DOCSLIB.ORG

Islamic Populism: Promises and Limitations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Islamic Populism: Promises and Limitations The Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies Volume 6, No.2, Fall 2020, pp. 103-129 DOI: https://doi.org/10.26351/JIMES/6-2/1 ISSN: 2522-347X (print); 2522-6959 (online) Islamic Populism: Promises and Limitations Buket Oztas Abstract Shifting attention away from doctrinal debates on Islam toward the political realities of Muslim majority countries, this study investigates the promises and limitations of populism in the Islamic world. Using examples from Egypt, Turkey, and Indonesia, it aims to develop a more nuanced understanding of political Islam, and to shed light on populist forms of politics beyond Western democracies. Central to this ambition is the exploration of whether this recent tide of Islamic populism acts as a corrective that empowers the people, or as a threat that capitalizes on the ill-informed masses to garner support for charismatic leaders. The cases under scrutiny demonstrate that by weakening the authoritarian structures, producing doctrinally flexible politicians, and incorporating marginalized groups into politics, this new form of populism facilitates democratic transitions in authoritarian and competitive-authoritarian settings. However, the very characteristics of populism that prove successful against the establishment also create significant impediments for democratic consolidation later on. By rejecting plurality and failing to re-establish the formal and informal institutions necessary for democratic governance, these movements often replace one form of authoritarianism with another. Broken promises of inclusion leave a bitter legacy of populism in the political arena, making citizens much more cynical about political processes in the long run. Keywords: political Islam, populism, democratization, regime transitions Dr. Buket Oztas – Furman University (Greenville, South Carolina); [email protected] 103 104 Buket Oztas Introduction The way Islamist groups politicize religion and sacralize politics has been on political scientists’ radar since Ayatollah Khomeini justified the Iranian Revolution as a struggle of “the dispossessed” against the traditional and “corrupt” elites.1 Despite such populist undertones and frequent calls to defend “the oppressed people” against a “political/social order deemed unjust and immoral” across the Muslim world, the relationship between populist and Islamist movements has been a neglected area of research.2 So far, there have been only a few studies addressing contemporary Islamist movements’ mobilization of the “pure and simple” umma against the “corrupt elites” of secular nation-states,3 and an even fewer number of studies discussing the supply side of populism in Muslim majority countries,4 especially with regard to “the question of how to deal with populists” once they come to power.5 This research aims to fill this gap by broadening the research agenda and providing scholars with a new theoretical paradigm, and a framework, through which these two concepts, i.e., populism and politics in Muslim majority countries, can be examined. Building on Afrasiabi’s terminology6 and Hadiz’s analysis of new Islamic populism,7 this project situates the concept within the literature and presents a theory of Islamic-populist- led democratic transitions based on empirical analysis of, and lessons from, Egypt, 1 Fred Halliday, “The Iranian Revolution: Uneven Development and Religious Populism,” Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 36, No. 2 (1982), pp. 187–207. 2 José Pedro Zúquete, “Populism and Religion,ˮ in Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo and Pierre Ostiguy (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Populism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), pp. 445–466. 3 Vedi R. Hadiz, “A New Islamic Populism and the Contradictions of Development,” Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 44, No. 1 (2014), pp. 125–143. 4 Manochehr Dorraj, “Populism and Corporatism in the Middle East and North Africa: A Comparative Analysis,” Chinese Political Science Review, Vol. 2, No. 3 (2017), pp. 288–313. 5 Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser and Paul Taggart, “Dealing with Populists in Government: A Framework for Analysis,” Democratization, Vol. 23, No. 2 (2016), p. 203. 6 Kaveh L. Afrasiabi, “Islamic Populism,” Telos, Vol. 104 (1995), pp. 97–125. 