard Boxill University of North Carolina Human Rights: The Dispute about the Underclass 45

5 Geneva Smitherman Michigan State University A New Way of Talking: Language, Social Change, and Politics 66

6 David Goldberg Arizona State University Racist Discourse 84

7 Mark Gould Haverford College The Reproduction of Labour Market Discrimination in Competitive Capitalism 102

8 Howard Winant Temple University Racial Formation Theory and Contemporary US Politics 130

vii 9 Thomas Boston Georgia Institute of Technology Race, Class and Political Economy: Preface Reflection on an Unfinished Agenda 142 10 Lou Kushnick University of Manchester The Editors Race, Class and Civil Rights: Anti-Communism and Anti-Racism 158 11 Gerald McWorter Twenty-First Century Books, Chicago Doug Gills Northwestern University and Ron Bailey University of Mississippi Black Power Politics as Social The character of race and class in the late twentieth century is Movement: Dialectics of Leadership complicated by the blurring of popularly accepted race and class in the Campaign to Elect Harold distinctions. Such distinctions have been the popular categories Washington Mayor of Chicago 191 through which persons have defined their identities and given meaning to their experiences in a segregated and class-divided 12 Abebe Zegeye University of Warwick world. The ideas of race and class as distinct natural or and Julia Maxted University of Warwick unnatural entities have framed critical approaches to their Race, Class and Polarization in interrelationship. Recent arguments have contended that the Los Angeles 224 ideas of race and class are constantly changing meaning according to social conditions and lack scientific validity. Concepts which have tended towards constructing a totalized References 245 world view or episteme, and which have sustained sharp distinctions between race and class, have been the subject of Index 269 critical attention and revaluation. Race and class situations, and the identities associated with them, certainly reflect different life chances and cultural realities, and they influence behaviour in varying ways. While it is arguable that race and class exploitations differ fundamentally, none the less what stands behind explanations of their relationship is often a view of what is 'natural', and this view often conveys inadequate explanations. In providing a greater degree of cogency in explaining race and class, and in countering the inadequacy of naturalist assumptions, several chapters approach and evaluate the current position of theoretical articulation of racial and class formation. In Chapter 1 Anthony Appiah argues against dependence on empirical sciences and the 'optimism of the intellect' to which it gives rise. This optimism of the intellect is the belief that empiricism can ultimately answer racist and racially divisive perspectives. He argues that rather than

viii ix countering reactionary beliefs and views, too great a reliance on the conceptualization of racial class formation and the the utility of scientific knowledge to questions of race is itself elucidation of interactions between race and class were reactionary, in that such reliance gives credence to and supports undertaken. He discusses the particular specification of social the divisions and divisiveness within forms of knowledge which classes in African-American society, and focuses on the internal allow hegemOnic rule to continue undisturbed. structures of such classes. Folllowing an abstracted definition of In addressing the problem of discrimination against black class, derived and modified from the definitions of Marx, workers, Mark Gould (Chapter 7) takes issue with orthodox and Weber, Poulantzas and Giddens, the correlations between class, non-orthodox neo-classical theories of a competitive, egalitarian economic status and the strata within classes are delineated. economy, and the failure of these theories adequately to explain Howard Winant (Chapter 8) examines the concept of racial the continuing discrimination within the US labour market. He formation in social life, a formation constituent of individual, argues that an adequate model must take account of the role that interrelational and collective identities and social structures. Of power - especially in the relations between employer and particular importance in racial formation is the process of employee - plays in a competitive labour market and how rearticulation, whereby individual and group identities are racist attitudes affect market discrimination. The shifts in shaped and transformed. He identifies three actors within these perception such a changed model would inculcate, he processes - persons, the state and social movements - and concludes, would lead to a better-developed movement for underlines the immense importance of social movements in structural economic change. rearticulating the formation of race. David Goldberg (Chapter 6) counters traditional social In other contributions the areas and theoretical insights scientific analysis of race on the basis of its reductionism. After a outlined above are brought to bear upon and are reflected by deSCription of the socio-historical grounds of racism, he actual social movements and questions in contemporary US distinguishes between the discursive formations of race and society. Lou Kushnick (Chapter 10) undertakes an extensive class, arguing for the autonomy of racist discourse. The examination of the civil rights movement in the US, seeing it as distinction, he concludes, depends on class discourse being having achieved much-needed but nevertheless limited success based on exploitation, racist discourse functiOning in terms of in the ending of legalized segregation. The limitations of the exclusion. movement are associated with the development of US economic Howard McGary (Chapter 2) examines the question of race and diplomatic objectives in the post-war period (particularly and class exploitation. Marxist and conservative interpretations with regard to domestic anti-communism and cold war of the forms of exploitation are described and analysed, but are relations), and Kushnick concludes by delineating the challenges found wanting in their reduction to either material or still faced by both blacks and progressive whites. psychological determinants. For McGary, on the other hand, the Gerald McWorter et al. (Chapter 11) use the paradigm of the distinction between class and race exploitation revolves around social movement in their analysis of the Chicago mayoral the question of personhood: a status which in the case of class is election of 198213. Distinguishing between the roles of political granted, but in the case of race is denied. 'insiders' (from the traditional political machine and institutions) Leonard Harris (Chapter 3) looks at theories of a simple core and 'outsiders' (drawn from black nationalist and radical meaning of racism and of the concept of multiple variegated socialist movements), the establishment of a dual leadership, its racisms. Both concepts are inadequate, he suggests, and this development throughout the campaign, and the particular inadequacy is exposed by their applications in supporting either contribution of the outsiders (especially in the early mobilization colour-blind or colour-conscious principles of justice. Rather, he stages) are examined. argues, the contextuality and cosequentiality of racism should Julia Maxted and Abebe Zegeye (Chapter 12) examine the be considered. ways in which race and class have been rearticulated in the Thomas Boston (Chapter 9) starts by referring to the development of post-war Los Angeles. The social and spatial reactions to his 1988 book, Race, Class and Conservatism, where structures which sustained post-war Fordist consumption are

x xi becoming increasingly disengaged, giving rise to new patterns of racial subordination, amplified by gender and class. Geneva Smitherman (Chapter 5) addresses the question of 1 the dominant role of language in social transformation. She provides an explanatory framework independent of traditional socio-linguistic and Choms}

xii 1 11

Black Power Politics as Social Movement: Dialectics of Leadership in the Campaign to elect Harold Washington Mayor of Chicago Gerald Me Worter, Doug Gills and Ron Bailey

Introduction The election of Harold Washington was a great victory for the black community. This was a case of successful political protest rather than merely conventional institutionalized political behaviour. The Washington campaign became a crusade in the black community and, therefore, its implication for the future has as much to do with the development of the black liberation movement as it does with the routine organization of behaviour within the established political system. An explosion of black political protest is best understood in the context of a social movement mode of analysis. This is a fundamental issue of perspective, because the absence of the social movement paradigm from much of the current literature can lead one to make false judgments about the nature of black politics. The social movement paradigm focuses on the social behaviour of an aggregate of individuals mobilized outside

191 192 McWorter, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Movement 193

fonnal political institutions to use resources to make a change in 1965). ,the social situation (McAdam, 1982; Freeman, 1983; Oberschall, There is another aspect of black protest 'outside' the political 1973; Zald and McCarthy, 1979). The electoral behaviour model system which is rooted in the dual traditions of black national­ focuses on how resources are used for formal political participa­ ism and socialist radicalism. There exist a number of small tion (voting, office-holding, etc.), and the fonnal character of this loosely-related organizations which maintain a highly ideologi­ process is the basis upon which the political behaviour of all cal political style of activity. Because of the intense development groups is standardized and can be routinely compared (Milbrath of cadres in this type of protest politics, there is the latent poten­ and GoeI1977). tial for these groups to provide leadership for relatively large Our social movement approach sets a broad context in which groups of people, such as that which occurs in the mobilization black electoral behaviour constitutes only one of the many forms phase of a protest movement. Furthermore, these groups often of possible political action (McAdam 1983). Since protest social have a 'vanguard' quality which enables them to start movement movements are regarded as 'normal' by blacks more so than by activity before it becomes popular, to 'risk' legitimacy by whites, approaching the Washington campaign in this way can disrupting the existing norms of the political order help explain black-white differences in voter registration and (Geschwender 1971). turnout (EIsinger 1973). Our analysis focuses on militant protest In sum, we can make a distinction between political 'insiders' leadership and how this contributed to the election of May and 'outsiders', and we can identify 'elites', rooted in institution­ Harold Washington.! alized, high status social positions:2 This chapter is an investiga­ Black people have a long history of fighting to get inside the tion of these leadership differences in the campaign to elect political system, to gain access to 'legitimate political resources' Harold Washington s mayor of Chicago. Our analysis will focus (Walton 1972). After the Civil War, three constitutional amend­ on three questions: (1) Did a dual leadership of insiders and ments established for blacks their freedom, citizenship and right outsiders exist in the campaign? (2) How did this develop? And to vote. In the next 100 years, the struggle for voting rights was (3) What did the outsiders contribute through the political against de jure obstacles in the South (for example, grandfather tactics of black social protest? clause, poll taxes, literacy tests) and de facto obstacles in the North (for example, gerrymandering and vote fraud). While a breakthrough in black office-holding occurred during Recon­ Dual Leadership struction, black elected officials increased in especially signifi­ This model conceptualizes black community dual leadership in cant numbers during the post-Second World War period. In this the campaign to elect Washington as a development process period, black elected representation has been directly related to contributing to three time-specific events: the announcement of enforcement of voting rights and the presence of unifying candidacy, the primary, and the general election. The signifi­ electoral movements, at least at the local level. cance of these three black political victories can be seen by The main basis for black protest has had to be outside the comparing black and white electoral participation. The degree of fonnal political system and based on the development of politi­ difference can be observed by looking at the 1979 and 1983 cal resources inside the black community. The primary base has mayoral results. Table 11.1 demonstrates that black electoral traditionally been in the black church, the dominant black social superiority had developed by 1982 and expressed itself in the institution. However, black colleges, media, social and fraternal Washington mayoral votes in 1983. This upsurge in black voting organizations, and independent black businesses have all been was an expression of black protest leadership. Figure 11.1 significant, especially as power brokers for black middle class depicts the process of movement of dual leadership as it has interests. Each social institution has a stable leadership developed historically in the politics of Chicago'S black commu­ composed of high status elites, and some sector of the overall nity and as it directly relates to the three focal events of the 1983 black community as its mass base. These elites frequently mayoral election. Central to the process is the relative conver negotiate the interests of the entire black community (Killian 194 McWorter, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Movement 195

z first around identification of the key political issues and second, 8 the selection of a candidate - Harold Washington. Then this ~ ~ B j;ll 0 0 convergence of leadership culminated in the victories of the ...l .... ~ ~~ primary and general election in Chicago. Other aspects of the ~ """!~ Z 00,,", figure are the relative divergence of 'insider~utsider' leadership ~~:giO C!l!i2 ' , based upon differences in real or perceived interests of various ~~a leaders and their constituencies. When the black community ~~ .. >< :-' .§ c:: ~~ ...lZZ was under racist attack, there was greater and more sustained I '~gg~ ~~~:i Organization of the Campaign .S ~.....t~('t')~ /~~ ~ § , , The critical juncture occurred with the establishment of a formal i and an informal campaign apparatus - the organization of ~ 1i' ~~ .. i;' ~ campaign leadership on an insider/outsider basis. The outsiders .~ ~] i " ~'8' >

