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A Study of Au Pairs As 'Gap Year' Domestic Workers for Families

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A Study of Au Pairs As 'Gap Year' Domestic Workers for Families MODERN MAIDS A STUDY OF AU PAIRS AS 'GAP YEAR' DOMESTIC WORKERS FOR FAMILIES Riitta Helena Lundberg Institute of Education, University of London PhD 2 Abstract This is an empirical study of au pairs. Its purpose is to increase understanding and knowledge of the au pair arrangement and of au pairs as family based domestic workers. The main research question is why and how the au pair institution continues in a modern society. The non-systematic sample consisted of twenty-two Finnish young people who worked as au pairs in host families in London between 1994 and 1995. Twenty-one of the au pairs were female and one was a male. Nineteen host mothers and four representatives of au pair agencies were also interviewed. The data collection was carried out by using a combination of interview methods and generated eighty-two interviews altogether. The data was analysed largely through the use of qualitative analysis based on grounded theory. The middle class Finnish young people in this study had become au pairs because this provided a socio-culturally and developmentally determinated chance for a self sufficient 'gap year' of travel abroad. The middle and upper middle class host mothers entered into this arrangement because it provided a material and economic 'coping strategy' within their family and labour market relations. The practice of an au pair arrangement was an oppressive, but diverse private and personal work relationship. Characteristics of this labour relationship such as exploitation, employment and companionship varied in time and space. This study suggests that subordination of all domestic workers is reproduced through the structures of gender and class. The power differential between au pairs and their host mothers was also reproduced by age, nationality and culture. However, au pairs were not bound to this labour relationship through structures of domestic work but represented themselves as 'working travellers' in a globalising world. 3 CONTENTS 1 Introduction: what is an au pair? 4 2 Au pairs in the context of modern youth, 'gap year' and travel abroad 21 2.1 Postmodernity, self-identity and travel abroad 25 2.2 'Gap year' in youth sociology 31 2.3 Aspects of travel abroad 43 3 Au pairs as domestic workers for families in the 20th century 52 3.1 Theoretical perspectives 59 3.2 Empirical contributions 66 3.3 Family based domestic workers: definition 91 4 Research methodology and procedure 96 5 Construction of au pair arrangement 115 5.1 Entering the gap year by au pairs 115 5.2 An au pair as a coping strategy for host mothers 125 5.3 Discussion 132 6 Practice of au pair arrangement 136 6.1 Au pairs' working conditions 136 6.2 Au pairs' living conditions and social relations 141 6.3 Construction and practice in comparison: discussion 150 7 Domestic work relationship between au pairs and host mothers 154 7.1 Structures of an au pair arrangement 154 7.2 Characteristics of domestic work relationship 170 7.3 Discussion 182 8 Conclusions 187 Bibliography 199 4 1 INTRODUCTION: WHAT IS AN AU PAIR? Phenomenon of au pairs Au pairs are accepted in many contemporary societies as a social phenomenon. From time to time, an au pair related, often scandalous topic hits the media headlines generating debate. I have followed these debates since 1989 when I first became interested in this phenomenon whilst working amongst Finnish au pairs in London. Au pairs have aspects in common with groups like adolecents, young adults, exchange students, travellers, tourists, (im)migrants, family members and lodgers, as well as with servants and domestic workers. However, although au pairs are a common phenomenon, little is known about them. The history of au pairs dates back to the end of the 19th century, but this predominately female phenomenon expanded after the two world wars (Griffith & Legg 1989:11). According to the Council of Europe's report of 1966, it was estimated that there were about 50 000 au pair girls in Europe (The Council of Europe 1966:14). Since the 1960s, this phenomenon has grown into an international industry, with national and international policies, commercial agencies recruiting au pairs, and different organisations responsible for their welfare in Europe, the USA, Canada and countries of East Europe. However, the total number of people working as au pairs is unknown. The reasons for this are similar to those given in the Council of Europe's 1966 report: "The very personal nature of the practice, the ease of crossing frontiers, the failure, deliberate or otherwise, to complete registration and regularisation formalities, make it impossible to answer this question precisely." (The Council of Europe 1966:13-14) There is no doubt that working as an au pair has, over the years, provided 5 affordable opportunity for many young people - especially females - in different Western countries to spend some time