7 Vedi R. Hadiz, Islamic Populism in Indonesia and the Middle East (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016). Islamic Populism: Promises and Limitations 105 Turkey, and Indonesia. By focusing on the trajectory of regime outcomes (democratic transitions in all three cases, followed by a sudden democratic breakdown in Egypt, and a democratic backsliding in Turkey), this study links this new form of political Islam with the democratization literature, and investigates the short- and long-term implications of post-Islamist and populist politics in certain Muslim majority countries. While an empirical assessment of Islamic populist cases is beyond the scope of this study, the three different levels of access to power that we see in these countries still illustrate the particular characteristics of Islamic populism in opposition and in power. Furthermore, they shed light on the application of populist ideas to non-Western and non-democratic contexts, and elaborate on the consequences of Islamic-populist rule. Perhaps more importantly, they show how Islamist actors adapt themselves to new situations and go beyond the oft-cited dynamics of moderation and radicalization in their multifaceted struggles for power and influence. As such, these cases contribute to our theoretical understanding of post-Islamist politics and this new phenomenon of populism in political Islam. Insights gained from the arguments presented here can be applied to other cases and expanded into a complex narrative that presents a more nuanced picture of Islam and politics in the age of populism, especially if democratization is still a goal for the Muslims across the world.8 Islamic Populism in Comparative Perspective The term populism has been a constant source of contention and contestation in the literature, generating a wide variety of definitions and multiple interpretations of its impact on political life.9 The heterogeneity of the populist movements, along with their 8 Charles K. Rowley and Nathanael Smith, “Islam’s Democracy Paradox: Muslims Claim to Like Democracy, so Why Do They Have so Little?” Public Choice, Vol. 139, No. 3–4 (2009), pp. 273–299. 9 Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, “Populism and (Liberal) Democracy: A Framework for Analysis,ˮ in Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser (eds.), Populism in Europe and the Americas: Threat or Corrective for Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), pp. 1–26; Kirk A. Hawkins, “Is Chávez Populist? Measuring Populist 106 Buket Oztas shifting ideologies,10 have made it difficult for researchers to come up with consistent and analytical definitions that can be applied to a variety of cases. In its broadest sense, though, the term populism refers to a Manichean worldview that separates the society into two “homogenous and antagonistic entities” (i.e., the pure people versus the corrupt elite), and asserts that the “pure people” should determine the country’s political destiny through the “volonté générale.”11 Islamism, on the other hand, refers to the diverse set of ideological perspectives that share the view that Islam should inform politics and be a source (if not the source) of legislation at the local, national, and global level so as to regulate various aspects of public and private life.12 While Islamist political actors have this “common ideological and institutional heritage that helps to distinguish them” from their non-Islamist counterparts, the degree to which they include religious goals in their political programs and the methods they use to reach these goals vary to a large extent.13 In fact, political expressions of Muslim faith are so incredibly dynamic that they constantly incorporate new ideas and identities from the global context and fit them into their local realities.14 Discourse in Comparative Perspective,ˮ Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 42, No. 8 (2009), pp. 1040–1067; Paris Aslanidis, “Is Populism an Ideology? A Refutation and a New Perspective,ˮ Political Studies, Vol. 64 (2015), pp. 88–104; Andrej Zaslove, “Here to Stay? Populism as a New Party Type,” European Review, Vol. 16, No. 3 (2008), pp. 319–336. 10 This led some scholars to depict populism as “chameleon-like, ever adapting to the colors of its environment” (Bojan Bugaric, “The Two Faces of Populism: Between Authoritarian and Democratic Populism,ˮ German Law Journal, Vol. 20, No. 3 [2019], pp. 390-400). 11 Cas Mudde, “The Populist Zeitgeist,ˮ Government and Opposition, Vol. 39, No. 4 (2004), p. 543. Scholarly work on this issue operates both on the supply side of populism (such as the creation of populist policies, or the advent of populist leaders) and on the demand side (for instance, the voter disillusionment with the mainstream politics and the crises of representation). Both strands of this literature seem to agree that populism is a direct consequence of voters’ disillusionment with mainstream politics, an indication of their distrust in political institutions, and a symptom of a large-scale legitimacy crisis in the society. 12 Emmanuel Karagiannis, The New Political Islam: Human Rights, Democracy, and Justice (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018). 13 Quinn Mecham, Institutional Origins of Islamist Political Mobilization (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017),