Table 11.1: Mobilisation of Racial Groups: Registration and Table 11.2: Organisation of Leadership in the Harold Washington Campaign Turnout as % of Voting Age Population, 1979-83 Task Force

A. Registration Date Formed November 7, 1982 (publically announced January 10, 1983)

Date Black White Gap Membership 95 Primary 1979 69.4 77.4 -8.0 Leading Figures 1. Robert Starks, Associate Professor, Centre for Inner City Studies, General 1982 86.7 78.3 +8.4 Northeastern Illinois University Primary 1983 87.2 82.2 +5.0 2. Conrad Worrill, Associate Professor, Centre for Inner City Studies, General 1983 89.1 83.2 +5.9 Northeastern Illinois University 3. Lu Palmer, Adjunct Professor,Urban Studies, Associated, Colleges of B. Turnout the Midwest % Black Date Black White Gap 100% Primary 1979 34.5 50.6 -16.1 Purpose: To help elect Harold Washington by mobilising Black unity and using General 1982 55.8 54.0 +1.8 tactics that the regular campaign could not carry out. Primary 1983 64.2 64.0 +0.2 Steering Committee General 1983 73.0 67.2 +5.8 Date formed December 13, 1982 Source: Kleppner, 1983. Membership 62 Leadership of the ACC received control of the Chicago franchise Leading Figures 1. Bill Berry, Special Assistant to the President, Johnson Products Company of the National Black United Front (NBUF, formed in Brooklyn, 2. Warren Bacon, Manager of Community Relations, Inland Steel Company 1980) and the National Black Independent Political Party 3. Walter Clark, Vice President, First Federal Saving and Loan

(NBIPP, formed in Philadelphia, 1980). Several key ACC leaders % Black 71% work together in an inner city Black Studies Program of Northeastern Dlinois University (Conrad Worrill, Anderson Purpose: To provide overall policy and planning, and to develop fmancial and Thompson and Robert Starks). Worrill was head of Chicago political resources for the campaign. NBUF, and spokesperson for the ACC; Thompson was head of Transition Team Chicago NBIPP, and spokesperson for the Task Force (research). Starks, while holding no public posts in black nationalist organi­ Date formed April,1983

zations, serves as a liaison between mainstream groups and the Membership 90 ACC through his colleagues at the Center for Inner City Studies on the near South Side of Chicago. Leading Figures 1. Bill Berry, Special Assistant to the President, Johnson Products Company A second network of organizations and individuals were 2. James O'Connor, President and Chairperson, Commonwealth Edison 3. Norman Ross, Senior Vice President, 1st National Bank of Chicago reform-oriented community groups and service agencies. These 4. Kenneth Glover, Vice President, South Shore Bank included the Kenwood-Oakland Community Organization (KOCO), Midwest Community Council (MCC), Citizens for Self % Black 39.7% Determination, Westside Coalition for Unity and Action; Bobby Purpose: To analyse and prepare recommendations for a new mayoral administration; Wright Mental Health Center, Minority Economic Development city budget, administrative structure, policy and key personnel appointments, etc. 198 McWorter, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Movement 199

Corporation, and Coalition for Black Trade Unionists. In Palmer, the other was PUSH headed by Reverend Jesse Jackson. ,. contrast to the city-wide and ideological ACC, most of these These two were headquartered in the First Congressional groups are based in local neighbourhoods and pragmatically District represented by Harold Washington. The critical factor fight for economic and welfare reforms on a step-by-step, was that each organization had powerful personalities for incremental basis. The ACC maintains a small group of highly leaders who had been frequently at odds, between each other, committed ideological adherents, while the reformers deal with and with Washington. However, in this context, there was a material incentives based on the day-to-day needs of their contagious rapprochement spreading because the possibility of a constituency. These reformers are united into working class black mayor was something all of them wanted. The nationalists based, city-wide coalitions that cut across nationality and race. began to unite with Jesse Jackson. Lu Palmer and Jesse made up Bob Lucas (KOCO) and Nancy Jefferson (MCC) share leadership and Lu began to speak on the PUSH Saturdas morning radio roles in service coalitions like the Chicago (housing) Rehab broadcasts. Reformers began working with the nationalists, etc. Network, and protest coalitions like People Organized for The historical moment created this militant black unity of Welfare and Economic Reform (POWER). These coalitions link 'outsiders,' and this unity helped the moment have a magical black and white 'outside' leadership, especially whites like Slim quality people could believe in. Coleman and the Uptown Coalition serving the interests of The development of 'insider' leadership took place on two mainly inner city poor whites. A third bloc of community forces fronts. First, a Steering Committee was organized for broad evolved around Lu Palmer, the head of Chicago Black United policy planning, development of financial resources, and for Communities (CBUC) discussed below. establishing legitimacy with the multiple constituencies repre­ The rest of the identifiable blocs were black ministers, sented by its 'blue ribbon' members who cut across racial, entrepreneurs, politicians, other city-wide organizations, and nationality, class, gender, and geographical lines. A second Marxists. The Ministers and entrepreneurs have small congrega­ aspect was the organization of a campaign staff, a campaign tions and/or markets, and are openly sympathetic to nationalist manager and office workers who would handle policy imple­ causes. The politicians were from 12 wards. They were either mentation and coordinate the day-to-day activities of the independent office-holders or aspiring candidates with no main­ campaign. This staff was an interesting combination of stream or 'Machine' (Regular Democratic Party) support. Hence, movement volunteers with utopian visions of political reform, they were risking little by being in this 'outside' leadership operatives from machine-style political backgrounds along with context. After being elected and consolidating a ward organiza­ reformers who wanted to move from the 'outside' (community) tion, one might expect this open affiliation with outsiders to toward the 'inside' (City Hall administration, key board decline. Many candidates stopped participating after the appointments). primary election - both the winners and losers. The Marxists The organization of formal campaign leadership began with were looking for fertile soil in the context of black militancy, but close associates of Harold Washington being pulled together as not much happened since the groups were hardly represented staff, led by Renault Robinson as the campaign manager. by more than one observer/activist. These groups were the Robinson had a well-known history of leadership in the Afro­ Communist Party (USA), the League of Revolutionary Struggle American Patrolmen's League (AAPL) (McClory 1977). More (ML), Peoples Colleges, and two independent black Marxist recently (1980) he had been appointed to a term of the Chicago collectives. Housing Authority Board by Mayor Byrne as a concession to the The two other city-wide organizations did as much as the black community. However, at that time, the campaign lacked Task Force, though they all worked together so closely that organizational coherence - no research, no media plan and volunteers were often unsure of which group they were working projection. There was a breakdown in internal and external under. Everybody seemed only to know what they were working communication, weak office staff coordination and poor space for: the election of Chicago's first black mayor, Harold (initially occupying offices of the AAPL in a South Side black Washington. One organization was the CBUC headed by Lu community). But within a month after announcing his candi- 200 McWorter, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Movement 201

dacy, Washington pulled together a 'blue ribbon' Steering Labor Union Women. Others include: Nancy Jefferson, Execu­ , Committee and changed campaign managers. Al Raby was tive Director of the Midwest Community Council; Artensa retained as campaign manager and by, 7 January 1983, he had Randolph, Chair of the Advisor Council of the Chicago Housing developed the framework for running a professional campaign Authority; Danny Davis, an independent City Council member; . office in the heart of the downtown. The latter move provided Juan Soliz, Latino independent candidate for the City Council; readily available access to media outlets, transport outlets, facil­ and Jorge Morales, Latino minister and community activist. ities, finance flows and city-wide volunteers. This move facili­ Other members of the initial Steering Committee group tated the staffing of district offices across the city. included three representatives from the business community: There were two key groups on the Steering Committee. A Lerone Bennett, an internationally famous writer with Johnson civil rights network from the 19605, and leading reformers from Publishing Company; Ed Gardner, President of Soft-Sheen the struggles that led to the campaign from the 19705 and early Cosmetic Company; and Walter Oark, Vice President of First 19805. The Steering Committee was headed by Bill Berry who Federal Saving and Loan (second largest in Chicago). Oark also had gained prominence in the 19605. Berry was the head of the served as treasurer for the Steering Committee. Lastly, there Chicago Urban League when it grew to be the largest chapter in were three progressive whites: Robert Mann, lawyer, former the country. CUL benefited its budget and gained mainstream state legislator; Robert Hallock, lawyer; and Rebecca Sive­ legitimacy by Berry's rejection of black militants and through his Tomashefsky, Executive Director, Playboy Foundation. Also, a close working relationship to the major Chicago corporations number of the leaders were bankers whose main role was to (Strickland 1966). He was a key link between white mainstream raise money. leadership and the black elites and, even in his seventies, he The organization of the campaign was difficult precisely maintains a weekly television talk show. because the leadership had to deal with vastly different sets of The chief research person, Harold Baron, worked for bill expectations. The mainstream demand was that the future Berry as the Urban League's director of research. Baron was a mayor and campaign organization be acceptable to all aspects of link of the campaign to progressive intellectuals and university the Chicago community, especially whites and business inter­ faculty. Al Raby, the campaign manager, was the former head of ests. This was quite different from the black demand that far­ the Coordinating Council of Community Organizations (CCCO). reaching reforms be advocated by aggreSSively pitting black During the 19605, it was the largest such coalition in the USA. power advocacy against the white racism and machine The CCCO maintained unity with diverse groups (for example, dominance of the Democratic Party. In general, this is the the NAACP and SNCC). It sponsored Martin Luther King, contrast between the insider rightward pull of mainstream moving his efforts into Chicago, and CCCO led the nation's institutional politics and the outsider leftward pull of black largest school protests - the two boycotts of Chicago public people mobilized into a protest movement. In this context, schools (October 1963 and February 1964) (Rivera, McWorters outsiders were at 'the point of political production,' fighting for and Ullienstein 1964). Warren Bacon, a division manager of votes, for more status. On the inside, however, people were Inland Steel, was on the School Board during the boycotts. And, respected more for their social station in life. Status was fixed to as a liberal, he opposed the dominant, reactionary interests on rather stable occupational and political roles. This set the basis the Board who were under Daley's control. In this period, Bacon for the outsiders' rise and fall in status, because once their worked closely with. Berry. Bacon now serves on the TIlinois 'production' of votes was no longer needed, they experienced a Board of Higher Education. rapid decline in status. Washington also selected the two leading blacks in trade After the primary victory it was necessary to make definite union leadership positions. They are part of the 1970s-1980s decisions about planning a new Washington administration group of reformers: Charles Hayes, International Vice President prepared to take over control of the City Hall. This posed a new of the United Food and Commercial Workers International problem because running a large government bureaucracy and Union; and Addie Wyatt, Vice President of the Coalition of managing a diverse legislative body requires different skills 202 McWorter, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Movement 203

