Volume 12 | Issue 5 | Number 3 | Article ID 4071 | Jan 30, 2014 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus

The 1911 Revolution and the Frontier: The 'Political Game' and 'State-Building' in Outer Mongolia during the 1911 Revolution 辛亥革命とフロンティア 外モンゴルにおける政治のゲー ムと国家建設

Feng Jianyong

analyze the competition for influence in the region between the Chinese central government, Outer Mongolia, and the Russian empire. Feng's analysis is notable for the Editors' introduction by Joseph W.attention it gives to the national aspirations of Esherick and C.X. George Wei.Frontier Mongol elites, rejecting prior research that has studies have long been a sensitive area for regarded the Mongols as little more than historical research in the PRC, largely because unwitting tools of meddling Russian of the demands for increasing autonomy in imperialists. While it is true that after the Tibet and Xinjiang-movements that areRussian Revolution, the Soviet Union became a regarded as "separatist" by the authorities. sponsor of Mongolia's independence, Feng This sensitivity makes the study of the 1911 notes that in the period after 1911, Czarist Revolution on the frontier particularly difficult, Russia only supported Mongolian autonomy because it was precisely in 1911 thatunder a loose and ill-defined Chinese independence movements manifestedsuzerainty. By taking seriously the political themselves in Tibet and Mongolia. Both of goals of Mongol princes and lamas, he is able these regions had been incorporated into the to explore the links between the state-building Qing empire, whose emperors acted as patrons process in the early Republic of China and in of the Tibetan Buddhism revered by Tibetans Outer Mongolia.• and Mongols alike. In Mongolia, the Qing court confirmed the status of Mongols nobles, and The year 1911 represents a significant intermarried with the families of Mongol milestone in the history of China. Under the princes. But the 1911 Revolution created a banner of "expel the northern barbarians" secular republic, which made these religious (quzhu dalu), the Revolution of 1911 overthrew and feudal ties difficult to maintain. More the traditional monarchy that had governed importantly, the revolution was launched with China for nearly two thousand years and an overtly Han nationalist agenda to "expel the established the Republic of China as a nation- northern barbarians, restore China" that left state. Stimulated by this event, the nobles and little political space for the political aspirations lamas of Outer Mongolia launched an of other nationalities. As a result, both Tibet independence movement, announcing a and Outer Mongolia declared independence separation from China and setting up the state after the Wuchang Uprising. of Great Mongolia. The independence of Outer Mongolia, an episode that challenged the Here, Feng Jianyong explores the impact of the construction of a unified Chinese nation-state, 1911 Revolution on Mongolia. He uses a three- demonstrates the crisis of national identity in cornered chess-match (boyi) metaphor to China's frontier regions. Because of the threat

1 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF to China's frontiers and the involvement of the Based on the above considerations, this Russian government, past scholarship has often chapter focuses on the issue of Outer Mongolia been founded on a kind of nationalistduring the 1911 Revolution, from the resentment. However, the construction of the perspective of the political history of the Republic of China as a nation-state required the frontier region, and the "political game" recognition of the new republican government involving Russia, the central government of by nationalities at home and abroad, toChina (both the Nanjing Provisional guarantee the legitimacy of the newGovernment and the Beijing Government), and government. Therefore, the former strategy of Outer Mongolia. It particularly addresses the "establishing a state excluding the Manchus" following two issues. was significantly outdated. The process of state-formation in Great Mongolia brought the First, we examine the evolution of the three- issue of national identity among the frontier way political competition involving the Russian region's nationalities onto the political agenda. government, the central government of the Republic of China, and Outer Mongolia. Using game theory, we consider both protagonists and antagonists, the balance that was established among the three parties in the course of the game, and the result-the payoff. We discuss the fall of the Qing state, the new situation created at home and abroad, and the psychological setbacks suffered by the princes and nobles of Outer Mongolia. We trace the formation of Russian policy toward Outer Mongolia, the measures taken by the central government of the Republic of China, and the thinking of the princes and lamas of Outer Mongolia. We then evaluate the three parties in term of their changed status, their gains and losses.

Many scholars have published important Second, we try to shed light on the issue of studies of the government's frontier policy in state-building. State-building in Outer Mongolia the early years of the Republic of China from had twofold implications. First, the central the perspective of modern nationalism and the government of the young Republic of China 1 construction of the nation-state. Other tried to build a unified multinational country by scholars have explored the impact on national incorporating the increasingly alienated Outer 2 identity of events in the frontier region. Mongolia. Secondly, Outer Mongolia (with Obviously, much previous research was from a Russian backing) sought to set up an macroscopic perspective, focusing on the independent state of Great Mongolia, based on relationship between the central government the western nation-state theory of "one nation, and the frontier nationalities. This approach is one state." insufficient to explain the origin and formation of national identity in the frontier regions, the Through this two-fold approach through reasons for Mongolia's break from China, or political game theory on the one hand and the impact of the central government's efforts state-building on the other, this chapter seeks to reunify the country. to provide a new understanding of political