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Download 04/2021
    EdWorkingPaper No. 21-390 The Populist-Burkean Dimension in U.S. Public Opinion M. Danish Shakeel Paul E. Peterson Harvard University Harvard University Scholars differ as to whether populist beliefs are a discourse or an ideology resembling conservatism or liberalism. Research has shown that a belief in popular sovereignty and a distrust of public officials are core components of populism. Its antithesis is defined as Burke’s claim that officials should exercise their own judgment rather than pander to the public. A national probability sample of U. S. adults is asked to respond to six items that form a populist scale, rank themselves on a conservative-liberal scale, and state their views on education issues. The two scales are only moderately correlated, and each is independently correlated with many opinions about contemporary issues. Populism has a degree of coherence that approximates but does not match that of the conservative-liberal dimension. VERSION: April 2021 Suggested citation: Shakeel, M. Danish, and Paul E. Peterson. (2021). The Populist-Burkean Dimension in U.S. Public Opinion. (EdWorkingPaper: 21-390). Retrieved from Annenberg Institute at Brown University: https://doi.org/10.26300/16wx-yp72 Program on Education Policy and Governance Working Papers Series The Populist-Burkean Dimension in U.S. Public Opinion M. Danish Shakeel and Paul E. Peterson 1 PEPG 21-02 Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street, Taubman 304 Cambridge, MA 02138 Tel: 617-495-7976 Fax: 617-496-4428 www.hks.harvard.edu/pepg/ 1 Shakeel: Harvard University; Peterson: Harvard University and Hoover Institution/Stanford University. Program on Education Policy and Governance Working Papers Series The Populist-Burkean Dimension in U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Populists in Power Around the World | Institute for Global Change
    Populists in Power Around the World JORDAN KYLE RENEWING LIMOR GULTCHIN THE CENTRE Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 The Trouble With Defining opulismP 9 Two Essential Features of Populism 12 Types of Populism 21 Cases of Populism in Power 26 Populism Trends Around the World 32 Conclusion 44 Appendix: Methodology 45 Downloaded from http://institute.global/insight/ renewing-centre/populists-power-around-world on November 7 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXE CUTIVE SUMMARY Populism is dramatically shifting the global political landscape. This report defines populism and identifies its global prevalence by introducing a global database “Populists in Power: 1990–2018”. Only with a clear and systematic understanding of the phenomenon of populism can political leaders begin to offer meaningful and credible alternatives. This report sets out to define populism from a global perspective and identify some of its key trends since 1990. Populism contains two primary claims: • A country’s ‘true people’ are locked into conflict with outsiders, including establishment elites. • Nothing should constrain the will of the true people. Although populism always shares these two essential claims, it can take on widely varying forms across contexts. This report identifies three types of populism, distinguished by how populist leaders frame the conflict between the ‘true people’ and outsiders: • Cultural populism claims that the true people are the native members of the nation-state, and outsiders can include immigrants, criminals, ethnic and religious minorities, and cosmopolitan elites. Cultural populism tends to emphasise 3 religious traditionalism, law and order, sovereignty, and painting migrants as enemies. • Socio-economic populism claims that the true people are honest, hard-working members of the working class, and outsiders can include big business, capital owners and actors perceived as propping up an international capitalist system.