than those needed for mobilizing voters, especially when black Committee, but none are in the Transition Team leadership. r unity might win against a white racist vote, but would not work black business and professional elites dominate the Steering as the basis for running the entire city administration. Committee while white elites dominate the Transition Team. Washington organized a Transition Team modelled after the method used to facilitate succession of presidential administra­ Table 11.4: Elites in the Leadership Organizations of the tions. Harold Washington Campaign The overall Transition Team was composed of 300 people. Our concern here is only with the composition of leading bodies of the Transition Team and the leadership of the various Type (1)% (2)% (3)% subcommittees, which number 90 people. The main division of Blk. Ministers 43.7 3.9 0.0 the Transition Team was into a 25-member Financial Advisory Blk. Business Committee (The Fact Force) and a 65-member Transition 56.3 60.9 36.9 White Elites 0.0 15.2 63.1 Oversight Committee. Table 11.3 summarizes the social character of each leadership group. On the insider-outside axis, the Task Force and the Key: (1) Task Force (N = 16)i (2) Steering Committee (N=46)i (3) Transition Team demonstrated opposite tendencies in the Transition Team (N =65). expected directions. The Transition Team had somewhat more Source: Official records and documents from each committee. as an insider character, but quite significant was the outsider character of the Task Force (68.4). Both the Steering Committee and the Transition Team were dominated by elites. About three­ The Task Force is different in one additional way, namely, the quarters of these organizations were business, professional or reliance on the more independent small business person and the ministerial elites. This diverged sharply from the predominantly academic professional. These middle class positions allow for outsider (community and labour) composition of the Task Force. greater relative freedom, both on the job and in getting time away from the job. On the other hand, the Steering Committee was dominated by larger businesses and professionals in large Table 11.3: Social Character of Leadership Organizations in bureaucratic agency settings that discipline the leaders within the Harold Washington Campaign ideological and political limits defined by the political mainstream. Overall, there is a great deal of significance in the percentage Group (1)% (2)% (3)% of black people in each leadership group: Task Force (100 per 11.3% 14.4% cent)i Steering Committee (71 per cent) and Transition Team Insiders 14.7% (39.7 per cent). This pattern of declining black composition Outsiders 68.4% 12.9% 11.1% 75.8% 74.4% rather accurately parallels the percentage of black people in the Elites 16.9% relevant reference group being served. The Task Force was for building unity in the black community, so it was 100 per cent Key: (1) Task Force (N=95)i(2) Steering Committee (N=62)i (3) black while the steering Committee was for Washington's broad Transition Team (N =90) electoral support. His vote in the general election was 77 per Source: Official records and documents from each committee. cent black, while the steering Committee was 71 per cent black. Washington maintained a proportionate per cent black of all Further analysis of these data reveals a clear difference between leadership groups in his campaign. This is also reflected in the the Steering Committee and the Transition Team leadership. composition of blacks in the Transition Team leadership. Blacks black ministers are over 20 per cent of the elites on the Steering comprised 39.7 per cent of the leading positions which coincides 204 McWorler, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Mcrvement 205 with their percentage in the city population (39.8 in 1980). Historical Development of a Dual Leadership The three groups are quite different in terms of the bureau­ cratic character of individual resources being organized. The The dual leadership of the Washington Campaign developed in Task Force was a loosely organized group mainly based on an the historical context of black Chicago. On the one hand, the individual's willingness to contribute personal resources to a black community grew and developed a diverse set of institu­ collective process. As in most social movement contexts, the tional resources within segregated geographical limits and, on participants select themselves and gain status in the movement the other, a pattern of electoral activity emerged that resulted in to the extent to which they live up to the expectations of the a form of proportional representation as far as city council membership. They lose status when they cease to function. The representation is concerned. Transition Team members came from organized institutional The fundamental resource of the black community of contexts and, in a sense, they represented themselves as well as Chicago is its population size. Its proportional growth is an organization. They derived their status as much from their indicated in Table 11.5. position as from the performance in the role assigned. The Steering Committee was mixed in this regard. The top leader­ Table 11.5: Chicago Population: Per Cent Black, 1890-1980 ship of the Steering Committee consisted of institutional elites who were given formal public recognition, while the expanded Years % Black committee structure (consisting of a number of citizens Total Population committees) allowed for a great deal of formal and informal co­ 1890 1.3 1,099,850 optation. The informal co-optation on some subcommittees 1910 2.0 2,185,283 made them much more like the Task Force where status was a 1930 6.9 3,376,438 matter of performance: 'What have you done lately?' is the 1950 14.0 3,620,962 question asked in these contexts. 1970 34.4 3,366,957 The general interconnection between these three leadership 1980 39.8 3,005,072 groups is based on overlapping membership as is shown in the following box: Source: City of Chicago, The Negro Population in Chicago. Department of Planning, 1978, US Census of Population 1980. Task Force: 48.4 per cent outsiders (N = 95) sent five members to the Steering Committee, three of whom are outsiders. Based on the Index of Residential Dissimilarity, Chicago is one of Steering Committee: 75.8 per cent elites (N = 62) of which 60.9 per the most segregated cities in the USA. This score was 92.1 in cent are black (N = 46) professional/business people sent 17 1950 and it has slowly increased to 93.0 by 1980. members to Transition Team, and 70.6 per cent are elites of Out of this segregated social world, developed a black which 58.2 per cent are black professionals/business people. middle class in control of increasing resources (for example, education and skills, income, businesses, access to facilities and Transition Team: (N = 90) 73.8 per cent are elites of which 62.9 personnel, organizations and associations). Those resources per cent are white. were used to fuel the black liberation protest movement. In 1950 there were 10,065 blacks in Chicago with at least a college education and, by 1980, this number had increased to over Nancy Jefferson was the only person on all three leadership 47;000. But blacks did not make great gains in positions of committees. She combines her position in community work with power. The Chicago Urban League carried out a study of blacks memberships on the Chicago Police Board and the Board of First in top decision-making positions in 1967 and 1977. The overall National Bank. pattern is found in Table 11.6 (Fox et al. 1980). , /, 206 McWorier, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Mcrvement 207

Table 11.6: Blacks in Decision-Making Positions in Chicago: ~.§ ~ ~ ,.1965 and 1977 ~ §~ ~ I~~ ~ ~ Date Item Public Private ~ .,.

~ 1965 Total 1223 9900 ~ ~ Black 75 ~ 226 CW)~iI % Black 6.1 2.3 CO ~ I CW) ~ 1977 Total 1619 12013 ~ Black 204 364 ~ % Black 12.6 3.0 ,... ~ e~ ~

0 ~ Source: Fox et aI. (1980) .- ~ ~ -0 - ~ It is obvious from Table 11.6, that blacks are overweeningly '"e e ~ under-represented in both the public (government) and private :0 ~ sectors, but greater representation and improvement has taken (1)'- ..Q.U ~ ~ place in the public sector. The public sector is much more sensi­ (I).!- ~ tive and responsive to the demands of the black protest ~ ..

~ movement since it needs the potential political resources of that ~ ! ~~UU j movement - votes. It needs votes to continue to maintain ",e ~ legitimacy. The pattern seems to be that small electoral districts _::J mo "~ with large black populations tend to be represented well. This is ~ ~ born out by the 'Black Power Batting Average' for City Council '00 ~ representation (Figure 11.2). 0 ~ The Black Power Batting Average is computed by dividing ..E ~ 0 ~ the percentage black of the City Council by the percentage black ~ u. ~ of the voting age population. EIsinger calls this a 'black repre­ .. i~ ~ sentation ratio' (EIsinger 1973) and Karnig and Welch call it a N ~ . ~ 'black council equality ratio' (Karnig and Welch 1980). Figure ,... g~ ~ ,... ~ 11.2 presents the Black Power Batting Average for Chicago, 8~ ~ 1923-83. ! ~ ::J ~ The increase in the number of black representatives in the 0) City Council is a major indication of the developing capacity of ;8 u:: "N the black community to mobilize resources to elect blacks to ~ ~ political office. Given the racial character of many public policies ~ in the City of Chicago, it would be expected that black council i N members would form voting blocs, particularly with regard to ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ N ~ 0 issues of high salience for the black electorate. 000 0 0 0 000 Figure 11.2 graphically portrays the pattern of post-First World War black political representation. There are three co cO +J +J'r-! ~ tYl .::t::> Q) j...j cO tYl Q) COr-fcO()~ ~O:3:Q)j...j ~ Table 11.2: Resurg... ce arM... Prolesl DoriDgMayoral AdmlDistrallOD or Jane Byrne, 1979-83

Issue Problem Attected Prolesl Prolesl Action Outcome orProIesl Population Leadenhlp (Dale or Grealesl Inteosity)

I. Health DeterioIaling health Most womng-c1ass Committee to Save Spring 1980 mass Hospital is saved leInp

2. Educalion Blackrepresentatioo Over Sooo,ooo sbldenlll Parent Eqnaliaers 1979-110, mass prOteslll Successfnll in opposing Tom Ayres OIl Board of Education Sbldeots are in Public CBUC.Jed mass struggles. petitiOD drives are selection by School Ed. President struggle for democratic School Syslem of which SUBS coalition provided launched During 1982 Pslmer becomes a leading advocate control overeducatioo. 61% are bl..,k, 20% popular exposure throngh CBUC leads oppositioo andadviserin Washington's campoign. lating. Chicago district newspaper. to Byrne's appointment Tillman runs for alderman's pla:ing has largest enrollment of two whites to Board second in 3rd Ward Plamer runs ~ in country. repla:ing b1..,ks. unsuccessfully for Congress in HrstDistricL ~

3. Public Black representation ISO,ooo families reside Chicago Housing Stonny series of C. Swibel is fon:ed to resign as Housing diluled by Byrne on in CHA hOUsing devel- Tenants

4. Streeler Bryne attempled to The 17th Ward is 97% CBUCjoioedfon:ed with Campaign: unseat Streeler for (May-July 1982) The StreelervictoIy was tenned a black and voting agaiast otb.lr Westside community b:I 17th Ward opposing her appoint- With !he support of a "people's victory" and a defeat ma;:hioe positions and goonpo to oppose Byrne. S" (Politics) ment of JaoUS-BoDOW b1"'k~edcitywide for Byrne and tbe Regnlar Party. opposed to "plantation" They were joined by to SChool board. coalition. Streeter Setved to further weaken !he !*- Politics. other while reformers. defealed Byrne's candi- machine in the blackcommuoity. dale in !he primaJy ~ andmnoff. S. Blaok ~ UndeIpinning the Blacks are 40% of Businesses slarus issue of Supporting the Chicsgn (August 1982) population. yet have Fest protest was a Led cti.tectly into mass voter ~ andIobs. black representation A 14 day boycott of registration push. The leader- ;:: only 27% of !he poticy broad cOalition hoth were issues of in- Chicago Festled by Ship became key supporters of ::r: positioDs and Zl% of within !he bJa:;kCornm. equality of job and Coalition to Stop Chicago Washington's mayoral bid. &l totaljobs. BJa:;ks unity and citywide. contIact opportunities Fest and SDpporIed by getless than 20% of Key organisation was ~ for bJa:;ks. City con_Ill. by a White-latiDO en PUSH,CBUC. "CommiUee of 500". 6. Unemploy- TIle economic crisis Over 600,000 people ment POWER spe8lheaded by (August.seplember 1982) ~. and !he Regan- in puverty; 200,000 Led to mass VOler registration Welfare commuDity activists Led expos ..... of Reagan Thompson budget GA recipients. Unernp- drive that was based npOD - aocross the city. An -Thompson.Byrne link ~ cuts represent a loyment is over 12.4%. mobilising and disenfranchised an.chicago S1lIIIIUer to domestic culll and direct attack on !he The overwbelming among blacks .• latinos and poor Congress held in diversion of public slaDdard of living. ~ority are blacks. whiles. Augnst 1982. resowces into politicians ~ coffers. 9 7. CDFnnd A large pen:ent of City xeceives over Chicago Rehab. Netw~ - Reprogr- Federal Community (Angust.seplember 1982) Led to a general and widespread $11 0 million in Block a coalition of hOUsing amming Development Funds Made administrative anti-Byrne motion that had Grant funds to SDpport development organisations, (Private were retaioed to complainlll; prolesled developed in !he neighbourhoods. housing rehab. neigh- was joined by other Honsing) SDpport maohine at Mayor Byrne's office It served to undermine Byrne's borhood development other communit;y-based politicians and and launched media cam- and revitalisation. organisatioos. base of snpport HUD ruled patronage as well as psign against repealed funds had to he restored. investments in Central funds to meet other Busioess: District potilical objectives of Byrne's administration.