2 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF changes in Mongolia during and after the "living Buddha," the Jebtsundamba Khutughtu. collapse of the Qing dynasty. In 1762, during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor, the Qing resident in Kulun, State-building Practice of Outer Mongolia Nuomuhun, prescribed that he would show his respect on bended knees when meeting with During the early and mid-Qing period, the Qing the Jebtsundamba Khutughtu; though the state governed Outer Mongolia through a resident in Tibet would sit as an equal to the system of Mongol leagues and banners (mengqi Dalai Lama. It was speculated that Qing rulers zhidu) which entailed the "autonomous rule of deliberately raised the status of the frontier nationalities" bianjiang( minzu Jebtsundamba Khutughtu in order to neutralize zizhi).This ensured the power of the central the Dalai Lama's influence on Outer Mongolia. government to appoint the Jasag of each At the time of the Eighth Jebtsundamba banner and assign territory to it. This practice Khutughtu, Yingkui, the Qing resident in Kulun, strengthened Qing governance of Mongolia, considered that since the residents in Tibet and and also guaranteed the interests of Mongolian Kulun shared the same status, the rituals for nobles. Mongolian nobles maintained the right meeting the two living Buddhas should be to govern their people and territories and also similar. Thus the Qianlong Emperor exempted enjoyed considerable autonomy. It is fair to say the Kulun resident from greeting on bended that this arrangement contributed to the knee. He should just exchange Hada unification of the Qing state and the stability of (ceremonial scarves) with the Jebtsundamba Outer Mongolia for a considerable period of Khutughtu, while the latter should stand in time. In addition the policy of alliance and 4 intermarriage between Manchu and Mongol greeting. This new practice incurred the princes and nobles (Man-Meng lianyin, Man- discontent of the Jebtsundamba, Khenpo Lama Meng tongmeng) created a bond linking and phyag-mdzod-pa. The Jebtsundamba Mongol princes to the Manchu nationalKhutughtu requested that Qianlong send community and a sense of identification with another ambassador to replace Yingkui, but the Qing. This was useful in extending the was refused. Outer Mongolia was angry with authority of the Qing state to the frontier Qing government. regions. Localism in Outer Mongolia was In the late Qing, with the government's manifested in the nobles' pursuit of their economic interests in the banners, and the increased reliance on its residents and generals pursuit of hereditary rank from the Qing for the defense of the frontier, the power and government. From this perspective, their influence of the Kulun resident grew ever localism reflected an identification with Qing stronger. In 1910, a conflict arose between the governance of Outer Mongolia.3 Jebtsundamba Khutughtu and Sanduo, the resident in Kulun, but Qing Dynasty rulers In the late Qing era, the above situation was rejected the Jebtsundamba's request to remove changed by the slow penetration of Russian the resident. This made Outer Mongolia feel influence into Outer Mongolia. Worried over wronged and disappointed. In general, if the defense of the Mongolian frontier, Qing Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong took a rulers adjusted its policy towards Outersupportive attitude towards the princes and Mongolia, seeking to strengthen the central nobles of Outer Mongolia in order to appease government's control over the frontier region. them, the Qing Dynasty rulers since Jiaqing and In the first stage, through an adjustment of Daoguang began to distance themselves from established rituals to assert its sovereignty over Lamaism, and took a cooler attitude towards Outer Mongolia, the Qing alienated the Mongol the Jebtsundamba Khutughtu as time went by.5

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At the same time, the Qing government tried to establish a nation of our own. We shall rely on strengthen its direct control over Outeryour great country and have faith in your Mongolia by implementing New Policiesassistance."7 The letter urged the Russia centered on relaxing the prohibition ongovernment to weigh the situation and make a migration to Mongolia, encouraging land prompt decision: "If we do not take this chance reclamation, and setting up new institutions. to establish friendly relations, things cannot be But these measures were interpretedachieved and we will regret it."8 differently by the frontier nationalities. As Joseph W. Esherick has said, the Qing "sought In sum, spurred by opposition to the New to strengthen central control of the periphery, Policies of the Qing and the expectation of a move that fundamentally challenged the support from Russia, Outer Mongolia established distinction between direct control manifested its political alienation from the through provincial and county administrators in central government. The emergence of national China proper, and indirect rule through ethnic identity among the frontier peoples, based on elites over the frontier."6 The implementation of their national interests and traditions, and their the New Policies and changes in the methods of alienation from the Qing efforts to promote governance encroached on the vested interests identification with a unified state cannot be of some princes and nobles of Outer Mongolia. underestimated. A Tokyo journal published by They expressed their dissatisfaction to the Manchu students pointed out at that time, "to central government. First, they submitted the people, there is only national thinking, no requests that the court not implement the New concept of the state. This malady does not only Policies in Outer Mongolia. When this failed, exist among the Han, but also among Manchus, they sent a mission to St. Petersburg seeking Mongols, Hui and Tibetans. If people are only support from Russia to resist the new measures inspired by national thinking, civil disturbances taken by Qing. While Mongol provincialism in will occur. If there is no concept of the state, the early Qing was more passive and sought to we will be unable to unify in an orderly maintain cordial relations with the central manner."9 Political developments on China's government, the provincialism of the late Qing frontiers, especially the great changes in Outer was more politicized and tended to drive a Mongolia, seemed to confirm these worries. wedge between the central and local government. The inclusion of Outer Mongolia within the Qing Empire was also founded on traditional On the eve of the 1911 Revolution, this religious and vassalage relations. To most of politicization was reflected in a letter dated the Mongolian elite, the Manchu-Mongol August 1911 from the Mongolian mission to the Alliance was a fundamental principle governing Russian Tsar. The letter listed twenty points of their relations to the Qing state. When Empress dissatisfaction with the Qing government. The Dowager Longyu announced the Qing items included the New Policies institutions, emperor's abdication, the princes and nobles of immigration, land reclamation, marriages Outer Mongolia felt that this represented the between Mongols and Han, and onerous loans. fall of the emperor who had supported their They considered these measures a direct threat faith, and also ended their relationship of to the political and economic privileges of the vassalage to the Qing.10 The blood relations Mongolian princes and nobles. The letter between Manchus and Mongols were also seen previewed the future of Outer Mongolia: "We, as a foundation of the empire's legal dominion, the khans and ruling princes, shall elevate and the existence of Qing dynasty was a unanimously the most universally respected precondition of their identification with China. Bogd as the great Khan. Then we shall That legal dominion would end if the Qing

4 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF dynasty ceased to exist.11 Although this point of Outer Mongolia. On Dec. 28, Jebtsundamba view was not theorized or systemized, it had ascended the throne as emperor of Great broad influence in the upper levels of Outer Mongolia, with the reign title "Gongdai." With Mongolian society. this, the sense of political alienation among the elites of Outer Mongolian developed into an At the same time, the Chinese revolutionary actual process of state-building. party's rhetoric of "expelling the northern barbarians" terrified the Outer Mongolian elite. Early Republican Policy toward Outer They worried that their existing privileges Mongolia would be eliminated after the revolution. In addition, after the revolution, many Mongolian Immediately after the Revolution of 1911, many intellectuals were full of nationalistprovinces declared independence. This enthusiasm. Wang Zongluo, a Mongolian "independence" meant separation from Qing student at the Army Nobles' School, was an governance, not standing alone as a separate example. Even before 1911, he met secretly state. The revolution's defining slogan, "expel with Mongolian schoolmates at thethe northern barbarians and revive China" Yonghegong Lamasery in Beijing, and spread (quzhu dalu, huifu Zhonghua) had an obvious revolutionary thoughts, "but laid particular impact on the frontier regions. The revolution stress on Mongolia's independence." According aimed to restore Han governance to the to him, "in today's China, no matter which eighteen provinces of China proper while party comes to power, it will carry out the Han rejecting the northeast, Inner and Outer program of 'expelling the northern barbarians,' Mongolia, Xinjiang, and Tibet. In this sense, if which offers no benefit to the Mongolian the independence of the provinces meant people." Thus, in order to defend Mongolia's separation from the Qing government, interests, "once he heard that Outer Mongolia independence in the frontier regions meant had declared independence and thebreaking away from China. Undeniably, this Jebtsundamba had become the emperor, he powerful racial nationalism played an resolved to go to Outer Mongolia to join the important role in social mobilization to national independence movement."12 overthrow the Qing. Nevertheless, to build a new multi-national republic, its utility was Some frontier nationality elites thought about questioned and challenged. The central their people's political development and made a government of the early republic had to unify choice: they agitated for Mongol nationalism as the three attributes of any state: territory, the pretext to compete for power. Thesovereignty, and people. To this end, the Jebtsundamba and other nobles and lamas government took several measures to restore announced the independence and founding of the relationship between the center and Outer Great Mongolia on December 1, 1911. They Mongolia. gave the Qing resident, Sanduo, a strict deadline to leave Mongolia. After announcing 1. From "Expel the Manchus" (pai-Man) to the reasons for independence, the proclamation a "Republic of Five Nationalities" Wuzu( stated that, "since many provinces in China gonghe), to the "Chinese People" proper have announced independence and cut (Zhonghua minzu). On New Year's Day, 1912, ties with the Manchus, we Mongols, in order to in the declaration of the provisional president protect our land and religion, should also of the Republic of China, Sun Yat-sen solemnly announce independence."13 This served as a declared, "the foundation of the state lies in its warning to the new republican government that people. Uniting the Han, Manchu, Mongolian, it would be unable to advance its authority over Hui, and Tibetan regions in one state, and the