    [Show full text]
  • A POLITICAL THEORY of POPULISM* Daron Acemoglu Georgy Egorov Konstantin Sonin I. Introduction There Has Recently Been a Resurgen
    A POLITICAL THEORY OF POPULISM* Daron Acemoglu Georgy Egorov Konstantin Sonin When voters fear that politicians may be influenced or corrupted by the rich elite, signals of integrity are valuable. As a consequence, an honest polit- ician seeking reelection chooses ‘‘populist’’ policies—that is, policies to the left of the median voter—as a way of signaling that he is not beholden to the interests of the right. Politicians that are influenced by right-wing special interests re- Downloaded from spond by choosing moderate or even left-of-center policies. This populist bias of policy is greater when the value of remaining in office is higher for the polit- ician; when there is greater polarization between the policy preferences of the median voter and right-wing special interests; when politicians are perceived as more likely to be corrupt; when there is an intermediate amount of noise in the information that voters receive; when politicians are more forward-looking; and http://qje.oxfordjournals.org/ when there is greater uncertainty about the type of the incumbent. We also show that soft term limits may exacerbate, rather than reduce, the populist bias of policies. JEL Codes: D71, D74. I. Introduction There has recently been a resurgence of ‘‘populist’’ politicians in several developing countries, particularly in Latin America. at MIT Libraries on April 24, 2013 Hugo Cha´vez in Venezuela, the Kirchners in Argentina, Evo Morales in Bolivia, Alan Garcı´a in Peru, and Rafael Correa in Ecuador are some of the examples. The label populist is often
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism, Neo-Liberalism, and Ethno-National Populism
    H-Nationalism Nationalism, Neo-Liberalism, and Ethno-National Populism Blog Post published by Yoav Peled on Thursday, December 3, 2020 In this post, Yoav Peled, Tel Aviv University, discusses the relations between ethno- nationalism, neo-liberalism, and right-wing populism. Donald Trump’s failure to be reelected by a relatively narrow margin in the midst of the Coronavirus crisis points to the strength of ethno-national populism in the US, as elsewhere, and raises the question of the relations between nationalism and right- wing populism. Historically, American nationalism has been viewed as the prime example of inclusive civic nationalism, based on “constitutional patriotism.” Whatever the truth of this characterization, in the Trump era American civic nationalism is facing a formidable challenge in the form of White Christian nativist ethno-nationalism that utilizes populism as its mobilizational strategy. The key concept common to both nationalism and populism is “the people.” In nationalism the people are defined through vertical inclusion and horizontal exclusion -- by formal citizenship or by cultural-linguistic boundaries. Ideally, though not necessarily in practice, within the nation-state ascriptive markers such as race, religion, place of birth, etc., are ignored by the state. Populism on the other hand defines the people through both vertical and horizontal exclusion, by ascriptive markers as well as by class position (“elite” vs. “the people”) and even by political outlook. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu once famously averred that leftist Jewish Israelis “forgot how to be Jews,” and Trump famously stated that Jewish Americans who vote Democratic are traitors to their country, Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • State of Populism in Europe
    2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European
    [Show full text]
  • The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America
    This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America Volume Author/Editor: Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards, editors Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-15843-8 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/dorn91-1 Conference Date: May 18-19, 1990 Publication Date: January 1991 Chapter Title: The Macroeconomics of Populism Chapter Author: Rudiger Dornbusch, Sebastian Edwards Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c8295 Chapter pages in book: (p. 7 - 13) 1 The Macroeconomics of Populism Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards Latin America’s economic history seems to repeat itself endlessly, following irregular and dramatic cycles. This sense of circularity is particularly striking with respect to the use of populist macroeconomic policies for distributive purposes. Again and again, and in country after country, policymakers have embraced economic programs that rely heavily on the use of expansive fiscal and credit policies and overvalued currency to accelerate growth and redistrib- ute income. In implementing these policies, there has usually been no concern for the existence of fiscal and foreign exchange constraints. After a short pe- riod of economic growth and recovery, bottlenecks develop provoking unsus- tainable macroeconomic pressures that, at the end, result in the plummeting of real wages and severe balance of payment difficulties. The final outcome of these experiments has generally been galloping inflation, crisis, and the col- lapse of the economic system. In the aftermath of these experiments there is no other alternative left but to implement, typically with the help of the Inter- national Monetary Fund (IMF), a drastically restrictive and costly stabiliza- tion program.
    [Show full text]
  • Between Populism and Socialism: Slovenia’S Left Party Alen Toplišek
    This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in The Populist Radical Left in Europe on 14 March 2019, available online: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315180823-4 Between populism and socialism: Slovenia’s Left party Alen Toplišek Abstract This chapter offers the first in-depth study of both structural and agential factors behind the emergence and electoral breakthrough of a new radical left party in Slovenia, the Left. It defines the party’s ideological profile and it analyses its tactics of party competition through a selection of concrete examples. It concludes by outlining two possible trajectories for the future electoral and organisational development of the party. Introduction The Left (Levica) is a relative newcomer in the Slovenian party system and the European Populist Radical Left (PRL) party family more widely. Formally established in March 2014 as a coalition party under the name of the United Left, it managed to surpass the 4% electoral threshold in the July 2014 parliamentary elections with 5.97% of the popular vote. The electoral result translated into six seats in a 90-member National Assembly, putting the new party on a par with the traditional party on the Slovenian Left, the Social Democrats, which was their worst electoral result since Slovenia’s independence in 1991. The novelty of the United Left was notable not only in terms of its electoral breakthrough in July 2014, but also regarding its founding organisational structure and its organic ties with new left social movements. The United Left was a coalition of three smaller parties and the ‘fourth bloc,’ which represented social movements and individuals: (1) Initiative for Democratic Socialism (IDS); (2) Democratic Labour Party (DSD); (3) the Party for the Sustainable Development of Slovenia (TRS); and (4) civil society movements and individuals.