~ 210 MtWorter, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Movement 211 definite periods: (a) Symbolic representation (1923-47) represents seven terms of office when two blacks were on the Council. against discriminatory practices by the Byrne city government. These two blacks were symbolically the representatives of all The issues are: quality of services (numbers 1, 6 and 7) repre­ blacks in the city. The declining Black Power Batting Average sentation (numbers 2, 3 and 4), and economic distribution reflects increases in black population while council membership (number 5). Large sectors of the overall city population were stayed the same. (b) Machine representation (1947-67) represents affected by these issues and, therefore, had an interest in the five terms of office but an incremental increase on success of the protests. representation from three to six black members of the Council. There was significant media support for protest action. In the These politicians were loyalists in the Daley machine. (c) black community, there was a major daily newspaper (Defender), Proportionate representation (1967-83) characterized by an increase a weekly press (Metro News and Chicago Observer), several black­ to 16 black members of the council. Black council representatives oriented radio stations, and a Black Press Institute which are divided into machine regulars and independents. Currently provided general access to all black newspapers as a clipping there are 19 predominantly black wards in Chicago. Two of the service. This was supplemented by black journalists in the wards have white alderpersons who are machine loyalist, while mainstream media (for example, Vernon Jarrett and Monroe one is an independent. Anderson at the Tribune) including at least one black show on every TV station. A critical role was played by a newspaper started by radical white militants operating 'outside' the political Pre-Campaign Build-Up mainstream (All Chicago City News). The basic resources of the black community had to be mobilized But the critical media dynamic was provided by Lu Palmer if this change in the structure of political opportunity (increased who coined the phrase 'We Shall See in '83.' This became his representation) were to be taken advantage of by effective social slogan in 1981: protest. Mobilization can be effective to the extent that sufficient Well in '81, we held a city-wide political conference ... 'Toward A black unity exists to focus the mobilized resources on one key Black Mayor'. You know it is really kind of revolutionary for black objective. These two political conditions of social protest - folks to start doing something in '81 and looking toward a goal of mobilization of resources and unified political focus - were '83 .... So we said at Malcolm X College, first thing we are going to developed in Chicago by insurgent forces, especially the black have to do is change the mind-set of our people. So we coined a militants who became the Task Force for black political empow­ slogan 'We Shall See, in '83.' And we printed that slogan on every erment. There were three aspects of this pre-campaign build-up: piece of literature that went out. I was on the air with Lu s Notebook on four black radio stations sponsored by Illinois Bell, and 1 building a consensus of issues, especially the mayoral I just laid on my family of listeners 'We Shall See in '83.' I do a talk election, with the unifying political objective to defeat Jany show at night, two nights a week, On Target. I signed off, 'this is Lu Byrne; Palmer reminding you that "We Shall See in '83." Slowly, agoniz­ ingly slowly, it began to catch on and people in the community 2 building a consensus of leadership, by agreeing to support began at least to think about the fact that we could see in '83. And, one major black candidate - Harold Washington; and over a period of time, brothers and sisters, we shall see in '83 became an institutionalized rhythm in the hearts, minds and the 3 building basic political resources, voter registration, educa­ souls of black people to the point that when Harold Washington tion, and turnout to accomplish the defeat of Byrne and the finally announced, November 10, 1982, the first words out of his election of Washington. mouth were 'We Shall See in '83' (Palmer 1984). This media context that promotes Chicago movement protest is Table 11.7 describes the major aspects of the overall social the weekly hour broadcasts on three radio stations from Opera­ protest movement in Chicago during the pre-campaign period tion PUSH. For over a decade the PUSH microphone has been 1980-2. All involve the 'bread and butter,' standard of living and open to virtually every progressive black political candidate and -q

212 McWorier, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Mcroement 213

protest cause. As issues developed, the black community knew Tab" 11.8: Seledlon or a Blac:k Mayoral Candidale: 'resistance was yielding results and people were getting excited. Three Citywide Surveys, 1980-1893 The machine backed Byrne administration became the central political target of a pro-reform anti-machine movement. ELITE· ELITE·· MASS··· The transition was made as struggle proceeded from these various 'economic' issues into a political protest movement with 1. Harold W ...hington (I) 1. Cecil Partee (I) 1. Harold W ...hington (I) ! one concrete 'political' target.' In symbolic and concrete terms, (US Congressman) the signal that a new politicS was imminent in Chicago was the 2. Roland Burris (I) 2. Harold Washington (I) 2. Lu Palmer (0) death of Mayor Daley. As a monolithic structure, the political (State Comptroller) (Chair. CBUq machine Daley left his successors was apparently not prepared 3. Richard Hewbouse (1) 3. Roland Burris (I) 3. Danny Davis (I) for this eventuality. Subsequent events seemed to reflect the (State Representative) weakness of an outdated structure unable to adapt to new 4. Wilson Frost (I) 4. Jesse Jackson (0) 4. Roland Burris (I) conditions, but tenaciously reluctant to transfer power to new (Alderperson) S. Cecil Partee (I) S. Richard Hewhouse (1) S. Jesse Jackson (0) political forces. (City Treasurer) But what makes this instance of black political protest unique 6. Warren Bacon (I) 6. Wilson Frost (I) 6. Lenora Cartwright (I) is not that there was unity about who black people were against, (State Board of (City Commissioner but that there was such unity about who black people were Human Education) Human Service) prepared to support. Table 11.3 presents the top ten names 7. Qifford Kelley (I) 7. Tom Todd (E) 7. Renault Robinson (I) ! identified in three different surveys of the black community that (Alderperson) (Attorney) (CHABoard) 8. Earl Neal (I) 8. Clifford Kelly (I) 8. Anna Langford (E) tried to find out who could draw the most black support as a (CHA Board) (Lawyer) candidate for mayor. 9. Kenneth Smith (E) 9. Manford Byrd (I) 9. Manford Byrd (I) Black politicians began to meet regularly and black business (Minister) (Deputy School leaders were being regularly sounded out by political insiders Superintendant) trying to identify the material resources required to fight in the 10. Jesse Jackson (0) 10. Danny Davis (I) 10. Margaret Burroughs (E) campaign for a black mayor if a consensus candidate were (PUSII Executive) (Alderperson) (Director. DuSable Museum) found. The black elites saw the possibility of running II. Clark Burrus (E) Washington, but he did not have their full support. By 1982, this (Corporation Executive) relatively weak consensus of black elites was taken to the grassroots level. As one of the early militant leaders working for • Survey by the Chicago Reporter Newsletter - 9 insiders (I). 2 elites (E). and I outsider (0) •• Survey by AIM Magazine (Summer 1981) - 8 insiders. I elite. and I outsider a black mayor, Lu Palmer was well aware that victory was ••• Community Vote organised by CBUC (May 1982) - 6 insiders. 2 elites. 2 outsiders; also 3 women possible only if a rather high level of black unity could be devel­ No"': ! oped. Palmer took the polling of black public opinion as a The Chicago Reporter is a monthly civic newsleter with a race relations improvement focus; research project and as a way to organize people for the AIM Magazine is published monthly as a racial harmony and pe8e<>orientated Black publication. 'possibility' of a black mayor. By his account, CBUC and friends ·CBU· the Chicago Black United Committees is a leading activist organisation headed by Lu Palmer. distributed over 25,000 ballots and got back over 13,000. The ·CHA· is the Chicago Housing Authority. responses included over 54 names. The top names on the ballots were asked if they were interested and a final list of 20 interested individuals was to be presented to a mass community meeting as what he called a 'plebiscite.' About 1,500 people attended a mass meeting at Bethel AME Church and voted on the candidates (see Table 11.8 for results). The mass list developed by CBUC is slightly different in that there are three f I

J 214 McWorter, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Movement 215

outsiders, and three women. Further, most of the insiders are out by black protest movement leadership. ,.,independents. The CBUC polling process more adequately reflected the popular independent character of the movement fuelling the Washington campaign. The Task Force , Included among Washington's friends, were the militants of As a militant coalition of organized forces, the Task Force was his generation who were high achievers and fought inside based on previous networks developed in the movement and Chicago politics. Washington had been careful to maintain forged in the community-based fights for reform during 1982. In strong inside political ties, receiving his apprenticeship training October (1982), Joe Gardner (then a top executive in PUSH) in the Dawson and Metcalfe ward organizations. So now called a meeting of about 100 people to discuss a black candidate Washington was being selected by this more recent generation for mayor. This gathering at Roberts Motel (largest black motel of protest leaders, and at least given a chance by the black elite, in town) decided that were such a campaign to develop, it though without their strong material encouragement. He had would be necessary to have a militant organization that would run for mayor before, in 1977, and he had good name recogni­ be a parallel force to the official campaign. The emerging strat­ tion. By the autumn of 1982 a consensus had developed that the egy required a free wheeling coalition operating outside the best black candidate for mayor was Harold Washington. conventional limitations that define political insiders and insti­ When Washington was approached by the militant outside tutional elites. Robert Starks was asked to develop a definite political leaders, he responded as a political insider would to plan and, on that basis, the Task Force for Black Political outside protest leadership. He made his candidacy contingent Empowerment was formed. upon the movement being able to register 50,000 new black The climate of unity was set, but its implementation in a voters and upon turning them out in the autumn (state-wide) context of militant political outsiders required movement skills, 1982 election. He later increased his demand to 100,000 new and not the bureaucratic logic of rule-governed behaviour. At voters. the very beginning, insurgent styled insiders were dominant The militant movement responded to his challenge. A suit inside the Task Force. Danny Davis, one of the most indepen­ was filed in court to open up the registration process and, for the dent of the black members of the City Council, acted as chair­ first time in the political process, it was opened up in employ­ person for the first few meetings, and was joined by virtually ment offices, churches and public housing projects. As it turned every new political aspirant. However, this was at odds with the out, the registration centres were located in places where local more 'movement' oriented masses who began to attend the struggles had been taking place and were being operated, in meetings in increasing numbers. The main struggle was over part, by the militants who had been leading these protest strug­ whether to focus on the election exclusively or to include other gles. It was not hard for people to connect the two aspects - issues of struggle as well. A committee led by Bob Lucas devel­ economic reform for their own narrow interest with a political oped a coalitional leadership slate and from that emerged the target that united people throughout the city. This set the stage Starks/Worrillieadership. for the key material support from the black elites. Ed Gardner, The main thrust of the Task Force in the early period was to founder and president of Soft-Sheen Cosmetics Company, develop political resources. Washington's first goal was to get on provided at least $50,000 for an advertising campaign to the ballot, and this required 3,505 signed petitions. While he was popularize the voter registration drive: 'Come Alive, October 5' reported to have got 100,000, the Task Force leadership was promoted in the autumn of 1982 as the action slogan to announced that they had collected 20,000. Washington had just implement the theme 'We Shall See in '83.' By 5 October, over received 172,641 votes in his successful re-election to Congress, 160,000 new registrants had been placed on the rolls. Over so he already had a mass base. But the issue of building 100,000 of these new registrants were black. resources was not only one of getting petitions signed, it was Thus, the immediate build-up of political resources (issues, a one requiring the mobilization of voters. candidate and votes) was to a great extent initiated and carried CBUC organized four voter clinics (on 3, 10, 23 and 30 216 McWorter, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Movement 217