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Han, Manchu, Mongol, Hui and Tibetanfive nationalities and other nationalities in the nationalities as one people-this is national republic, and blurred national identity among unification." Soon thereafter the Provisional the frontier peoples. It was necessary to Constitution of the Republic of China put the explain and further refine the concept of "Five equality of nationality into law: "the people of Nationalities." the Republic of China are all equal without regard to ethnicity, class, or religion." After Yuan Shikai himself recognized the defects of succeeding the presidency, Yuan Shikai issued the five nationalities concept. We can trace an order that "now the state is a republic of five Yuan's intent from the usage of "Chinese nationalities. Since Mongolia, Tibet andNation" in his letters with the Jebtsundamba.17 Manchuria are part of China's territory, and the As a politician, Yuan emphasized practical Mongolian, Tibetan and Manchuria peoples are considerations, leaving theoretical constructs all citizens of the Republic of China, the to scholars. Wu Guanyin, a follower of Liang imperial usage of 'vassal states' (fanshu)should Qichao, published "Assimilation of the Five be discontinued. Now we should prepare a Nationalities" in Yongyan magazine in early comprehensive plan to unify administration of 1913. In this article, Wu demonstrated the the Mongolian, Tibetan and Hui areas with the composite nature of the Five Nationalities, and aim of achieving the great unity of all peoples explained that blood relations of the Five (minzu zhi datong)."14 This was the conception Nationalities had been shared and fused of the "Republic of Five Nationalities." through history.18 Consequently, Wu suggested: "from now on, the Chinese people should not be "The Republic of Five Nationalities" was a called the Five Nationalities, but 'Zhonghua timely and effective statement, but could it minzu' Chinese Nation [English in original]. cover all the nationalities within the Republic of There are two meanings of 'Nation,' one is China? Some scholars at that time objected: nationality, the other is people of a nation "recent scholars have said that the aboriginal (guomin), and our 400 million compatriots people in China were Miao nationality.... As should be called the Chinese Nation or the Miao were not included in the five nationalities, Chinese people."19 what kind of a republic is that? In my opinion, we should not name the nationalities; or if we 2．Conciliating the Elites of Mongolia. On speak of nationalities, we should say the February 12, 1912, the Nanjing Provisional republic of six nationalities, equality of six Government issued its "conditions on the status 15 nationalities, not five nationalities." The of the Manchu, Mongol, Hui, and Tibetan minister to Tibet, Lu Xingqi, noted in a people" in anticipation of the Qing court's telegram to the central government that abdication. After Yuan Shikai came to power, "Gurkha, a small but wealthy state had paid on August 19, 1912, the government issued tribute to our emperor and remains very three regulations to conciliate the princes and respectful. The Gurkha actively meditated lamas of Mongolia: regulations on the during Tibet's rebellion. But they have doubts treatment of Mongolia, regulations on about which nationality Gurkha belongs to, as promotion of Mongol nobles, and regulations our government has announced a Republic of on titles for lamas and monks. Five Nationalities. The Gurkha believe in Islam. If that makes them part of the Hui, then is The first of these, on the treatment of Turkey, which also believes in Islam, also part Mongolia, exerted considerable influence on of the Republic of Five Nationalities?"16 Thus Mongolian society. The first article stated that the concept of five nationalities had its"Outer Mongolia will no longer be treated as a limitations, generated opposition between the vassal state, and will be treated the same as the

6 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF inner provinces [neidi:within the wall]. The aggression. Most important was the fact that central government documents to Mongolian Chinese sovereignty over Outer Mongolia did offices should not use words like managing not change under the new republic and was vassals (lifan), establishing a colony (zhimin), protected by the constitution. or colonizing (tuozhi)." Article 6 stated that "the foreign affairs and border defense of A debate over the Law for the Organization of Mongolia should be administered by the central the Legislature illustrates these concerns. government, but in affairs of great importance According to article no. 5 of the provisional to the local region, the local government should constitution, "the people in the Republic of be consulted before implementation. The two China are all equal without regard to ethnicity, articles in fact placed Outer Mongolia and the class, and religion." Article 18 stated that inner provinces under the same governance, "every province, Inner Mongolia, Outer with the central government controlling foreign Mongolia, and Tibet shall select five senators, and military affairs. The first article offered a and Qinghai one."25 To protect the spirit of this legal basis for applying the provincial system to constitution, no one should object to Inner and Outer Mongolia. In addition, article 9 stated Outer Mongolia or Tibet's selection of their that "Mongols who know Chinese and have the own senators. But the first draft of the Law on legal qualifications may be offered positions Organization of the Legislature stipulated that outside of Beijing,"20 which made it possible for parliament should be composed of members the central government to extend national selected by the provinces, excluding Mongolia, education to Mongolians. Tibet, and Qinghai. In July 1912, the drafter of the law, Gu Zhongxiu, argued that the law must 3．Establishing the legal status of Outer be carried out as passed: "Since conditions in Mongolia. After the founding of the Republic Mongolia and Tibet are different, and of China, a series of laws and regulations institutions have not yet been set up, they covered the frontier regions: the Provisional cannot be treated like inner provinces." Having Constitution of the Republic of China, the Law a distinct status structure and administration, on Organization of the Legislature, and Law on "these areas should be temporarily considered Elections to Parliament. The centralas special cases. After their political systems government also issued laws and regulations on are reformed and superstition eliminated, then Mongolian affairs and the frontier, such as a they can enjoy the same electoral rights as the law for election to parliament from Mongolia, inner provinces. It would be impractical to Tibet, and Qinghai (1912),21 regulations for make laws blindly following theory while travelling expenses for the first trip to Beijing neglecting the facts." Liu Chongyou objected to by the princes of Mongolia, Hui people, and Gu's position. Liu pointed out that according to Tibetans after the founding of the Republic of the Provisional Constitution, Mongolians and China (1913), 22 and provisions for the Tibetans should have the same right to vote Department of Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs and be elected as other citizens, and not be (1914).23 Chapter one of the Provisionaldeprived of the voting rights on grounds of Constitution stipulated that "the territory of the insufficient knowledge. Otherwise, "it would Republic of China includes twenty-twoleave an indelible stain in legal history."26 After provinces, Inner and Outer Mongolia, Tibet, debate, Article 5 was added to the law: "quotas and Qinghai."24 It was necessary at the time to for members of parliament from Mongolia, stress that Outer Mongolia belonged to China. Tibet, and Qinghai are as follows: twenty-seven This regulation was of great significance for from Mongolia, ten from Tibet, and three from enhancing Chinese citizens' territorialQinghai." Tang Hualong suggested a revision of understanding and resisting foreignArticle 3: rather than saying that "parliament is

