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Achieving Better Youth Employment Outcomes: Monitoring Policies and Progress in G20 Economies
Achieving better youth employment outcomes: Monitoring policies and progress in G20 economies Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development International Labour Organization Report prepared for the G20 Employment Working Group Antalya, Turkey, 26-27 February 2015 Introduction Promoting better employment outcomes for youth remains a key G20 objective as reaffirmed in the G20 Brisbane Action Plan and the 2014 G20 Labour and Employment Ministerial Declaration. Employment measures targeted at youth also feature prominently in many of the national Employment Plans (EP) developed by each G20 economy. The purpose of this note, prepared at the request of the Turkish Presidency of the G20, is to put forward possible options for monitoring developments in youth labour markets as well as country progress in implementing policy commitments for improving the labour market situation of young people. The note begins by highlighting the key trends and youth employment challenges in G20 countries and the diversity of youth labour markets across these economies. A proposal to establish a “youth scoreboard” is then put forward as a way of monitoring developments in youth labour markets on a regular basis and for identifying improvements and where further action is required. This is followed by a discussion of the feasibility of using one of the indicators from the youth scoreboard to set a quantitative target for improving youth employment outcomes. The note concludes with the presentation of a draft questionnaire for the consideration of the G20 EWG for sharing information on the implementation of new policy measures to improve youth labour market outcomes. Recent youth labour market developments and key challenges Unemployment and underemployment remain stubbornly high in several countries The youth employment crisis has become a stubborn reality in many G20 countries. -
Shrinking “Salariat” and Growing “Precariat”? Estimating Informal and Non-Standard Employment in Malaysia
DISCUSSION PAPER 10/20 | 10 AUGUST 2020 Shrinking “Salariat” and Growing “Precariat”? Estimating Informal and Non-standard Employment in Malaysia Hawati Abdul Hamid and Nur Thuraya Sazali Khazanah Research Institute KRI Discussion Papers are a series of research documents by the author(s) discussing and examining pressing and emerging issues. They are stand-alone products published to stimulate discussion and contribute to public discourse. In that respect, readers are encouraged to submit their comments directly to the authors. The views and opinions expressed are those of the author and may not necessarily represent the official views of KRI. All errors remain authors’ own. DISCUSSION PAPER 10/20 | 10 AUGUST 2020 Shrinking “Salariat” and Growing “Precariat”? Estimating Informal and Non-standard Employment in Malaysia This discussion paper is prepared by Hawati Abdul Hamid and Nur Thuraya Sazali, researchers at Khazanah Research Institute (KRI). The authors are grateful for the valuable comments from Dr Lim Lin Lean, Datuk Dr Norma Mansor from University of Malaya, Muhammad Farqani Mohd Noor from Social Security Organisation (SOCSO), and Siti Aiysyah Tumin and Ahmad Ashraf Ahmad Shaharudin from KRI. The authors also thank Shariman Arif Mohamad Yusof and Amos Tong Huai En for their excellent assistance. Our special gratitude to Employees Provident Fund (EPF) and SOCSO for their support and assistance. Authors’ email address: hawati. [email protected] and [email protected] Attribution – Please cite the work as follows: Hawati Abdul Hamid and Nur Thuraya Sazali. 2020. Shrinking “Salariat” and Growing “Precariat”? Estimating Informal and Non-standard Employment in Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Khazanah Research Institute. -
The Precariat: the New Dangerous Class
Standing, Guy. "Why the Precariat Is Growing." The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2011. 26–58. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 2 Oct. 2021. <http:// dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781849664554.ch-002>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 2 October 2021, 10:56 UTC. Copyright © Guy Standing 2011. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 2 Why the Precariat Is Growing o understand why the precariat is growing one must appreciate the nature Tof the Global Transformation. The globalisation era (1975–2008) was a period when the economy was ‘disembedded’ from society as fi nanciers and neo-liberal economists sought to create a global market economy based on competitiveness and individualism. The precariat has grown because of the policies and institutional changes in that period. Early on, the commitment to an open market economy ushered in competitive pressures on industrialised countries from newly industrialising countries (NICs) and ‘Chindia’ with an unlimited supply of low-cost labour. The commitment to market principles led inexorably towards a global production system of network enterprises and fl exible labour practices. The objective of economic growth – making us all richer, it was said – was used to justify rolling back fi scal policy as an instrument of progressive redistribution. High direct taxes, long used to reduce inequality and to provide economic security for low earners, were presented as disincentives to labour, save and invest, and as driving investment and jobs abroad. -
