Swiss Multilingualism: a Historical Background to Language Policy

STUDIES IN LOGIC, GRAMMAR AND RHETORIC 59 (72) 2019 DOI: 10.2478/slgr-2019-0029 Agnieszka Stępkowska University of Szczecin e-mail: [email protected] ORCID: 0000–0003–2646–3348 SWISS MULTILINGUALISM: A HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO LANGUAGE POLICY Abstract. Specific historical and linguistic circumstances gave way to a Swiss original concept of a multilingual state as the nation of the will. The discussion concerns problems inherent to the unity-in-diversity philosophy and the proportional representation of national languages within the framework of the Swiss constitution, including the legislation protecting language and the language principles obtaining in Switzerland. Drawing on the language ideology studies, this paper shows how the linguistic diversity is designed on the admin- istrative level and what provisions have been made to maintain multilingualism. The discussion also addresses and concludes on the ever timely questions of diversity, pluralism and intergroup cooperation fostered by the Swiss political and social culture. Keywords: multilingualism, linguistic peace, territoriality principle, federal constitution. 1. Introduction The Swiss owe their specific national identity to political institutions which have made a marked contribution to the unification of different language communities. The Swiss government builds on the cooperation of four major parties which take up about 80 per cent of the electorate. The government is made up of seven equal-rank ministers, including a president elected by rotational appointment. The participatory democracy in Switzer- land means that the main instruments of direct democracy, i.e. legislative initiative and the right of referendum, rests with the citizens (Brunetti, 1997; Huld & Lejins, 1988; Schaffner, 1998). The major political forces collaborate jointly within the governmental system. The exclusion of any political party would be regarded as a mistake, since peace can be attainable only if the main actors are included in discussion. In other words, dialogue is not easy ISSN 0860-150X 69 Agnieszka Stępkowska but worth the effort. For a long time the Swiss have professed this philosophy which is distinguished by the unity-in-diversity formula with regard to every field of life, not least language issues. Therefore, this paper aims to show how linguistic diversity is addressed in the Swiss political context and what effects some historical facts have on the current language policy in Switzerland. In what follows, by reviewing the literature on language ideology, I argue that Swiss multilingualism is not only rooted in but also sustained by the tradition of federalism, though with moderate success. 1.1. The Swiss national identity The tenet of ‘unity in diversity’ is that unity should not subvert diversity and diversity should not dissolve unity. In effect, unity will not equal suppression while individualism will not be eradicated nor will it break up the unity. Such circumstances have rendered national identity an intricate concept. A multi-ethnic nation regarded as a political organization and wil- ful association develops its strength as indissoluble as ethnic bonds. It is united by tradition, the shared goals and above all by internal bonds of its people with their regional and national identities (Smolicz, 1990). The principles of federalism aspire to secure a peaceful coexistence between nations by averting conflicts. The Swiss idea of nation-building has been successful due to the lack of possibilities to establish a state of one language, one culture and one religion (Linder, 1996). As opposed to big European nation-states, the languages of Switzerland do not typify national sentiments and major consolidating forces (Wardhaugh, 1987, p. 4; Watts, 1997, p. 299). The ‘national identity’ rather denotes a combination of a few vital elements (cf. Watts, 1988, 1996). The Swiss ideology of nationhood appeals to democracy, federalism and freedom of religion and language, i.e. values that are fundamental and timeless. These values inform the sense of community which becomes a common denomina- tor for the diversity of languages, customs, cultures and religions (cf. Tan- ner, 1998). Such a model of state came to be referred to as the ‘Swiss phenomenon’. Switzerland is named a Willensnation (‘nation of the will’), which means a “political nation” (Bańbuła, 1998, p. 133) and a “voluntary federation” (Haugen, 1985, p. 15). Therefore, Switzerland is defined by its linguistic diversity and not in spite of it (cf. Lüthy, 1962; Weilenmann, 1925, p. 221). This perspective renders the Swiss pluralism “an imperative national value” which is regarded as “raison d’être of its national existence” (Billigmeier, 1979, p. viii). Swiss societal multilingualism has its roots in the historical development of the federation defined as a union of diverse ethnic groups and nationalities 70 Swiss multilingualism: a historical background to language policy which are politically supervised by one state. The decentralising forces of federalism allowed the linguistic diversity to perpetuate and, importantly, have consigned language issues to a cantonal level where many problems hard to deal with at a national level have become depoliticised at the com- munal level (cf. Rash, 1998, p. 29). Integration does not equal homogeneity in the Swiss context since only dissimilar elements may be integrated. In- tegration may be studied either as a social process or as its consequences. Since the integration of a social system is distinguished by relativity and gradation, it would be hard to argue that full integration proves better than a loose one. Indeed some degree of integration is essential for the functioning of a social system. 