7 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF composed of members elected by theMongolia.29 According to the regulations, the provinces," it should read "parliament is resident in Kulun administered Tushetu and composed of members elected by localities," Chechnya, and should oversee affairs in which was passed.27 Uliastay, Kobdo, and Kyakhta, supervising the officers in those three areas. With these It was an appropriate decision to consider the regulations, the central government particular conditions in Mongolia, Tibet, and institutionalized the administration of the Qinghai in the revision of the Law for the frontier area. Organization of Parliament and make special provisions. Especially when Russia and Britain 5．Central Government Integration of were attempting to draw Mongolia and Tibet Education in Outer Mongolia. In the early away from China, if the law barredyears of the republic, with the spread of representatives from Mongolia and Tibet, that national consciousness and the education of would provide excuses for their separatism. citizens, the central government encouraged This revision was not only in conformity with new schools throughout the country. At the the constitutional provision that "allsame time, the central government instructed nationalities in the Republic of China are the frontier areas to promote education and run equal," but was also conducive to theschools on the western model. The frontier construction of a unified multi-national state. areas also wanted to set up new schools. Cultural enlightenment and the cultivation of 4．Strengthening the administration of talent became the task of that time. Given the Outer Mongolia and other frontier regions. undeniably different customs and languages of During the Nanjing Provisional Government, the frontier regions, the Education Ministry set affairs in Mongolia and Tibet were pressing. out to investigate actual conditions, "hoping to "Before local institutions were set up, there give instruction and gradually set up schools."30 was no special institution for nationality affairs. Nationality affairs were managed by the The Ministry of Education promulgated a Interior Ministry according to past precedent. comprehensive agenda for developing A Frontier Bureau (Bianwuju) was established education in Mongolia, Muslim areas, and to show their importance."28In order to Tibet.31 First, for frontier primary education, strengthen the administration of Outersurveys should be done on the distribution of Mongolia and Tibet, on May 8, 1912, the minority groups, the numbers of children of Senate of the Beijing government decided to school age, and the current distribution of set up a Bureau of Mongolian and Tibetan primary schools, levels of literary, and literacy Affairs (Meng-Zang shiwuju), with Mongolian in Chinese. Second religion, local customs and and Tibetan sections to investigate and plan for their impact on education should be studied. the two areas. On July 19, the Senate made Finally there should be plans for personnel, clear that the prime minister was in charge of funding, school construction and teacher the Bureau of Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs. selection. Certainly, the key purpose of this agenda was to integrate the frontiers through Besides establishing the Bureau for Mongolian national education so that the frontier peoples and Tibetan Affairs, the central government would become true "citizens" (guomin) of the also deployed military forces in OuterRepublic of China. Mongolia. On July 9, 1915, the central government issued regulations for resident In sum, the central government created the ministers in Kulun, Uliastay, Kobdo, and Republic of Five Nationalities to integrate the Kyakhta, to clarify the administration on Outer Mongolian region within a Chinese national

8 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF identity, and promoted the concept of the Mongolia. Since the Qing court was "Chinese nation" to improve relations between preoccupied with domestic affairs, it did not the central government and the frontier. In this dispatch a representative to Russia for way, it discarded the Han racial nationalism negotiations. and stressed the established fact that every nationality belonged to China. Then, frontier After May 1912, the situation in Outer education was promoted to cultivate the Mongolia entered a new stage. The secret centripetal inclination of the frontieragreement between Russia and Japan was nationalities toward the newly founded nation- signed during this period, and Russia and state. The central government conciliated the Britain contacted each other for a mutual Outer Mongolian elites by conferring titles and understanding for handling the affairs in material benefits, a necessary compromise for Mongolia and Tibet. In Outer Mongolia, the the sake of national unity. Finally, theKulun government had consolidated its government protected the interests of Outer dominion, and established effective control Mongolia by legislation and civilover Outer Mongolia and parts of Inner administration, and established stateMongolia. After analyzing China's overall sovereignty over Outer Mongolia in itssituation and international position, Krupensky, constitution and state institutions. the Russia minister to Beijing, proposed that Russia take a much more aggressive stance on The Russia- Mongolia Agreement and the Outer Mongolia. In an urgent report to Foreign Ambiguous Status of Outer Mongolian Minister Sazonov, Krupensky stressed that State-building "China's dispatching an army to Tibet and taking measures in Kobdo show clearly that After the Wuchang Uprising, the "state-China is attempting to reestablish its power in building" enterprises in both Outer Mongolia areas that have separated from China."33 and China were of great concern to Russia. On Oct. 13, 1911, the acting Russian foreign In July 1912, Russia issued an ultimatum to the minister, Nila Tov, cabled the RussianBeijing Government with three restrictive ambassador to Beijing that Russia should take conditions for negotiations on Outer advantage of the Qing predicament in the face Mongolia.34 Russia believed that the Beijing of revolution in the south and force China to Government did not wish to retain sovereignty recognize Russia's vested interests in Outer with Russian assistance. Instead, Beijing tried Mongolia.32 Though claiming to be "powerless to counteract Russia's influence in Outer to undertake any active measures," Russia Mongolian, and use contradictions between the helped Outer Mongolian princes build their Khutughtu and other elites to recover control of military forces and supplied arms through Outer Mongolia. Russia was also concerned Russia's consul in Kulun, thus providing over Beijing offering other powers "equal powerful backing for Outer Mongolia'sopportunity, opening up" Mongolia to balance independence. Russia. "This would result in a convergence of foreigners' business interests and Chinese When Outer Mongolia, with the support of people, which will lead to fundamental reform Russia, became estranged from the central of domestic institutions in Outer Mongolia."35 government, the Russian government started negotiations with China on the Mongolian Based on these imagined concerns, Russia issue. In December 1911, Russia proposed to started to "securitize" the Mongolian issue.36 the Qing government that it would like to serve On Aug. 15, the Russia government held a as mediator between China and Outerspecial ministerial meeting to formulate a new