The Precariat for Itself: Euromayday and Precarious Workers' Movements
The Precariat For Itself: EuroMayDay and Precarious Workers’ Movements Alex Foti A decade before Guy Standing wrote The Precariat, the precariat had already named itself. In the Fall of 2004 in London, anti-globalization activists drafted “The Middlesex Declaration of Europe’s Precariat”, a manifesto that set forth a call for a Pan-European May Day and listed a set of basic demands.1 It called an international May Day across Europe focusing on precarity and reclaiming labor, welfare, social rights denied to the precarious youth by neoliberal governments and corporations. As ChainWorkers had (in)famously written in 2001, the service precariat is to the industrial proletariat what informationalism is to fordism.2 From its inception, the EuroMayDay was intended as a First of May for the precariat and by the precariat, the class composed of young/queer/female/migrant precarious workers temping and toiling in the big cities transformed by the transnational flows of capital, knowledge, culture, information. The precariat was first mobilized by media and union activists in Milan, then in Barcelona, and then Hamburg, Berlin, Helsinki, Paris, Liège, Malaga, Sevilla, Lisboa, Ljubjana, Maribor, Stockholm, Copenhagen (just to name some of EuroMayDay’s hotspots).3 At the origin of this dynamic was a creative collective of Milanese subvertisers which had started networking social spaces in the city in 2001-2003, and started to interact with the rest of Italy and Europe, in order to reinterpret, in terms of discourse and communication, the meaning and purpose of International Workers’ Day, in the light of the radical transformations in the economy and the workplace that had taken place due to the combined effects of neoliberal deregulation and information revolution. -
Closing the Gender Pay
Closing the gender pay gap: A review of the issues, policy mechanisms and international evidence Closing the gender pay gap: A review of issues, policy mechanisms and international evidence Gender, Equality and Diversity ILO Branch CLOSING THE GENDER PAY GAP: A REVIEW OF THE ISSUES, POLICY MECHANISMS AND INTERNATIONAL EVIDENCE JILL RUBERY* AND ARISTEA KOUKIADAKI** *Professor, Alliance Manchester Business School, University of Manchester **Senior Lecturer, University of Manchester’s School of Law International Labour Office • Geneva Copyright © International Labour Organization 2016 First published (2016) Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to ILO Publications (Rights and Licensing), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland, or by email: [email protected]. The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. Libraries, institutions and other users registered with a reproduction rights organization may make copies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. Visit www.ifrro.org to find the reproduction rights organization in your country. Rubery, Jill; Koukiadaki, Aristea. Closing the gender pay gap: a review of the issues, policy mechanisms and international evidence / Jill Rubery, Aristea Koukiadaki; International Labour -
An Employee's Living Wage and Their Quality of Work Life
sustainability.hapres.com Article An Employee’s Living Wage and Their Quality of Work Life: How Important Are Household Size and Household Income? Stuart C. Carr *, Jarrod Haar *, Darrin Hodgetts, James Arrowsmith, Jane Parker, Amanda Young-Hauser, Siautu Alefaio-Tuglia, Harvey Jones Project GLOW (Global Living Organizational Wage), EPIC (End Poverty & Inequality Cluster), Auckland, 1311, New Zealand * Correspondence: Stuart Carr, Email: [email protected]; Jarrod Haar, Email: [email protected]. ABSTRACT Living Wage (LW) campaigns normally assume a prototype household configuration in setting their LW rate, comprised of number of dependent householders and the number of incomes. This information is used to calculate the hourly pay rate required to sustain their quality of life and work life. Real households are nonetheless diverse in terms of number of householders and incomes, rendering the living wage conceptually more of a continuous variable than a single constant, across a wage spectrum. We explored this spectrum and its links to job attitudes with a nationally representative sample of N = 1011 low-waged New Zealanders. We measured each participant’s: hourly pay rate, number of household dependents and total household income, alongside individual job attitudes indicative of quality of work life (job satisfaction, work engagement, career satisfaction, meaningful empowerment, affective commitment, organizational citizenship behaviours and work-life balance). As a set, job attitudes consistently pivoted upwards into positive values approximating the campaign LW rate in New Zealand, regardless of either number of household dependents or household income (net of personal wage). However household income net of personal wage (unlike number of household dependents) buffered the gradient of the pivot upwards. -