December) and the Task Force joined with POWER and filed Detroit moved to Chicago with his staff to be an on-site national ,suit to open up the registration process. They won the suit to adviser to the campaign, and to help unite the black elite leader­ take the registration out to unemployment and welfare offices, ship behind Washington. schools, and churches and libraries. A plem for the participation QJ the Task Force was suggested by Bon Lucas of KOCO. His first involvement in the movement came when he joined CORE Three Campaign Tactics in 1959. He was the functional link between the POWER forces and the Task Force in the coordination of a city-wide voter Locally, there were three major developments that opened up registration drive. Lucas used his movement experience and his the political climate and set the stage for a rapidly expanding pragmatic grounding as a community organizer to feed the social movement. enthusiasm of the Task Force volunteers into a coherent (1) During January (18th, 23rd, 26th and 30th), a series of four timetable and division of labour. debates was organized and broadcast on radio and television. Movement participants were attending many meetings. In This gave Washington his greatest public exposure to date. And, fact, a movement 'industry' developed around this process (Zald for the black community, he was cast in the role of a gladiator. and McCarthy 1979). A full week of meetings included: the More than Byrne and Daley, Washington was an orator who PUSH Saturday morning sessions, Saturday afternoon campaign combined the rhetorical flair of the black ministerial tradition worker sessions at the Charles Hayes Labor Center, Tuesday with the polysyllabic acumen that a law degree brings. He night Task Force meetings~ and Wednesday night CBUC 'turned the black community on.' He became viable within and meetings. The most committed had subcommittee meetings, and outside the black community. His coffers began to swell as local everyone had assignments to carry out. It is hard to determine and national money came pouring into his headquarters in the the relative importance of these different settings for resource final weeks of the Primary. development because it was not unusual for the same person to (2) One week after the last debate, Washington's campaign attend more than one meeting and report the results of the same held the largest rally for any candidate, when over 15,000 people community work in each setting. Further, the organizations came out on a 'hard' winter day in Chicago. An earlier rally had were in competition with each other to the extent that several of not really worked (2,500 turned out when 10,000 were expected). them went on membership drives in the midst of this mass This rally had to work if the momentum generated by the effort, including PUSH, CBUC, and NBUF. 'Debates' was going to continue. The people came from The general political climate was decidedly in favour of throughout the city. The committed base of the campaign was Byrne and Daley as they had the backing of the mainstream there for all to see. There was increased participation from the media. This was raised to a national level when presidential mainstream black elites and insiders, but they had to witness the politics invaded the city: Mondale supported Daley, and emergence of a black social protest movement that they did not Kennedy supported Byrne. This outraged the Congressional and probably could not control. This led to increased interest in Black Caucus (CBC). The CBC, mindful that three of its Washington since he might be able to control them and, members were from Chicago (including the black candidate certainly, it increased the amount of attention paid to the Task Washington) and that Jesse Jackson might well run for the Force because that is the precise reason for its being. presidency, had to act. It had avoided getting involved because (3) The development of the basic button led to mass identifi­ it seemed that the general trend was against a Washington win, cation with the campaign. POWER made a simple 'blue button' but the national attention was too great a status threat - it with a rising sun stating, 'Washington for Chicago.' This slogan challenged their claim to national political leadership of the was adopted by the time of the general election and over 1.25 black community. The CBC took the national white leadership million buttons were distributed. In sum, a positively charged of the Democratic Party to task and placed its support firmly climate had emerged which had as its main aspect greater behind Washington. In fact, Congressman John Conyers from candidate credibility (debates), greater visibility of mass and elite support (rally), and the movement had a public symbol of 218 Me Worier, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Movement 219

I identification and a statement of solidarity (the button). time to fight back against the 'white folks and win,' rather than Our general thesis was stated in part by Nate Oay (1983), a follow the leader so characteristic of past practices of the black local black journalist, in his analysis of the major rally on 6 Church. February: Another instance of the Task Force defending unity emerged It had all the flavour of a civil rights movement rally of the 1960s. when it was learned that the Defender newspaper was likely to The overflow, enthusiastic crowd that filled the cavernous Univer­ withhold its support from Washington. A committee of the Task sity of Illinois Pavilion at an 'All Chicago' rally for mayoral Force leadership met with the newspaper editors and threatened candidate Harold Washington was deep testament to the fervour in a counter-attack, even a boycott. The Defender subsequently the black community around his candidacy. changed its orientation and supported Washington. Lastly, there was the gang problem. The Task Force was so Amazed white commentators admitted that it was the biggest committed to its goals that it opened the doors to everyone in political rally either of the three major contenders has held. I have the black community, even to street gangs such as the EI Rukins no doubt that Congressman Washington can become Mayor (formerly the Blackstone Rangers). However, it appears that Washington if, within the next two weeks, his operation evolves from a campaign to a movement. Black people are turned on by Byrne and 'Fast' Eddie Vrdolyak, out of their respective war movements, not campaigns. chests of $10 million and $1 million, appropriated money to buy the gangs' support. They stopped coming to Task Force meetings and began to harass campaign street workers, includ­ ing anybody wearing a blue button. Several Task Force leaders Significance of the Task Force led groups to confront the gangs. But it is interesting to note that I In general, there were three instances in which the Task Force these confrontations were initiated by the community reformers played a key role in defending black unity: ministers, media, more than by the ACC leadership, since the former were used to and the gangs. The black minister, as the main institutional elite defending the rights of community people. The ACC leadership in the black community has long been a broker of political influ­ found it possible to include the gangs in their definition of black ence. Many ministers had declared support for Byrne and Daley, unity, which set up people in the Task Force for attack. including inviting them to speak in their churches. The Task Force countered this motion by forming an alliance of 300 Resource Mobilization ministers, under Reverend AI Sampon's lead and they took out an advertisement in the Defender in order to identify the black The Task Force raised little money for the campaign itself. I' Church with Washington. As outsiders, the Task Force formed However, it did manage to gather enough resources to sustain a squads to picket the endorsement meetings of black ministers temporary office on 47th Street, to maintain a part-time office I with Daley and Byrne (for example, 19 January at the Hyde Park manager and a bank of telephones. The phone lines were I Hilton when 75 ministers met to endorse Daley). This created an handled by staff volunteers who called registered voters in the interesting contradiction as some of these ministers felt so much 19 black wards to recruit volunteers for the movement and to pressure from their congregations that they had to pull back and encourage a high turnout for Harold Washington. get on the Washington bandwagon. One of the major 'race The Task Force did produce two mass leaflets ('Our Future is defectors' was Reverend J.H. Jackson, former head of the in Your Hands' and 'We Discovered It [Chicago], We Should National Baptist Convention. Yet, his importance had greatly Govern It'). The Task Force developed its own button (red, black diminished since he had joined with Mayor Daley in his opposi­ and green, the symbolic colours of black nationalism) which was tion to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. He even distributed through networks primarily on the South Side. The opposed Martin Luther King. It appeared that race loyalty in the Task Force recruited several hundred people to distribute midst of this movement was greater than the traditional hold leaflets door-to-door and at shopping centres during the last two that black ministers had on their congregation in Chicago. It was weekends of the Primary.

.. McWorter, Gills and Bailey 220 Black Power Politics as Social Mooement 221

The Task Force leadership reports that there were hundreds tactics to defend black unity. The pervasive racism generated by ,. of workers on the streets passing out 'one million pieces' of pro­ Epton's campaign, and the racist reaction of the machine's Harold Washington literature during the weekend of the defeated leadership was sufficient to ensure unity in the black Primary. Working through CBUC, and the Near South Side community. Washington took on all the traits of a gladiator who Campaign office, the Task Force played a key role in training, could do no wrong in the black community. When white perhaps, several hundred election day workers, many of whom Chicago Democrats decided to vote Republican, Chicago was had never before done anything other than vote in an election. put on war alert. Task Force personnel provided workers for Washington's public However, the Task Force leadership resisted preparing a appearances at public transport stops and at public housing plan on how to stay out in the face of the spontaneous mass developments. On election day the Task Force recruited a fleet energy unleashed by the Primary victory. Hence, the Task of cars to transport voters to the polls and to provide logistics, Force's role became focused on campaign literature distribution and 'troubleshooting' functions. and advance street work for Harold Washington. It raised no new demands and no programme. An important distinction Crisis of Victory between the role of the Task Force in the primary and the general election periods is that it had lost its capacity to innovate Harold Washington's primary victory was a people's victory. It tactically. (Or, as Al Sampson, a leading member of the Task generated a community-wide 'high' with effects upon subse­ Force stated, 'We haven't busted any new grapes since the quent mass organization, particularly upon the Task Force. The Primary.') crescendo effect of a significant social protest is often followed Thus, the effect of the primary victory (and the transition in by a down tum in the level of effort and organizational disci­ strategy on the part of campaign leadership in the face of an pline. The loss of focus within the Task Force came precisely at expanding movement) significantly altered the social character the point when another upswing or upsurge in activity was of the leading bodies of the campaign organization. We saw required. The general election was seven weeks away. There earlier that the composition of the insider organizations was was a loss of orientation and momentum. This occurred simul­ predominantly institutional elites. The Transition Team was taneously with the campaign organization being forced to adjust composed of professionals with technical and bureaucratic to the new conditions of success and to the need for an skills, while the Steering Committee was expanded to include expanded (city-wide) movement. The new political tasks of the more black ministers and Latino and whiterrofessionals. campaign required that political resources be redirected and The orientation and outward thrust 0 the campaign were concentrated outside the black community. This was indicated altered. Simultaneously, this development produced a role-shift by the increased level of effort being expended in trying to reach in the relative importance of the Task Force. The Task Force had Latinos and white voters. Second, there was new emphasis on given the campaign a militant character that was no longer 'top-down' coalition development which contrasted sharply required. The role redifinition of the Task Force was reflected in with the 'bottom-up' thrust of the primary and the pre-campaign its demise and fall in status relative to other bodies and activities build-up: (1) the Steering Committee was expanded to include in the campaign organizations. Included in this was the more black elites, whites and Latinos in formal and functional expanded use of television and radio advertiSing supplanting campaign roles; and (2) there was the formation and announce­ the need for door-to-door street workers. The campaign's ment of a 'blue ribbon' transition team composed of mainly attempt to reach into the black community was only very white business and professional elites. intense during the last two weeks leading up to the general The effect of these readjustments in campaign orientation election. and activity led to the loss of status of (and a role shift for) the Task Force: there were new needs for the general election. This was possible because it was no longer necessary to use militant 222 McWorter, Gills and Bailey Black Power Politics as Social Movement 223