9 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF policy on Outer Mongolia. Rejecting a passive document would bring real independence to policy toward Outer Mongolia as dangerous, Mongolia. What kind of relationship was the attendees proposed signing a treaty with established between Russia and Mongolia? Was the Kulun administration, including theit protective? Da lama was also unsatisfied that following points: Russia would protect the the agreement did not include Inner Mongolia, autonomy of Khalka; the Chinese military Kobdo, Tangno Uriyangqai, and Hulunbuir that would not be allowed to enter Mongolia and had already recognized Kulun's sovereignty. He Chinese would not be allowed to migrate there; thought it was unfair to cut Mongolia apart, and on the Mongol side, the government of and announced that "the princes in Khalka have Khalka should ensure for Russian businessmen responsibilities to care about their destinies, all the privileges and rights stated in previous otherwise they would be criticized for treaties between Russia and China.37 betraying the interests of their people." He reminded Russia that China insisted on In fact, Russia did not have sufficient evidence reconciling with Kulun, and would make more to demonstrate that Beijing was about to concession as long as the relationship forcefully solve the problem of Outer Mongolia. continued. Kulun would negotiate with [the But from a realistic perspective, what mattered Chinese representative] Nayantu, who was was not the intention of Beijing but the about to arrive. The Mongolian government interests of Russia. The Beijing Government was in a dilemma, forced to choose between was an imaginary threat, useful only to provide Russia and China."39 a pretext for Russian action. Russia dealt with Outer Mongolia directly and signed the Russia- Korostovetz reported to Sazonov that Mongolia Mongolia Agreement. Realizing China's hard raised many immoderate requests, some of position on the Outer Mongolia problem, it was which could never be accepted.40 Korostovetz not the proper time to mediate between China also learned that the Khutughtu and the and Mongolia. Accordingly, Russia contacted princes had received a telegram from Nayantu, the princes and nobles of Outer Mongolia warning Outer Mongolia not to sign a treaty directly, and took advantage of the negotiations with Russia, and demanding that they give up with Outer Mongolia to force China to change independence in return for various favors.41 He its unequivocal position. also realized that China had sent forces to Tibet or Kobdo, which meant China would pursue a Korostovetz, the Russian representative in more active and resolute policy to recover Kulun, negotiated secretly with the Kulun these areas.42 Korostovetz suggested that the authorities. Outer Mongolia requested that Kulun government be coerced to sign an Russia recognized Outer Mongolia as an agreement protecting Russia's interests. "independent state."38 Refusing this request, Korostovetz claimed that Russia would only Based on instructions from the Russian recognize Outer Mongolian "autonomy," and government, Russia and Mongolia held only on the condition that Russia's demands negotiations, changed the draft agreement, and were satisfied. The Outer Mongolian interior signed the Russian-Mongolian Agreement on minister Da lama refused Russia's draft and November 3, 1912. On the status and title of pointed out that "the so-called Russia-Mongolia the Kulun government, the Russian text wrote agreement was not beneficial for Mongolia. "Mongolian government," "Mongolian officials," Mongolians are put on the chopping board to and "autonomous organization," while the be carved up." If forced to accept Russia's Mongolian text wrote "state of Mongolia" and conditions, Outer Mongolia would be like "a self-governing, autonomous organization." Bukhara or Korea. Da lama asked if this Needless to say, the two parties had different

10 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF understandings of some articles. The Kulun Korostovetz admitted that both parties lack government sought to indicate that it was a authority and capacity to give the Mongolia- real sovereign state and hoped to beTibet Agreement political effect. Thus, "it is recognized by more sovereign states by signing inappropriate to call this international law."44 this agreement. The Russian government meant to take a substantial step towards The significance of the Mongolia-Tibet solving the problem of Outer Mongolia. Despite Agreement did not lie in the realization of its the difference in understanding, the Russian political intent, but in its practical effect. As government believed that the political destiny Korostovetz pointed out, "this agreement can of the Kulun government wholly depended on be seen as a protest against China's suzerainty Russia's protection. If so, Russia could obtain over Tibet and Mongolia and evidence of its purpose by pressing Outer Mongolia. The cooperation between the two dominions…The most important thing to Russia was to protect rapprochement between Mongolia and Tibet its economic interests through this agreement has upset the Beijing Government. The and to shock the Beijing Government. competition between Mongolia and Tibet has been eliminated by the need to unite and The China-Russia-Mongolia Agreement support each other in opposition to Chinese Overrides Outer Mongolia's State-building oppression. From the perspective of Russia's Experience interest, although the rapprochement between Mongolia and Tibet is imperfect as a matter of The Russia-Mongolia Agreement and the law, it can help suppress the Chinese increasingly intimate relationship between government's vanity and pride, and lead to Russia and Mongolia made the Chineseconcessions on China's part."45 government anxious. On Nov 19, 1912, China's ambassador to Russia urged Russia to give up There were three side-effects of the Mongolia- the agreement, and promised Sazonov that Tibet Agreement. First, it reflected the political China would negotiate with Russia to resolve alienation of Outer Mongolia and Tibet from the Outer Mongolia problem. the central government. Second, it was a heavy blow to the strategy of territorial unification China and Russia then started negotiating on through the "Republic of Five Nationalities." Outer Mongolia. The situation changed again Third, it provided an opportunity for Russia and on January 12, 1913, when Kulun authorities Britain to enhance their control of Mongolia and the Tibetan local government signed the and Tibet respectively. At a minimum, it so-called Mongolia-Tibet Agreement, in which showed that the local governments of Mongolia both announced that they had separated from and Tibet were emotionally estranged from the the Qing government and China, and had republican central government. founded independent states. They promised to recognize each other's independence and Following the agreement, China strengthened offered mutual assistance.43 At this time, Tibet contacts with Russia and tried to reach an still belonged to China. Although Outeragreement on Outer Mongolia. Basic Mongolia had announced independence, it was agreement was reached by May 1913, and on still considered a part of China as neither China November 5, 1913, a Sino-Russia Declaration nor other states recognized Mongolianwas announced and notes were exchanged. The independence. Since neither Tibet nor Outer declaration had five parts, including "Russia's Mongolia had the qualifications to signrecognition of China's suzerainty over Outer international treaties, the Mongolia-Tibet Mongolia," and "China's recognition of Outer Agreement had no legal effect. EvenMongolian autonomy." In a diplomatic note