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare Chauvinism – Who Cares? Evidence on Priorities and the Importance the Public Attributes to Expanding Or Retrenching Welfare Entitlements of Immigrants
    Welfare Chauvinism – Who Cares? Evidence on Priorities and the Importance the Public Attributes to Expanding or Retrenching Welfare Entitlements of Immigrants Matthias Enggist University of Zurich August 2019 Abstract In many Western European countries, welfare rights of immigrants have emerged as an important issue on the political agenda, while an extensive body of research has documented growing welfare chauvinistic preferences. However, we do not know much about the importance people attach to welfare chauvinism relative to welfare benefits for other social groups such as pensioners, the unemployed or families. This paper, therefore, addresses the question whether citizens in Western European countries prioritize expanding or restricting welfare entitlements for immigrants. Or do they subordinate this issue to other social policy reforms? Moreover, focusing on priorities allows me to disentangle which proponents of welfare rights for immigrants remain supportive even when rising benefits for immigrants comes at the cost of lowering benefits for themselves and to contribute to the debate whether welfare chauvinism is more strongly correlated with attitudes on an economic-redistributive or socio-cultural dimension. To investigate both the importance of and the priorities for welfare chauvinism, I rely on conjoint experiments and rating questions from an original survey recently fielded in eight Western European countries. I show that welfare chauvinism is indeed one of the social policy reform issues the public has strongest preferences on – more than for example on unemployment benefits or childcare. This despite the share of financial resources benefitting immigrants being relatively small. Importance of welfare chauvinism is high for both its proponents as well as its opponents.
    [Show full text]
  • Right- Wing Populism: a Strategy for the Paleo Movement
    failed badly-and how often sume leadership of the con- Catchers," except usually it's -has that happened in recent servative and paleo ranks, leftists Mau-Mauing liberals. decades? It failed because Pat marginalize the Bush conser- We can say: 'Look, gang: you fought back hard, and nailed vatives and neocons, and have a choice, It's either Pat and named the enemy, so that make a tremendous splash at Buchanan or David Duke. If the truth plus his basic lik- the Republican convention. At you don't vote for us, baby, ability carried him through with maximum, he can knock Bush you're going to get Duke. And scarcely a scratch. In other out of the box-in the same how do you like them apples?' words, Pat has shown the way the Gene McCarthy did in unique capacity to battle 1968. By getting large (though Note: This personal endorse- against an elite smear cam- not winning) percentage of ment does not imply endorse- paign-and win! Pat is our votes in New Hampshire, ment of Buchanan by the leader. McCarthy forced Lyndon Center for Libertarian Studies, We can already hear the Johnson to retire and not run which is a non-partisan, non- small Modal voices bellyach- for reelection. Consider this: political organization. ing: But Buchanan's not a suppose that Pat gets 30 or purist, e.g., 'he's weak on free 40 percent of the vote in New Right-Wing trade." To this we say: Come Hampshire. Bush then faces a off it! To call for purity in a year of Pat on his neck through Populism: A Libertarian Party candidate the convention, perhaps an makes sense; the whole point independent Southern race by Strategy for the of a libertarian political party David Duke in November, and Paleo is to expound a consistent perhaps also a strong Demo- doctrine.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism and Democracy1
    Populism and Democracy1 Craig Calhoun Arizona State University and LSE Abstract Before there were any modern democracies, populists pressed for wider popular participation and governmental attention to popular concerns. They were often associated with social upheaval and uncomfortable challenges to property. In response, elites designed modern constitutions mostly along republican lines, allowing some democracy but with limitations on popular will. Populists have resented limits and pressed for greater political inclusion. Populism has also shaped responses to dramatic social changes and disruptions, like recent deindustrialization and abrupt insertion into global capitalism. Populists have advanced legitimate concerns, but also often been willing to abandon constitutional protections for pluralism, minorities, free expression, due process, and even rule of law that