1.2. Languages and peace McRae (1983, p. 229) considers the Confederation to be “the most successful multilingual state in modern history”. In his opinion, the coexistence of languages in Switzerland “has been built upon an intricate combination of historical, structural, attitudinal, and institutional factors skilfully and patiently woven into a reinforcing pattern by human effort and statesman- ship” (McRae, 1983, p. 240). No single majority can emerge with respect to language, culture or religion, but only allied minorities depending on the problem in question (Schmid, 2001). The present language distribution in Switzerland goes back to the Mid- dle Ages when Swiss states formed a loose confederation (Studer, 1998). It was a military defensive alliance of thirteen cantons that expanded from the 1291 original bond made between the first three cantons. The language of the first leagues of cantons was German which maintained its official status in the Confederation until 1798 when it fell down under the French inva- sion. This was the onset of the Napoleonic Helvetic Republic which collapsed in 1803. The term Helvetia was promoted by Swiss humanists who regarded the Celtic Helvetic peoples as the chief Germanic tribe in that region. Hence, the name Confoederatio Helvetica which is the Latin translation of the Ger- man Schweizerische Eidgenossenschaft (cf. Szulc, 1999, p. 104). Drafted in Paris, its constitution provided for the equal status of German, French and Italian for the first time in the Swiss history (cf. Anders, 1990, p. 21). Be- tween 1798 and 1848, the political aura changed and so did the linguistic distribution. In 1815 the Confederation returned to German, but the cantons maintained multilingual principles (Mayer, 1968, p. 713; Watts, 1997, p. 281). At that time the term ‘confederation’ denoted a system of sovereign states based on a treaty. In turn, the term ‘federation’ refers to a state where power is shared by the central government and local governments of 71 Agnieszka Stępkowska the member cantons. Based on this distinction, Switzerland between 1815 and 1848 is referred to as a confederation whereas for the later period the name ‘federation’ came to be used. The constitution of 1848 laid the foundation for parity of the three offi- cially restored languages. The federation and cantons developed a satisfac- tory power-sharing. The federal state assumed control over administration, the army and the federal capital. The tensions between languages prove the everlasting rivalries between communities, but the language-group aware- ness is mostly symbolic (cf. Stevenson, 1990, p. 230). The ‘Swiss’ conflicts arise from specific relations between language groups which came to be referred to as the Röstigraben (‘Rösti trench’) between French- and German- speaking Swiss, political strife in bilingual cities (Freiburg/Fribourg and Biel/Bienne), the isolation of Swiss German due to the wide use of spoken dialects (cf. the so-called ‘Basel-Lörrach effect’) and the receding Romansh patches in southeastern Switzerland (cf. Nelde, 1991, p. 63). 1.3. The canton of Jura The canton of Jura demonstrates a rare example of intense linguistic sentiments which took over conciliatory forces of the cantonal politics. Though the conflict had a denominational and economic character, language was soon made a symbol of separation and cultural identity (cf. Zielińska, 2009, p. 133). The Jura region was the northern part of Berne and the second biggest Swiss canton. It was established in 1815 at the Congress of Vienna by Prussia, Great Britain, Austria and Russia. In 1978 after many turbulent years the region of Jura was proclaimed a canton. Be- fore 1978 riots were a common occurrence as the Jurassian minority in the fight for autonomy accused Berne of discrimination. The Jura region had a double minority, i.e. both Catholic and Protestant francophones lived in a Protestant and German-speaking canton, additionally distinguished by social and economic differences. The disputes over the future of Jura di- vided Jurassians into two opposed parties. After World War II, the conflict intensified not only between the Jura and Berne, but also among the people of the Jura, i.e. between ‘separatists’ and Bernese ‘loyalists’. In 1967 the authorities in Berne put forward three solutions to the situation: to maintain the status quo, to introduce autonomy, or to establish a new canton.

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