11 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF supplementing the agreement, Russiarepresentative stated that its wish to have "the recognized Outer Mongolia as part of Chinese three parties clarify and specify the concrete territory.46 limits of suzerainty was already a great concession." "Outer Mongolia cannot Following the Sino-Russia Declaration, a unilaterally specify the limits of suzerainty as a conference involving China, Russia andprecondition for the recognition of Mongolia was held at Kyakhta from September suzerainty."49 1914 to March of 1915. At the conference, the three parties negotiated the issue of Mongolian Clearly, the focus of the debate among the autonomy under Chinese suzerainty. The three parties was not the autonomy of Outer representatives of Outer Mongolia raised the Mongolia, but the type of autonomy. What, following points. First, Outer Mongolia was concretely, should autonomy include? On these satisfied with articles in the Sino-Russia details, the Beijing government, Outer Declaration on Outer Mongolia's autonomy. Mongolia, and Russia had substantial Second, according to the Russia-Mongolia differences. With vested interests in autonomy, agreement and Articles 1 and 2 of the Sino- the elite of Outer Mongolia hoped to maximize Russia Declaration, the maintenance and the scope of autonomy. To them, complete recognition of the official name for Mongolia autonomy was the ideal. Regarding Outer and the Khan can never be changed. Third, the Mongolia as part of China, the Beijing Mongolian government was ready to recognize Government wished to restrict Outer China's suzerainty over Outer Mongolia and, in Mongolia's autonomy, confining it under a accord with the Sino-Russian Declaration, centralized system supervised by the Beijing would not conclude treaties with foreign states government. Russia advocated a middle ground that violated China's territorial integrity. of compromise between the contradictory Beyond this, the Mongolian government did not positions, and advocated autonomy and recognize any other duties derived from suzerainty instead of independence and Chinese suzerainty. Fourth, the Mongolian sovereignty. government believed that according to Article 3 of the Sino-Russian Declaration, OuterEach of the three parties had its own Mongolia was permitted to sign treaties of conception of Outer Mongolia's political future. friendship and commerce.47 The standpoint of Kulun wanted a sovereign state; Beijing the Outer Mongolian representatives was that thought Outer Mongolia should be part of since the Sino-Russia Declaration recognized China; Russia wanted an autonomous Outer China's suzerainty over Outer Mongolia, Outer Mongolia under some illusive sovereignty of Mongolia was a semi-sovereign state and its China. After forty-eight meetings and furious status could not be degraded to local autonomy debates, the three parties came to agreement within China. The concept of suzeraintyon June 7, 1915 and signed the China-Russia- referred to a relationship between two states, Mongolia Agreement. At this point, the practice and was unsuited for relations of localof "state-building" in Outer Mongolia was autonomy. rejected in principle, and the Kulun government shifted from independence to The Russian ambassador further explained that autonomy. Russia treated Outer Mongolia as an autonomous state. China had only suzerainty The Mongolian movements for independence or over Outer Mongolia, so Outer Mongolia had autonomy during and after the 1911 Revolution the freedom to act within its territory and to left the issue of "suzerainty" as an unsolved the extent of its power.48 The Chinese problem between China, the Kulun authorities,

12 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF and Russia. The meaning of "suzerainty" was In the late Qing dynasty, the central ambiguous in international law and customary government pursued a policy aimed at practice. Therefore, although the Kyakhta strengthening sovereignty, through policies of conference did not recognize state-building in "nationalization" and "centralization." In this Outer Mongolia, the Russian-introduced idea of process, the Qing set up provincial institutions autonomy with Chinese suzerainty allowed the in Xinjiang, similar to those in the inner Kulun authority to form an actual autonomous provinces, which enhanced central government country in place of local autonomy under the control over Xinjiang. Consequently, Xinjiang in central government. the republic demonstrated stronger political allegiance to the central government. In Outer Conclusion Mongolia and Tibet, although the Qing government tried to strengthen its control After the 1911 Revolution, the princes and through the New Policy reforms, they were not lamas of Outer Mongolia became estranged effective. The Qing government defined its from central government. They announced relations with Outer Mongolia and Tibet independence and established Great Mongolia. through traditional relationship of feudal The Qing government, the Nanjing provisional subordination which were less robust. Because government and the republican government in of the different political institutions and Beijing took several measures to integrate practices, these two regions followed different Outer Mongolia. Russia, pursuing its economic paths after the 1911 Revolution. In Outer and political interests, then entered the scene, Mongolia and Tibet, the traditional Manchu- which complicated the situation and led to a Mongolian alliance was not compatible with three-party game. After Outer Mongoliamodern state-building. The central government declared its independent state of Greatof the Republic of China found it difficult to Mongolia, the central government took a integrate Outer Mongolia and Tibet politically. number of steps to reintegrate the region. Though the efforts to promote national identity In Outer Mongolia, the national identity of the were well conceived, in actual practice, the lama and noble elite was influenced by another weakness of the central government in the important factor, the desire to protect common early republic prevented it from exerting its resources and shared interests. The powers on the frontier. The unification and competition for scarce resources can play a territorial integrity of the sovereign Chinese significant role in the formation and republic were more symbolic than real. Even maintenance of ethnic group identity.50 Thus so, the pursuit of sovereignty and territorial changes in the objective material environment integrity was the guiding principle of the can affect change in ethnic identity. To some central government of the Republic of China. extent, this principle can be applied to the Through its three-cornered game with Russia experience of Outer Mongolia during the 1911 and Outer Mongolia, the central government Revolution and the founding of the Republic of forced Outer Mongolia to abandon independent China. Faced with increasing central state-building, which could be called "an government encroachment and Han migration, invisible expansion" of central authority. the elites of Outer Mongolia worried that their Through this "invisible expansion," the central vested interests were being threatened, and government acquired a legal basis for external felt that they themselves were being treated as propaganda regarding the integration of Outer "the other" by the center. As a result, their Mongolia, though it lacked effective control identification with China became problematic. over Outer Mongolia or the political allegiance of the ethnic elite. This article and introduction are slightly