Conclusion We do not believe that the future will merely repeat this process in Chicago or any other city. However, what we can Since 1982 the Western Journal of Black Studies has been reporting learn is that when a community is oppressed and exploited, an the results of scholarly research in the area of black political explosion of political protest is probably more normal than . representation (Dennis and Moeser 1982; Foster 1983); political acquiescence and submission and, in the final analysis, the organization and leadership (Murray and Vedlitz 1982; Tryman outcomes are influenced decisively by the qualities of leader­ 1977); and leadership style, decision-making and performance of ship. black office-holders (Goldstein 1981; Uzzell 1981; Lowenstein 1981). This chapter is a contribution to this emerging area in the scholarly literature on black urban and mayoral politicS and its interface with the broader black liberation movement. We have focused on the social character of the leadership which emerged or was recruited in the Harold Washington mayoral campaign. The Harold Washington electoral dynamic represents an instance where a mass political protest movement was directed into the electoral atena. It has, as such, important implications for the future and direction of urban black politics and the struggle for black liberation on a number of fronts. We have focused this analysis on the leadership of the Washington campaign for mayor of the city of Chicago. We have argued that this was a dramatic case of social protest being expressed within the electoral arena. Therefore, we have demonstrated that the social.movement mode of analysiS can best explain what happened. The Washington campaign was a particular instance of the black liberation movement using legitimate means to gain control over the administration of city government through the electoral processes. We have drawn three major conclusions: 1 At the core of black politicS in Chicago, there is a dual leadership composed of 'political insiders' and 'movement outsiders.' This dual structure is held together through relationships with elites in the black community who occupy leading positions within its social institutions. 2 The Washington campaign's dual leadership was developed through local community struggles. Further, in the primary it was the outsider leadership that played the decisive role (Task Force) but toward the general election the elites took over, first the black elites (Steering Committee) and then the white elites (Transition Team). 3 Overall, this political event reflects the special conditions created by mass mobilization, clear political focus, and a united black leadership (outsiders, elites, and insiders). ""

224 Me Worier, Gills and Bailey

Notes 1 This article is part of a larger project dealing with the election of 12 Harold Washington. A great mass of data was collected through the 'involved' observation of activist fieldwork, extensive clipping of a nearly complete collection of official campaign documents. A Race, Class and Polarization in Los full book-length study is being prepared. See our article 'Chicago History and Mayoral Politics' in Bush (1984). Angeles 2 A relevant theoretical summation of black leadership in Chicago has been undertaken by Wilson (1960). He makes a distinction between the political leader and civic leader, a categorization Julia Maxted and Abebe Zegeye similar to our insider-outsider distinction. He further goes on to describe three periods in the development of black leadership: compatible elites (black political and civic leaders working together for common ends), diverging elites (same black leadership groups working at odds), and a new merger (the coming together of black and white elites for new reforms). Wilson identifies compatible elites with the 1920s and the diverging elites with the 1950s. He said that the third stage had not reached Chicago by 1960. It is interesting that as late as the The operations of the social and spatial structures which early 1980s, political analysts predicted it would remain this way sustained and shaped expanSionary post-war capitalist because blacks were going. to follow and repeat the pattern of accumulation in the United States have become increasingly white ethnics. This meant simply that blacks would take their tum disarticulated over the past twenty years. The bipolar at the helm of the machine (Rakove 1982) or remain subservient to arrangements that characterized this structure, the segmentation the machine through weak political leadership (Preston 1982). between primary and secondary labour market employment, This incorrect perception of social and political reality in the black and suburban and inner city residence are undergoing a community results from having the wrong set of assumptions profound restructuring. They are giving way to a broad about black politics, limiting our capacity to explain and to predict social change. Only by understanding the continual dialectic of polarization of the labour market cut across by fragmentations black leadership, being pulled inside to institutional politics and based on race, ethnicity, immigrant status and gender. As Soja outside into social movement politics, can one understand black (1989: 178) suggests: proteSt. In its most general sense, restructuring is meant to convey a break 3 In Figure 11.1 our political leadership categories are based on in secular trends and a shift towards a significantly different order judgements about the political resources represented by the and configuration of social, economic and political life. It thus individual member of the leadership group. (a) Task Force: in this evokes a sequence of breaking down and building up again, group each person was formally listed in the organization'S deconstruction and attempted reconstruction arising from certain minutes and, on at least two occasions, observed by a researcher incapacities and weaknesses in the established order which making a contribution in a weekly planning session. The precludes conventional adaptation and demands significant outside/insider measure was based on their self-report main structural change instead. organizational role that brought resources to the Task Force. (b) The emergence of a new regime of accumulation out of this Steering Committee and Transition Team: these two groups released official lists of leadership along with their main restructuring is not written into the fate of capitalist occupational or political role. We assumed that these affiliations development. Regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation represented the key resources of use to the campaign. are outcomes of human struggles, outcomes that have succeeded because they have ensured some regularity and permanence in social rej:>roduction (Lipietz 1986). We are at present witnessing

225 244 Julia Maxted and Abebe Zegege important segment of the domestic reserve of the unemployed, here a segment that will be continually used in the future as in the past as a threat to employed black and white workers. The References existence of this group is also essential for the successful dev~luation process via the mechanism of inclusion. The random absorption of blacks within the work force in every occupation at their percentage in the population would undermine an important weapon for extracting surplus value, the stigmatization of race. It is only while certain racial characteristics remain stigmatized and while this racism is justified by the 'failure' of most blacks to advance that the Adler, Leslie K. (1970) 'The Red Image,' Ph.D. thesis, University process of inclusion leads to devaluation of all labour power of California within a specific occupation (Gould 1981). Poverty is thus being produced not only by the continuing Aglietta, Michel (1979) A Theory of Capitalist Regulation: The US exclusion of minority males from primary labour markets, but Experience, London, New Left Books especially through the dynamic incorporation of women and immigrants into low wage sectors of the economy. The economic Aglietta, M. and G. Oudiz (1983) 'Configurations de I'Economie situation of blacks is increasingly rooted in the character of Mondiale et Regulations Nationales,' Paris, Centre d'Etudes employment opportunities in growing industries, and the loss of Perspectives et d'Information well paying blue collar jobs. Low wage employment in the Aigner, D. J. and G. C. Cain (1977) 'Statistical Theories of emerging structure of accumulation, far from being the Discrimination in Labor Markets,' Industrial and Labor periphery to a high wage core as under Fordist organization, has Relations Review, 30,175-87 become the job growth pole of the economy. This chapter has sought to begin to relate some of the seemingly discrete Akerlof, George A. and Janet L. Yellen (eds) (1986) Efficiency phenomena and paradoxical juxtapositions emerging in the new Wage Models of the Labor Market, Cambridge, Cambridge spatial and social configurations to the structure which University Press generates them. These new arrangements are challenging the Alkalimat, Abdul et al. (1986) Introduction to Afro-American bipolar constructions that have dominated the analysis of post Studies: A People's College Primer, Chicago, Twenty-First Second World War United States society. Century Books Allen, V. (1969) 'Teaching Standard English as a Second Dialect,' Florida Foreign Language Reporter, 123-9 Alleyne, M. (1981). Comparative Afro-American, Ann Arbor, Karoma Appiah, Kwame Anthony (1986) 'The Uncompleted Argument: Du Bois and the Illusion of Race,' Critical Enquiry, 12 (1), Autumn, 21-37 Appiah, Kwame Anthony (1989) 'Racisms,' in Goldberg, q.v. Arnauld, A. and Lancelot, C. (1975) Port-Royal Grammar, The Hague, Mouton

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Acheson, Dean, 169 Baier, Kurt, 44 Adler, Leslie, 174, 176 Bair, Barbara, 162 Aerojet International, 234 Baker, Alfred, 171 AFL,176 Balibar, Etienne, 100 Africa, 179, 180, 181 Banton, Michael, 143 African Community of Baraka, Amiri, 66 Chicago (ACC), 195, 196, 198, Barker, Martin, 44 219 Baron, Harold, 200, 227, 228 Afro-American Patrolmen's Beaumont, Texas, 173 League (AAPL), 199 Becker, Gary S., 44, 105 Aglietta, M., 226, 230 Ben-Tovim, Gideon, 100 Aigner, D.J., 105, 117, 123, 125 Bennett, Lerone, 201 Akerlof, George A., 109 Bennett, William, 35 Alabama, 186 Berger, P.L., 70 Alkalimat, Abdul, 161 Berkeley, California, 141 Allen, V., 74 Bernstein, Victor, 172, 173 Alleyne, M., 75 Berry, Bill, 200 Althusser, Louis, 30 Bethel AME Church, 212 American Indians, 25 Bingham, 183 ANC, 181 Birmingham, Alabama, 178, Anderson, Munroe, 211 188 Anselm, 13 black English, 67, 73, 74, 76, 79 anti-communism, 172 Black Power Batting Average, anti-Semitism, 141 206,210 anti-war movement, 160 black power movement(s), 81, apartheid,43, 161, 169 153 Appiah, Kwame Anthony, ix, Black Press Institute, 211 100 black underclass, 45-65 Arabs, 140 Blackstone Rangers, 219 Arnauld, A., 73 Blau, Francine D., 117, 121, 122, Aronowitz, Stanley, 100 127,129 Arrow, Kenneth, 123 Blau, Peter, 113 Arrow-Debreu, 102, 125 Block, W., 142 Asian Americans, 132 Bloom, Jack, 163, 167 Asian/ Asians, 123, 138, 141, Bluestone, B., 234 169 boat people, 71 Association of African Bobby Wright Mental Health Historians, 195 Center, 196 Atlanta City, 183 Boggs, Carl, 141 Averitt, Robert T., 227 Bolshevik/Bolshevism, 172, Bach, RL., 240, 241 173 Bacon, Warren, 200 Bork, Robert, 137 269 270 Index Index 271