abroad at a certain stage in their lives. It can be argued that this arrangement has pioneered the growing international mobility of young people as one form of cultural globalisation. It has also provided young people with an opportunity to get to know a foreign culture, to learn a language and to finance their travels. The concept of this arrangement for young people has changed over time and space. In the past, becoming an au pair may have meant a great personal adventure for young females as there were limited other resources and opportunities. For example, there were fewer opportunities for travel and for making international contacts than for young people today. Communication technology was not as developed as today and it was more difficult to remain in touch with one's own family. An au pair arrangement may also have provided a job supplement or 'a meal ticket' for some females seeking permanent migration, particularly for au pairs from more undeveloped countries. On the other hand, girls in the 1950s and 1960s were probably more used to engaging in domestic work in their own homes than girls today and, in this sense, working as an au pair was not different from their work at home. The phenomenon of au pairs is structured geographically, socially, culturally and economically. Becoming an au pair has different connotations for, for example, a middle class high school graduate from urban Finland than for a girl from the rural Czech Republik or from former Yugoslavia. Interestingly, this arrangement has not been expanded between developed and Third World countries. Broadly speaking, becoming an au pair is generally regarded as an opportunity for privileged young white people - especially single young women - from Western countries to travel and to spend time abroad at a certain stage in their lives. On the other hand, language skills, language learning, travelling, tourism and internationalism are no longer an elite practice, although they still could be defined as middle class pursuits. With the increasing opportunities, they are reaching more people as well as responding to societal demands. For example, 6 various forms of tourism and travel have grown into big international business creating employment opportunities because of cultural and economical globalisation and improvements in technology and education. In connection with the international economy, the supremacy of English language has also generated an inequality and asymmetricity between countries and different nationalities in terms of cultural mobility and the level of international communication. This determines for instance the numbers of ingoing and outgoing au pairs in different countries, although English as an international language is gradually being spoken everywhere. Opportunities for young people to visit foreign cultures, not only as tourists, have grown during the last ten years including study and training exchange programs, language courses and voluntary work. These opportunities are regarded as acceptable ways for young people to live away from home. Crossing frontiers particularly between EU countries also allows free and easy mobility of people and labour. Although opportunities have grown, young Europeans are divided particularly by gender, class, ethnicity and nationality in terms of access to these opportunities: the middle class, white and well educated young people from urban areas and from the advanced industrialised countries being privileged and, particularly in the case of au pairs, females having fewer non-domestic opportunities. On the other hand, in the international labour market, young migrant people with no vocational training or work experience are vulnerable to being recruited for 'poor' work, meaning low status, low paid domestic jobs in hotels, catering and, like au pairs, in private families and households, on a less attractive contractual basis than in the so called primary labour market. An au pair arrangement is also a useful and, in a way, unique alternative to getting domestic help for the receiving families, particularly in countries like Britain and the USA. In these countries domestic service has a long middle and upper middle class tradition and childcare is still ideologically considered a private concern. There is also a lack of communal childcare and after school care places. Compared to other forms of paid domestic labour, an au pair is a cost effective option for a family, for example in Britain, because au pairs 7 receive remuneration for their domestic tasks as pocket money and in kind as full board. Furthermore, there are no social insurance fees and au pairs are not liable for tax. In this context, both the social construction of au pairs as domestic workers and the structure of domestic labour relationships can be regarded as having similarities and differences with other forms of paid domestic labour, these being structured not only according to gender and class, but also according to race, age and ethnicity. Modern living has generated new demands on family life.
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