13 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF adapted from Joseph W. Esherick and C.X. xuebao, 2004, no. 6); Ma Rong, "Zhonghua George Wei, eds., China: How the Empire Fell minzu de gongtong wenhua yu 'Huangdi (London: Routledge: 2013), pp. 249-67. chongbai' de zuqun xia'ai xing [The common culture of the Chinese nation and the FENG Jianyong (冯建勇) Associate Professor, parochialism of Yellow emperor worship], Xibei Research Institute for Chinese Borderland minzu yanjiu, 2010, no. 2: 6-13 . History and Geography, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, holds a PhD in history from the 2 Related studies include Zhang Qixiong, "'Duli Graduate School of the Chinese Academy of wai Menggu' de guojia rentong yu zhuquan Social Sciences. His main research areas are guishu jiaoshe"[National identity in Chinese frontier history and theory, and he has 'Independent Outer Mongolia' and the published Xinhai geming yu jindai Zhongguo negotiations over sovereignty]Zhongyang bianjiang zhengzhi bianqian yanjiu [The 1911 yanjiuyuan jindaishi yanjiusuo jikan, vol. 20 Revolution and Political Transitions on China's (1991): 259-291; Huang Xingtao, "Xiandai Frontier]. 'Zhonghua minzu' guannian xingcheng de lishi kaocha-jianlun xinhai geming yu Zhonghua Recommended citation: Feng Jianyong, "The minzu rentong zhi guanxi" [A historical 1911 Revolution and the Frontier: The "Political examination of the formation of the modern Game" and "State-Building" in Outer Mongolia conception of a "Chinese Nation:" the during the 1911 Revolution," The Asia-Pacific relationship of the 1911 Revolution to the Journal, Vol. 12, Issue 5, No. 3, February, 3, identity of the Chinese nation], Zhejiang shehui 2014. kexue, 2002, no. 1: 129-142; Zhang Yong, Notes "Cong 'shiba xingqi' dao 'wuseqi'-Xinhai geming shiqi cong Hanzu guojia dao wuzu gonghe 1 See Yu Fengchun, Zhongguo guomin guojia guojia de jianguo moshi zhuanbian" [From the gouzhu yu guomin tonghe zhi licheng-yi ershi Eighteen-Star Flag to the Five-Color Flag-the shiji shangbanye dongbei bianjiang minzu transition of nation-building from a Han guomin jiaoyu weizhu [National state-building nationality state to the republic of five and national integration in China-focusing on nationalities] (Beijing daxue xuebao, 2002, no. national education on the northeast frontier in 2: 106-114); Hua Guoliang, "Minguo chunian the first half of the 20th century] (Haerbin: Menggu wanggong dui 'wuzu gonghe' zhengce Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 2006). From de minzu rentong" [Mongol princes' national the perspective of national state-building, this identity in relation to "the republic of five book explores national education in northeast nationalities" policy of the early republic], China in the late Qing and early republic, and Xuzhou shifan daxue xuebao, 2003, no. 2: notes the difficulties it faced. Other related 103-106. studies are Li Yuwei, "Beiyang zhengfu de minzu zhengce yu Neimenggu de minzu wenti" 3 Feng Jianyong, Xinhai geming yu jindai [The ethnic policy of the Beiyang government Zhongguo bianjiang zhengzhi bianqian yanjiu and the ethnic problem in Inner Mongolia], [Study on the 1911 Revolution and the political Neimenggu shehui kexue, 2004, no. 2; Zhou changes on China's frontier of China] (Haerbin: Jinghong, "Qingmo minguo shiqi Neimenggu Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 2012), 114. diqu zhengqu guanli tizhi bianqian ji dui Mengguzu de yingxiang" [The transformation of 4 Li Yushu, Wai Menggu zhengjiao zhidu kao the administration system of Inner Mongolia [On the political and religious system of Outer and its influence on Mongols in the late Qing Mongolia], (Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan and early republic] (Zhongyang minzu daxue jindaishi yanjiusuo zhuankan, 1962), 419.

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5 See Jagchid Sechen, "Wai Menggu de 'duli' Zhong-Meng zhi fenhe guanxi[Split and 'zizhi' he 'chezhi'" [Independence, autonomy unification of China and Mongolia in the late and repealing independence in OuterQing and the early republic] (Taipei: Topical Mongolia], Zhongguo jindaishi congkan, vol. 4, study of Mongolian-Tibetan Committee Series, (1962): 39-142. 2002), 27.

6 Joseph W. Esherick, "How the Qing Become 14"Linshi da Zongtong Yuan Shikai China," in Joseph W. Esherick, Hasan Kayali mingling"[Provisional President Yuan Shikai's and Eric Van Young, eds, Empire to Nation: order], Dongfang zazhi, vol. 8, no. 12, 4. Historical Perspectives on the Making of the 15 Modern World (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Wu Guanyin, "Wuzu tonghua lun" Littlefield, 2007), 240. [Assimilation of five nationalities],Minguo jingshi wenbian [Statecraft articles of the 7 Urgunge Onon and Derrick Pritchatt, Asia's Republic of China] (Beijing: Beijing tushuguan First Modern Revolution: Mongolia Proclaims chubanshe, 2006), vol. 1, 511. Its Independence in 1911(Leiden: E.J. Brill, 16 1989), 13. Jiang Ruqun, ed., Chaoye xintan [New stories in the country] (N.p.: Guanghua bianjishe, 8 Ibid., 12. 1914), 39. The Gurkha state was taken into British India in 1846, and did not belong to 9 Mu Duli, "Meng-Hui-Zang yu guohui wenti" China. The Gurkha people were not a Chinese [The issue of Mongols, Hui, and Tibetans in nationality, but Lu's argument expresses the Parliament], Unification News, no.5, thought that the republic of five nationalities 1907：49-50. had its limitations.