Bosmajian, H., 72 Chicago Black United (CPUSA), 162, 165, 170, 176, Doeringer, P., 155 Boston, Thomas D., x, 142, 143, Communities (CBUq, 198, 177,198 DuBois, Dr W.E.B., 36, 163, 164, 146,149,155 212,214,215,216,220 comprador bourgeoisie, 153 170, 171, 179, 180, 181, 188, Botan, c., 76, 79 Chicago Housing Authority Congress of Racial Equality 189 Bourdieu, Pierre, 10 Board,199 (CORE), 182, 185, 216 Dunbar, Anthony, 175 Bowles, Samuel, 113, 115, 117, Chicago Urban League (CUL), Congressional Black Caucus Durkheim, Emile, 104, 127 127,133 200,205 (CBq,216 Dworkin, Ronald, 38 Bowser, Benjamin P., 44, 189 Chicano, 81 Connor, Bull, 168 East Africa, 181 Boxill, Bernard, xii, 20, 21, 39, China/ Chinese, 39, 92, 240 Conyers, John, 216 Eastland,Terry,35 44,63 Chomsky, Noel! Chomskyan, Coordinating Council of Edwards, Richard c., 227 Boyer, Richard 0., 175 xii, 67, SO, 91, 100 Community Organizations Ehrenberg, Ronald G., 103 Bracken, Harry M., 37, 91, 100 Chrysler, 234 (CCCO),200 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 169, Brauer, Carl, 178 Citizens for Self Cornelius, Wayne, 241 177-8 Brazil/Brazilians, 31, 140, 234 Determination, 196 Council on African Affairs, 180 Elias, R., 72 Britain/Britons, 89, 181 civil rights / civil rights Cox, Oliver c., 100 Eliasoph, Nina, 128 Broca, 101 movement (CRM), xi, 151, Creoles, 75 Ellison, Ralph, 24 Brooke, Edward, 182 153, 154, 156, 158-60, 162, Crysler, 71 EIsinger, Peter K., 192, 206 Brooklyn, New York, 196 167-9, 177179, 182, 183-4,. culture of poverty, 46 England/Englishmen, 73,92 Brown case, 169, 177, 178 187-8,218 Dalby, D., 75 equality of opportunity, 56, 59 Brown, c., 73 Civil War, 153, 192 Daley, Mayor, 200, 210, 212, Evans, Sara, 160 Buchanan, Allen, 16, 17,18, 19, Oark, Jim, 168 216, 217, 218 Fainstein, Norman, 243 22 Oark, Walter, 201 Daniel, J.L., 75 Farmer, James, 182 Bulow, Jeremy, 105, 101,', 110, Oark, Wayne Addison 172, Danville, Virginia, 186 FBI, 170, 175, 178, 183 111,121,129 173,175 Darby, Henry, 181 Featherman, David, 106, 243 Bunche, Ralph, 182 Oay, Nate, 218 Darity, W., 143 Feinberg, J., 44 Bush, Rod 224 Ouster, Dick, 160 Davis, Danny, 201, 215 feminism/ feminists, 160, 179 busing, 63, 65 Coalition for Black Trade Davis, Mike, 226, 228, 233, 242, Finkle, Lee, 164 Byrne, Mayor Jany, 199,210, Unionists, 198 243 Firestone, 232 211, 212, 216, 217, 218, 219 Coalition of Labor Union Davy, Sir Humphrey, 6, 12 First Federal Saving and Loan, Byrnes,James F., 172 Women, 200-1 de Graaf, Lawrence B., 228 201 Cain, G.c., 105, 117, 123, 125 cold war, 159, 169, 170, 175, Debs, Eugene, 173 First National Bank, 204 California, 232, 235, 237, 238, 177, 182, 188 Demarco, Joseph P., 37 Flaim, P., 233 239,240,241 Coleman, Slim 198 Democratic National Ford/Fordism/Fordist, xi, 226, Caribbean Basin, 231, 239, 240 Collins, Keith E., 228 Convention, 183 229,230,231,234,242,244 Carleton, Don, 173 Collins, Sharon, 237 Democratic Party, 167, 168, Forman, James, 182, 183, 185, Carmichael, Stokely, 183, 186 colour-blind principles, 34-7, 198,201,216 186 Carson, Oayborne, 178, 183 43,44 Dennis, Rutledge M., 222 Fortney, Nancy D., 37 Cartwright, Nancy, 9, 13 colour-conscious principles, Derrida, Jacques, 30 Foster, Lorn S., 222 Carus, Carl Gustav, 101 37-41,43 Descartes/Cartesian, 3,67,80, Foucault, Michel, 30, 100 Cassidy, F., 78 Comaroff, John, 100 92 Fowler, R., 67, 69, 72 Caute, David, 174 Committee on Socialism and Detroit, 67, 71, 78, 162, 184, 217 Fox,Roge4 205,206 Charles Hayes Labor Center, Communism, 174 Dickens, Charles, 15 France/French, 70, 73 216 Communism/ communist/ Co Dillard, J.L., 75 Frankena, William, 44 Cheng, Charles W., 176, 182 mmunists, 169,170, 177, 181 Dilthey, William, 7 Freeland, Richard M., 175 Chicago, xi, 158, 162, 187, 191- Communist Party of the Dodd, Edward H. Jr, 171 Freeman, Jo, 192 224 United States of America Dodd, Mead & Company, 171 Freudian, 104 272 Index Index 273

Fries, c., 74 Hanke, Lewis, 100 Jews/Jewish, 89, 101, 141 League of Revolutionary Gabriel, John, 100 Harlem, 119, 164, 167, 187 Jim Crow, 118, 160, 161, 162, Struggle ~),198 Gall, Franz Joseph, 101 Harris,Leonard,x, 11,12 168,170,172,187,188 Leggett, J.c., 82 Gardner, Ed, 201, 214 Harrison, Bennett, 155,234 Johnson Publishing Company, Lenin, V.I., 147 Gardner,Jo, 215 Hauser, Arnold, 100 201 Lewis, John, 185, 186, 187 Gardner, Lloyd c., 169 Hauser, Robert, 106, 243 Jones, Oarence, 186 Lewis, W.A. 62,65 Garrow, David, 188 Hayes, Charles, 200 Jones, Dorothy B., 176 Liebow, Elliot, 52 Garvey,~arcus,162 Haynes, Herbert, 184 Jordan, Winthrop, 101 Light, Ivan, 240 Gates, Louis, 12 Hechter, ~chael, 140 Judeo-Christian culture, 135 Lillienstein, E., 200 Geisteswissenschaften, 7 Hegel, G.W.F.,100 Kahn, Lawrence, 121, 1'22, 129 Lipietz, Alain, 225 General Electric, 169 Hill, Richard Child, 233 Kamin, 1., 100 Littler, Graig R, 109 General ~otors, '227, 234 Hill, Robert A, 162 Kant, Immanuel/Kantian Litton Industries, 234 General Tires, 234 Hirshberg, J., 78 rationality, 30, 92, 97, 101 Locke,John,90, 100 Georgia, 186 Hispanics, 116, 123, 233, 241 Karnig, Albert, 205 Los Angeles/Los Angeles Germany/German,62. 65,70, Hodge, R, 69 Kennedy, PresidentJ., 169, 178, County, xi, 226-41 89,92,101 Hollywood, 171, 176 179, 183, 185, 186, 187,216 Lowenstein, Gaither,2Z2. Geschwender, James, 193 Holt, G., 75 Kenwood-Oakland Lowry, Glenn, 46, 57, 58, 63 Ghana, 178 Hook, Sidney, 44 Community Organization Lowth, R, 73 Giddens, Anthony, xi, 142. 149, Hopi grammar / verbs, 69 (KOCO), 196, 198,216 Loyalty Security Programme, 150 Home, Gerald, 170, 171, 172. Kenya, 181 174 Gilroy, Paul, 100 178, 180, 188 Killian, Lewis ~., 131, 192 Lucas, Bob, 198,215,216 Gintis, Herbert, 110, 133 House Un-American Activities King, Dr ~artin Luther Jr, 178, Luckman, T., 70 Ginzberg, Eli, 235 Committee (HUAC), 170, 181, 182, 183, 188, 189, 200, Luhmann, Niklas, 113 Glazer, Nathan, 131 171, 174, 176 218 Lukacs, George, 124 Goel, ~.1., 192 Houston,l73,174,234 Kluegel, James R, 106, 107 Lutz, W.,72 Goldberg, David Theo, x, 11, Huges, Graham, 44 Knight, Frank, 113, 125, 127 MacDonald, J. Fred, 176 100 Hughes, Langston, 171 Kochman, T., 75 ~alaya,39 Golden, R.I., 74 Humble Oil, 173 Kolko, Gabriel, 169 ~alcolm X, 156, 184, 185, 186, Goldman, Allan H., 44 Hume, David/Humean, 24, 56, Korea, 240 188 Goldstein, ~chael, 2Z2. 92,101 Kovel, Joel, 100 ~alcolm X College, 211 Goodrich, 232 lllinois, 196, 200, 218 Kozol, J., 72 ~alvaeaux, Julienne, 44 Goodyear, 232 llllnois Bell, 211 Kress, G., 67, 69, 72 Mann, Robert, 201 Gorz, Andre, 100 India/Indian/Indians, 32, 132, Kushnick, 1., xi, 158, 187 ~arable, Manning, 162, 163, Gould, Mark, x, 101, 108, 112, 240 Kushnick, Pat, 189 164, 179, 180, 181, 183, 185, 124,125,126,127,128,226, Inland Steel, 200 Kwanzaa, 195 186,188 '229,230,243,244 Institute of Positive Education, labour-market diSCrimination, ~arathon Oil, 234 Gramsci, Antonio / Gramscian, 195 102 Marglin, Stephen, 113 133,140 IQ tests, 119 Labov, W., 75, 119, 120, 128 Marshall, Arthur, 100 Grenada, 72 Ishikawa, Tsuneo, 110 Laclau, Ernesto, 140 ~arshall, Burke, 182 Griffith, Robert, 175 Israel,89,180 Lancelot, c., 73 ~arx, Karl, xi, 16, 17, '22, 68, Gross, Barry R, 35 Jackson, Reverend Jesse H., Landry, Bart, 233, 237 126, 142, 145, 149, 150 199,216,218 Grove, David J., 44 Las Casas, 100 ~arxism/Marxist/Marxists, Habermas, Jurgen, 7, 8 Jamaica, 101 Latency, Reverend George, 186 16, 18, 19,20,21,23, 72,83, Hacker, Andrew,147 Japan/Japanese, 230, 233 Latino/Latinos, 132, 135, 141, 147, 148, 198 Halliday, ~.A.K., 82 Jarrett, Vernon,211 169,201,220,'221,237 ~assachusetts, 182 Hallock, Robert, 201 Jefferson, Nancy, 198,201,204 Mau~au,181 274 Index Index 275