The Precariat Under Rentier Capitalism
The Precariat under Rentier Capitalism Guy Standing We are in the midst of the Global Transformation, analogous to Karl Polanyi’s Great Transformation described in his seminal 1944 book. Whereas Polanyi’s Transformation was about constructing national market systems, today’s is about the painful construction of a global market system, in which the initial ‘dis-embedded’ phase was dominated by an ideology of market liberalisation, commodification and privatisation, orchestrated by financial interests, as in Polanyi’s model. The similarities extend to today’s challenge, constructing a ‘re-embedded’ phase, with new systems of regulation, distribution and social protection. A few common misconceptions should be acknowledged. Contrary to widespread claims, there has been no labour market deregulation, but rather state re-regulation. Occupational self-regulation has been displaced by state regulation through licensing, while labour market policy has shifted towards workfare, directing the unemployed and others to do state- determined activities to obtain means-tested benefits. Fostering globalisation in a context of a technological revolution has been favourable for global growth, if not for the OECD. But governments and international bodies have signally failed to counter the adverse distributional outcomes of globalisation within countries. Similarly, in advocating labour flexibility, negligible attention was given to the economic insecurities this generated.1 Meanwhile, the neo-liberal phase of globalisation evolved into ‘rentier capitalism’, in which more income is going to rentiers, those possessing financial, physical or so-called intellectual property.2 Ironically, advocates of free markets have overseen the construction of an unfree market system, in which more income derives from patents, trademarks, etc, that give monopolistic income for 20 years or more. -
Chapter 1 Women's Participation in the Labour Market And
1. Women’S participation in the labour marKet and entrepreneurship in selecteD MENA countries – 25 Chapter 1 Women’s participation in the labour market and entrepreneurship in selected MENA countries This chapter presents an overview of women’s educational attainment, participation in the labour market and involvement in entrepreneurship in the six countries under review – Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia. It examines women’s engagement in the economies of the six countries as compared to men’s participation as well as to women’s economic involvement in other parts of the world. The chapter also seeks to better understand the main features defining women’s economic status and the different characteristics of men and women in employment and entrepreneurship. WOMEN’S ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT IN SELECTED MENA COUNTRIES – © OECD 2017 26 – 1. Women’S participation in the labour marKet and entrepreneurship in selecteD MENA countries Introduction There is a striking gap between women’s improved education and their limited participation in economic activities in Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia. Despite the substantial narrowing of the gender gap in education, the percentage of women in the total employed population in the six countries is among the lowest in the world, at 17.9%, compared with the world average of 47.1% (World Development Indicators, 2014). Female labour-force participation in these countries ranges from 15.4% in Algeria to 30% in Libya. At the same time, a dramatic gap between labour supply and demand in the female workforce has been creating high levels of unemployment, in particular among young educated women. -
Tackling Youth Employment Challenges
International Labour Organization An Introductory Guide for Employers’ Organizations ’ Organizations y Guide for Employers Bureau for Employers' Activities International Labour Office CH-1211 Geneva 22 Switzerland Fax: +41 (0)22 799 8948 oductor E-mail: [email protected] Tackling youth An Intr employment challenges An overview of possible actions ISBN 978-92-9049-584-0 Programme for Employers' Activities International Training Centre of the ILO and policy considerations Viale Maestri del Lavoro, 10 I-10127 Turin Italy Fax: +39 011 693 6683 E-mail: [email protected] 9 789290 495840 http://lempnet.itcilo.org ACT/EMP 59 An Introductory Guide for Employers’ Organizations TACKLING YOUTH EMPLOYMENT CHALLENGES An overview of possible actions and policy considerations Bureau for Employers’ Activities & Programme for Employers’ Activities, International Training Centre of the ILO, Turin Copyright © International Training Centre of the International Labour Organization 2011 and International Labour Organization 2011 Publications of the International Training Centre of the ILO enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Applications for authorization to reproduce, translate or adapt part or all of its contents should be addressed to the International Training Centre of the ILO. The Centre welcomes such applications. Nevertheless, short excerpts may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. An Introductory Guide for Employers’ Organizations: Tackling Youth Employment Challenges ISBN 978-92-9049-584-0 First edition 2011 The designations employed in publications of the International Training Centre of the ILO, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Centre concerning i.a. -