10 See Matsumoto Masumi, Zhongguo minzu 17 "Yuan Shikai zhi Zhebuzundanba dianwen" zhengce zhi yanjiu-yi Qingmo zhi 1945nian [Telegram from Yuan Shikai to Jebtsundamba]: de'minzulun' wei zhongxin [Study of China's "Outer Mongolia has belonged to the big family ethnic policy: focusing on nationality theory of China for years. The bad situation and the from the late Qing dynasty to 1945] (Beijing: troubled frontier are no reason to break from Minzu chubanshe, 2003), 56-57. the Chinese nation…" See Tang Zaili and Tang Zaizhang, Menggu fengyun lu [The controversy 11 See Yan Gang,"Qingdi xunwei zhaoshu zai over Mongolia], in Lü Yiran, Beiyang zhengfu Zhonghua minzu tongyi shang de falü yiyi"[The shiqi de Menggu diqu lishi ziliao [Historical legal significance of the abdicationmaterials on Mongolia during the Beiyang era] announcement of the Qing emperor to the (Haerbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, unification of the Chinese nation], Huanqiu falü 1999), 24. pinglun, 2011, no. 5, 23. 18 Wu Guanyin, "Wuzu tonghua lun," 499. 12 Wang Zongluo,"Xinhai geming diandi jianwen he duiwo de yingxiang" [The influence on me of 19 Ibid., 509. bits of knowledge of the 1911 Revolution], Neimenggu xinhai geming shiliao[Historical 20 Zhonghua Minguo zhengfu gongbao [The materials of the 1911Revolution regarding Republic of China gazette], no. 103, August, 21, Inner Mongolia] (Huhehot: Neiminggu renmin 1912. chubanshe,1979, 84-85. 21 Gu Dunrou, Zhongguo yihui shi [A history of 13 Quoted in Liu Xuetiao,Qingmo minchu Chinese parliament] (Suzhou: Mudu

15 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF xinzhengtang, 1931): 471-472. xuanbian - guanyu Menggu wenti [Selected Russia'sdiplomatic documents: Mongolia 22 Zangwen baihua bao, no.4, April 1913. issues] (Haerbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1991), 12-13. 23 Zhonghua minguo zhengfu gongbao,no. 750, June, 28, 1914. 33 "Zhu Beijing gongshi zhi waijiao dachen jinji baogao"[Urgent report from Beijing 24 Confucius 2000. Accessed: March, 8, 2013 ambassador to the foreign minister, June 22 1912, Eguo waijiao wenshu xuanbian, 35. 25 Chen Hefu ed., Zhongguo xianfa leibian (xia) [Compilation of Chinese constitutions (2)], 34 For example the clause, "China could not (Zhongguo shehui chubanshe, 1980), 66-367. send army and officials to Outer Mongolia and establish a colony there." 26 Zhonghua Minguo zhengfu gongbao, no. 97, August, 5, 1912. 35"Neige huiyi jilu -- guanyu tong Kulun Hutuketu ji Ka'erka wanggong dijie xieyue 27 Ibid., August, 6, 1912. wenti " [Cabinet meeting minutes---the issues regarding treaties with the Khutughtu and 28 Ibid., no. 51, June, 20, 1912. Prince of Khalkha], August 15 1912, Eguo waijiao wenshu, 44. 29 Guo Tingyi, Zhonghua Minguo shishi jiyao [Historical events in the Republic of China] 36 Barry Buzan, Ole Waever, and Jaap de Wilde, (Taipei: Zhongyang wenwu gongyingshe, 1981), Security: A New Framework for Analysis 572-574. (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1998), 33-34.

30 The Ministry of Education, "Zhen'an37 "Neige huiyi jilu," August 15, 1912,48. Youjiangjun duli Heilongjiang junwu jian Xunanshi Zhu Zi bao suoxia Meng shexue 38 "Dui-Meng tanpan quanquan daibiao zhi qingxing you" [General in charge ofwaijiao dachen han"[Letter of the Heilongjiang defense and envoy Zhu Zi's report plenipotentiary in charge of the negotiations on setting up schools in Mongolia) 1915, no. with Mongolia to the foreign minister], Oct 11, 99), Kumaerlu erlunchun xie ling gongshu 1912, Eguo waijiao wenshu xuanbian , 86. dang'an [Olunchun Government Office Documents], Heihe Archives, Helongjiang 39"Dui-Meng tanpan quanquan daibiao zhi Province. waijiao dachen jinji baogao"[Urgent report of the plenipotentiary in charge of the 31 The Ministry of Education,"Meng-Hui-Zang negotiations with Mongolia to the foreign gequ jiaoyu shixiang liebiao [Educational lists minister, Oct 7 1912,Eguo waijiao wenshu of Mongolia, Hui areas and Tibet], 1915, no. xuanbian, 74. 99）], Kumaerlu erlunchun xie ling gongshu dang'an [Olunchun Government Office 40 "Dui-Meng tanpan quanquan daibiao zhi Documents], Heihe Archives, Helongjiang waijiao dachen jinji baogao"[ Urgent report of Province. the plenipotentiary in charge of the negotiations with Mongolia to the foreign 32 "Daili waijiao dachen zhu Beijing gongshi minister , no. 4, Oct 15 1912,Eguo waijiao Kuosuoweici dian" [Telegram from Acting wenshu xuanbian 95. Foreign Minister to Korostovetz], (October, 13, 1911, Chen Chunhua, ed., Eguo waijiao wenshu 41 "Dui-Meng tanpan quanquan daibiao zhi

16 12 | 5 | 3 APJ | JF waijiao dachen jinji baogao"[Urgent report of 45 Ibid. the plenipotentiary in charge of the 46 negotiations with Mongolia to the foreign Liu Xuezhao, Qingji minchu Zhong-Meng zhi minister , Oct 7 1912,Eguo waijiao wenshu fenhe guanxi, 33-34. xuanbian 74. 47 "Zhong-E-Meng sanfang Qiaketu huiyilu 42 "Zhu Beijing gongshi zhi waijiao dachen jinji (1914.9-1915.3) diliuci huiyilu"[The records of baogao [Letter of Ambassador in Beijing to the the Kyakhta conference of China, Russia and Mongolia (Sept. 1914 to March. 1915), Record foreign minister, June 20 1912,Eguo waijiao of the sixth meeting], Lü Yiran,Beiyang wenshu xuanbian 35. zhengfu shiqi de Menggu diqu lishi ziliao 43 "Eguo zhu Kulun quanquan daibiao[Historical Materials of Mongolia during the Beiyang era] (Haerbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu Kuosuoweici zhi gonghan"[Letter of chubanshe, 1999),49. Plenipotentiary in Kulun to Korostovetz], no. 2, January 19. 1913, Transl. by Cai Fenglin, 48 Ibid., 53. "Riben waijiao wenshu xuanyi - guanyu Zang cang xieyu' [Translation of selected Japanese 49 Ibid., 52. diplomatic documents: Mongolia and Tibet Treaties], Zhongguo bianjiang shidi yanjiu, 50 Wang Mingke: Huaxia bianyuan: lishi jiyi yu 2006, no. 1, 121. zuqun rentong [Periphery of China: Historicalmemory and ethnic identity] (Beijing: 44 Ibid. Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2006), 4.

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