distinguish liberal democracy. Sustainable democracy depends not only on popular voice, but also on such protections – and continual renewal of social solidarity and social institutions. Introduction 1 This text is based on the Thesis Eleven Lecture delivered by Craig Calhoun at La Trobe University, May 16, 2017. The lecture was transcribed by Simon Kastberg with revisions from Alonso Casanueva-Baptista and Raul Sanchez Urribarri. It has been revised to reflect the version which served as a keynote speech to the 25th International Congress of Europeanists, in Chicago, March 28, 2018. ‘Populism’ is often a derogatory label for anti-democratic but popular leaders, and for popular voices raised in anger and resentment to condemn elites and politics as usual. But populism is not, in general, an attack on democracy. First, populism expresses one core dimension of democracy, the will of the people. This can be positive, demanding attention to important issues and potentially expanding political inclusion.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism, Nationalism and Illiberalism: a Challenge for Democracy and Civil Society
    INSTITUTE E-PAPER A Companion to Democracy #2 Populism, Nationalism and Illiberalism: A Challenge for Democracy and Civil Society ANNA LÜHRMANN AND SEBASTIAN HELLMEIER V-DEM INSTITUTE, GOTHENBURG A Publication of Heinrich Böll Foundation, February 2020 Preface to the e-paper series “A Companion to Democracy” Democracy is multifaceted, adaptable – and must constantly meet new challenges. Democratic systems are influenced by the historical and social context, by a country’s geopolitical circumstances, by the political climate and by the interaction between institutions and actors. But democracy cannot be taken for granted. It has to be fought for, revitalised and renewed. There are a number of trends and challenges that affect democracy and democratisation. Some, like autocratisation, corruption, the delegitimisation of democratic institutions, the shrinking space for civil society or the dissemination of misleading and erroneous information, such as fake news, can shake democracy to its core. Others like human rights, active civil society engagement and accountability strengthen its foundations and develop alongside it. The e-paper series “A Companion to Democracy” examines pressing trends and challenges facing the world and analyses how they impact democracy and democratisation. Populism, Nationalism and Illiberalism: A Challenge for Democracy and Civil Society 2/ 34 Populism, Nationalism and Illiberalism: A Challenge for Democracy and Civil Society Anna Lührmann and Sebastian Hellmeier 3 Contents 1. Introduction 4 2. Populism, nationalism and illiberalism as a challenge for democracy 6 2.1. Illiberalism in the 21st century 6 2.2. Illiberalism and populism 11 2.3. Accelerants: nationalism and polarisation 13 2.4. Democracy in times of growing populism and nationalism 15 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Measuring Populism Worldwide Faculty Research Working Paper Series
    Measuring Populism Worldwide Faculty Research Working Paper Series Pippa Norris Harvard Kennedy School February 2020 RWP20-002 Visit the HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series at: https://www.hks.harvard.edu/research-insights/publications?f%5B0%5D=publication_types%3A121 The views expressed in the HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. Faculty Research Working Papers have not undergone formal review and approval. Such papers are included in this series to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. www.hks.harvard.edu Measuring Populism Worldwide: Norris 1/8/20 8:50 PM Measuring Populism Worldwide Pippa Norris McGuire Lecturer in Comparative Politics John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Cambridge, MA 02138 [email protected] www.pippanorris.com @PippaN15 www.GlobalPartySurvey.org Data: https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataverse/GlobalPartySurvey. Synopsis: Populism studies have rapidly burgeoned but nevertheless systematic cross-national evidence about this phenomenon has lagged far behind. How can populism be measured in ways which are consistent, valid, and reliable? To address this issue, Part I outlines the minimalist concept of populism used in the study. Part II summarizes the pros and cons of previous attempts at gauging and classifying party ideological values and issue positions in general, as well as recent studies seeking to classify populists as a distinct party family. Part III describes the research design employed to construct the Global Party Survey, replicating the methods of previous expert surveys but expanding coverage worldwide and including innovative measures of populist rhetoric.
    [Show full text]