The High Cost of Youth Unemployment Sarah Ayres April 5, 2013
The High Cost of Youth Unemployment Sarah Ayres April 5, 2013 Nearly everyone has struggled in the wake of the Great Recession, but young Americans have suffered the most. While others have slowly returned to work, the unemployment rate for Americans ages 16–24 stands at 16.2 percent, more than double the national rate of unemployment.1 And even when this group eventually starts earning a paycheck, the impact of their unemployment will follow them for years. According to a new analy- sis by the Center for American Progress, young Americans will lose a staggering $20 billion in earnings over the next decade. Research shows that workers who are unemployed as young adults earn lower wages for many years following their period of unemployment due to forgone work experi- ence and missed opportunities to develop skills.2 Building on this research, we estimate that the nearly 1 million young Americans who experienced long-term unemployment during the worst of the recession will lose more than $20 billion in earnings over the next 10 years. This equates to about $22,000 per person. The economic consequences of these lost wages to individuals and to the broader economy are serious. These young Americans—referred to as Millennials—will increasingly be forced to delay moving out of their parents’ homes, struggle to make payments on ballooning student-loan debt, and fail to save adequately for retirement. As a consequence of the prolonged unemploy- ment of Millennials, the U.S. economy will feel the loss of aggregate demand in the form of slower growth and less job creation. -
The Feminisation of Precarity Poland Compared to Other Countries*
Annales. Ethics in Economic Life 2017 Vol. 20, No. 8, Special Issue, 119–135 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1899-2226.20.8.10 Dominika Polkowska Maria Curie-Skłodowska University (UMCS) in Lublin Faculty of Philosophy and Sociology Institute of Sociology e-mail: [email protected] The feminisation of precarity Poland compared to other countries* Abstract Precarity applies to people who, in order to survive, need to work in a low-quality job, which is uncertain, temporary, low-paid, with no prospect of promotion, no security and no contract. In this sense, the precariat is a category related mostly to the secondary segments of the labour market according to the concept of the dual labour market. It is also the universal feature of Post-Fordism and the modern working conditions in which women, more often than men are located in the “worst” segment of the labour market. In this context, it is worth noting that since the beginning of the era of globali- sation, women have mostly worked in the sectors more uncertain and unstable e.g., in the service industries and trade. It has been feminisation in a double sense of the word: there have been more and more working women, on the one hand, and on the other hand, women have usually taken the flexible jobs. Most of these jobs are precarious work. Precarity combined with job insecurity and low wages leaves the workforce in this group unable to plan for their future or afford a decent life. This article attempts to prove that the threat of precarity is more probable for women than men. -
Chapter 11 Youth Unemployment
CHAPTER 11 YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT I want to work. I have been for heaps of job interviews...I have actually worked at a few places...My boss would find out that I am either living in the street or in a refuge and he does not like the sound of that, so 'Goodbye, me': I would lose that job. Going for other jobs, you never get the clothes. You live on the street and your clothes get ruined pretty easily.' INTRODUCTION 11.1 Youth unemployment may cause youth homelessness in one, or both, of two ways. Unemploy- ment is often a factor in family conflict and the ultimate decision to leave home. Youth unemployment is the single factor most frequently associated with homelessness and is strongly inter-related with the other two major contributing factors of family conflict and youth's lack of income.. Unemployment is often inter-related with family conflicts in situations where youth are unable to contribute to family income, where youth's lack of activity produces tension in the home and where lack of income constrains youth to stay at home when they prefer independence.' Another submission concurred: It has been well documented that unemployed young people find living at home particularly stressful, particularly if parents have an image of the 'dole bludger'... Conversely, unemployment is a known contributor to youth homelessness. ..Unemployed young people lack the financial resources necessary to establish permanent accommodation.' 11.2 Secondly, unemployed youth may find themselves unable to afford adequate accommodation. O'Connor reported from his study of 100 homeless young people that: Loss of jobs precipitated incidents of homelessness for young people in all locations...Without jobs they were propelled into homelessness due to poverty.