Max Factor, 234 National Association for the Operation PUSH, 199,211,215, Raby, AI, 200 Maxted, Julia, xi Advancement of Colored 216 racism Simplex, 29, 30, 31, 33, McAdam, Doug, 192 People (NAACP), 164, 170, Orange County, 235 34, 36, 37,42,43 McCarthy, John, 192, 216 171, 172, 177, 178, 181, 182, orthodox neo-classical theory, Randolph, A. Philip, 172, 185, McCarthyism, 183 183, 184. 186, 200 104-7,108 186 McQory, Robert, 199 National Baptist Convention, Oudiz, G., 230 Randolph, Artensa, 201 McGary, Howard, x, 44 218 Ould, Jacqueline, 189 Rawlandson, Thomas, 101 McWorter, Gerald, xi, 200 National Black Independent Owen, Chandler, 172 Rawls, John, 52 Mead, Lawrence, 46, 65 Political Party (NBIPP), 196 Palestinians, 89 Reagan, President Ronald, 72, Meitzen, Mark, 129 National Black United Front Palmer, Lu, 198, 199, 211, 212 136,137 Menjou, Adolph, 171 (NBUF), 196, 216 Pan-Africanism/Pan- Rhodes, E. Washington, 164 Mexico/Mexican, 175,231,234, national bourgeoisie, 153 Africanist, 165, 180, 195 Rivera, R., 200 239,240 National Lawyers Guild Paracelsus, 12 Riverside-San Bernadino Midwest Community Council (NLG), 182, 183 Pareto, V., 126 County,235 (MCC), 196, 198, 201 National Organization for an Parker, Richard, 242 Roberts Motel, 215 Milbrath, Lester W., 192 American Revolution, 81 Parkin, F., 144, 147, 148 Robeson, Paul, 170, 171, 179, Minority Economic National Urban League, 184 Parsons, Talcott, 125 180,188 Development Corporation, National War Labor Board, 2Z7 Peace Information Center, 181 Robeson, Paul Jr, 171, 180 196-8 native American languages, 69 Pentagon, 234 Robinson, Jackie, 182 Mississippi, 182, 186 Naturwissenschaften, 7 People Organized for Welfare Robinson, Renault, 199 Mississippi Freedom Nazi/Nazism, 101, 168 and Economic Reform Rockefeller, Governor Nelson, Democratic Party, 183 Near South Side Campaign, (POWER), 198,216,217 182 Mississippi Freedom Summer, 220 Pettigrew, Thomas, 100 Roemer, John, 108, 127 182 Negrey, Cynthia, 233 Phelps, Edmund, 123, 127 Rogers,Joel A., 164 Mitchell-Kernan, c., 75 Nei, M., 11, 12 Philadelphia, 140, 196 Rorty, Richard, 100 Moeser, John V., 222 New Deal, 161 Philippines, The, 240 Rosen, Sumner, 175 Mondale, Walter, 216 New Left, 160 Piaget, Jean, 119 Rowan, Carl T., 182 Montagu, Ashley, 15, 36 new racism, 32 Pinkney, Alfonso, 131 Rowley, Margaret, 181 Montgomery, Alabama, 167, New York, 181, 182, 231 Piore, M.J., 155 Roychoudhury, A.K, 11, 12 178 Newton/Newtonian, 6, 12, 44 Pittsburgh, 162 Rukins, EI, 219 Morais, Herbert M., 175 Nicaragua, 81 Plato, 100 Russia/Russian, 70,72,89, 166 Morales, Jorge, 201 Nigeria, 178 Playboy Foundation, 201 Rutgers, 171 Morales, Rebecca, 233, 235 Noel, Donald L., 44 Pomerantz, Charlotte, 174 Rytira, Nancy, 239 Morrison, Toni, 67 Noyelle, Thierry, 236 Pollenberg, Richard, 229 Salaman, Graeme, 109 Moscow,178 Nozick, Robert, 16, 19 Popkin, Richard, 24, 25 Sampson, Reverend AI, 218, Mosse, George, 100, 101 O'Daniel, Pappy, 172 Port-Royal School, 73 221 Motorola, 234 O'Dell, Jack, 183 Portes, A. 240 Samuelson, Paul, 108 Mouffe, Chantal, 140 Oberschall, Anthony, 192 Pouissant, A., 70 San Francisco, 234 Muller, Thomas, 237, 241 Occam's razor, 49, 50 Poulantzas, Nico, xi, 142, 149, Sassen/Sassen-Koob, S., 236, Murray, L., 73 Offe, Gaus, 113, 127 150, 153, 2'2iJ 240 Murray, Nancy, 158 Office of War Information, 164 Powell, Adam Gayton, Jr, 162 Schlesinger, Arthur Jr, 182, 183, Murray, Richard L., 222 Ogbu, John, 122 Prager, J., 44 185,186 Muste, Vance, 172 Oil Workers International Prague, 188 Schmidt, Emerson P.I., 174 Myrdal, Gunnar, 165, 166, 169 (00), 173, 175, 176, 2'2iJ, 2Z7 Preston, Michael, 224 Scholastic Aptitude Tests Naison, Mark, 162 Omi, Michael, 100, 130, 131, Pryor, F., 144, 146 (SAT), 119, 128 136, 140, 141 Puerto Ricans, 175 Schuman, Howard, 107 276 Index Index 277

Schuyler, George, 164 Student Non-Violent van den Berghe, Pierre, 100 Williams, Walter, 47, 142 Searle, Chris, 159 Coordinating Committee van Dijk, T.A., 72 Williams, William A., 169 Sehgal, E., 233 (SNCC), 178, 182, 183. 185, Van Nuys,233 Williamson, Oliver, 109, 113 Senate Internal Affairs 200 Vedlitz, Arnold, 222 Wilson, Charles E., 169 Committee, 174 Summers, Lawrence H. 105, Vietnam/Vietnamese, 71,179, Wilson, Edward, 101 Shapiro, Carl, 12, 109, 110, 126 109, 110, 111, 121, 129 181, 182, 188 Wilson, James Q., 224 Shockley, Professor William, I, Sweezy, Paul, 148 Vincent, Theodore G., 162 Wilson, WilliamJulius,46,59, 3 Sykes, M., 72 Viscusi, W. Kip, 121, 129 60,65, 137, 140, 142 Shule Ya Toto, 195 Taft-Hartley Agreement, 228 Vlastos, Gregory, 25 Simpson, Lorenzo 48, 49 Winant, Howard, xi, 100, 140, c., Talmadge,Eugen~172 Volosinov, V.N., 68,69 141 Singer, Marcus G., 37 Task Force for Black Political von Humboldt, W., 69 Winckelmann,J.J., 101 Sive-Tomashefsky, Rebecca, Empowerment, 215 Voting Rights Act (1965), 188 Wisconsin, 188 201 Tennessee, 234 Vrdolyak, 'Fast' Eddie, 219 women, 121, 122, 123, 127, 128, slaves/ slavery, 26, 38,46, 58, Texas, 173, 174 Vygotsky, L.S., 68 129, 175, 179,229,233,237, 71, 74, 88, 89, 90, 160 Theoharis, Anton, 175 Wagner Act,l72 238,239,241,242,243 Smith, Adam, 100 Thompson, Anderson, 196 Walker, Alice,66 Wood, Allen, 18 Smith, Eliot R., 106, 107 Thompson, John, 10, 13 Walker, M., 142 'workfare', 56 Smith, Robert, 103 Thrift, Nigel, 101 Wallace, George, 168 Worrill, Conrad, 196,215 Smitherman/Smitherman- Thurow, Lester, 44 Walrasian theory, 125 Wright, Erik Olin, 101 Donalds,Jn, Geneva, xii, 70, Tienda, M., 241 Walton, Hanes, 192 Wright, Gavin, 118,125 71, 75, 76, 78, 79, 82 Toll, William, 36 Warren, Mary Ann, 25 Wyatt, Addie, 200 social contract theory, 52 Transitron, 234 Washington, DC, 164, 174, 184, Yellen, Janet L., 109 Soft-Sheen Cosmetic Treaty of Detroit, 227 185, 186, 187, 188 Young, Whitney, 183 Company,201,214 Tross, Dr J.S. Nathaniel, 165 Washington,Harold May, 191- ZaId, Mayer, 192, 216 Soja,Ed,225,233,234 Truman, President Harry S., 2, 198,200,202,203,205,210, Zax, Jeffrey, 122 Soliz, Juan, 201 169, 172, 174, 177 211,212,214-22,224 Zegeye, Abebe, xi South Africa, 31,89, 180, 181 Tryman, Donald L., 222 Wasserstrom, Richard, 15,25, Zinn,Howard, 169, 184 South Indians, 140 Tucker, Robert, 18 35 Southern Christian Leadership Turkey, 234 Weber, Max/Weberian, xi, 127, Conference (SCLC), 178, 182, Turner, L.D., 75 134, 142, 145, 147, 148, 149, 183, 186, 189 Tyler, Gus, 237 150 Soviet/Soviets/Soviet Union, Uniroyal, 232, 234 Webster, N., 73 168,169, 173, 177, 181 United Auto Workers, 227 Weinstein, Michael M., 108, Sowell, Thomas, 35,44, 47, 142 United Food and Commercial 112, 124, 127 Spain, 89 Workers International Union, Weiss, Andrew, 121 Sri Lanka, 31 200 Welch, Susan, 206 Stafford, Walter, 236 United Nations, 182 Welfare programmes, 46 Stalin, Joseph, 68 Universal Negro Improvement West Indies/West Indians, 32, Stanback, Thomas; 236 Association (UNlA), 162 181 Standard Oil, 173 Uptown Coalition, 198 West, Cornel, 24, 100 Starks, Robert, 196,215 Urban League, 186 Westside Coalition for Unity Stewart, Ollie, 164 US Steel, 234 and Action, 196 Stiglitz, Joseph E., 109, 110, USSR,31 Whorf, B.,68, 69 111,126 utilitarian neo-classica1 theory, Wilkins, Roy, 182, 186 Strickland, Arvarh, 200 103-4 Williams, Bernard, 25 Uzzell, Odell, 222 Williams, Peter, 101 Exploitation and Exclusion: Race and Class in Contemporary US Society Edited by Abebe Zegeye, Leonard Harris, and Julia Maxted

This collection of papers by a group of distinguished academics focuses on the fundamental concepts of race and class, and the nature and patterns of class exploitation in capitalist societies.

The papers, taken from a number of disciplinary and theoretical positions, explore the distinctions and similarities between race and class exploitation, analysing the effectiveness of concepts of justice and social policies in the abatement of inequality, and provide a methodological framework for examining race in its capitalist dimensions. Included within this exploration of race and class are critical accounts of contemporary socio-political development, and reinterpretations of the categories and perceptions which have traditionally governed the question of race and class.

Providing new directions for current critical and theoretical concepts, Exploitation and Exclusion challenges reductionist approaches - whether of biological, psychological or economic orientation - and insists on the application of formative descriptions for complex cultural and social realities.

Contributors Anthony Appiah; Ron Bailey; Thomas Boston; Bernard Boxhill; Doug Gills; David Goldberg; Mark Gould; Leonard Harris; Lou Kushnick; Julia Maxted; Howard McGary; Gerald McWorter; Geneva Smitherman; Howard Winant; and Abebe Zegeye.

Published for the Centre for Modern African Studies, University of Warwick

HANS ZELL PUBLISHERS is an imprint of Bowker-Saur Ltd, a ISBN 0-905450-67-1 Reed International Books Company. Bowker-Saur specializes in publishing information and reference works for the internation­ al library community. Bowker-Saur titles are distributed by Butterworth (Services) in the UK, K. G. Saur Verlag in German­ speaking Europe, R. R. Bowker in North America and D. W. Thorpe in Australia.

ISBN 0-905450-67-1