Like a sustainable version: Practising independence in the Central Sydney independent music scene

Shams Bin Quader

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Gender and Cultural Studies

School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry

Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

University of Sydney

2020

DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person, not material which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma of a university or other institute of higher learning, except where due acknowledgement has been made in the text.

Shams Bin Quader 22 April 2020

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ABSTRACT

Independent music is a complex concept. It has meant different things at different historical moments of popular music and within academic, music press and industry discourses. Even though what independent music refers to might not be substantive, it has tended to signify an oppositional ethos comprising practices related to maintaining distinction from commercialised popular music. Historical narratives of popular music reveal that independent music or indie, has been defined and re-defined, from signifying an ethos of resistance comprising anti-major record label and anti- corporatisation attitudes, to rubrics of sound aesthetics, marketing categories and niche audience segments. Its different connotations then should not be assumed. Comprehension of different dimensions of independent music call for theorisation of youth, rebellion, alternative cultures, and their connections with musical forms, along with production and distribution-related organisational infrastructures revolving around them.

This study is about exploring how contemporary independent musicians practice independence within the Central Sydney independent music scene. A socio-cultural formation of like- minded, largely middle-class musicians and enthusiasts involved with independent music currently exists within the geographical region of Central Sydney. Exploration of this local phenomenon necessitates asking questions about the contemporary state of this scene, including how and why it takes the form that it does, and how might independence take particular forms. To respond to such issues, qualitative strategies of inquiry were conducted in between 2017 and 2019. These included semi-structured interviews with 15 individuals of the ages of 18 and above who are involved with the scene, supplemented with participant observation at live gigs and textual research encompassing relevant lyrics, music, photos and information from websites, online social media, newspaper articles, magazines, posters, flyers, radio and television programs. Additionally, online social media profiles of influential artists, institutions such as venues, events, media outlets, independent record labels, shops, and organisations integral to this scene were analysed.

Chapter 1 unpacks different dimensions of independent music, by theorising its associated social formations before analysing its relative position regarding the popular music industries. Chapter 2 then explores the historicity of Australian popular music, with a special focus on the emergence of local independent music, followed by a brief overview of the current Central Sydney independent music scene focusing on key comparisons between its formative predecessors of Oz rock, punk and post-punk and its present form. Chapter 3 examines how participants of this study practice independence within the cultural economy of the scene. It analyses the resources and forms of labour through which participants maintain independent practices. Chapter 4 outlines how these research participants respond to policy environments to swim within contesting currents from multi-level government intervention strategies intended for mediating Sydney’s culture. Finally, Chapter 5 explores how the research participants’ ‘digital DIY’ practices provide additional opportunities for practising independence, and the implications of such practices for contemporary independent music.

Out of the 15 participants of this study, 11 were university-educated, 6 were classically trained musicians, and 5 were both – indicative of their possession of certain resources. The study revealed a tendency towards long-standing involvement with the scene, which was distinguished by the comparatively mature ages of the majority of research participants. Accumulated economic resources, musical literacies, social networks, and experience associated with long-term and recurrent involvement with music-related work were found to be crucial factors in the ways participants fashion cultural practices based around aesthetic independence. The thesis analyses practical strategies through which such independence is maintained, including entrepreneurial practices, portfolio careers and pro-am involvement where participants deploy economic resources derived outside

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independent music. Their resources and strategies allow them to operate independent of the paradoxical government intervention strategies associated with both facilitation and regulation of Sydney’s culture. Finally, digital music and communication technologies not only allow musicians to circumvent some of the classic functions of managers, producers, recording studios, booking agents, promoters, distributors, marketing and PR representatives, major record labels and mainstream distribution channels, but also bypass, to some extent, institutional infrastructures previously associated with independent music, such as independent record labels and distribution networks.

Overall, the study finds that the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene does not represent iterations of art versus commerce tropes reminiscent of some representations of independent music cultures, such as ones depicting short-lived youth culture with its oppositional ethos and tensions around going mainstream. Members of this scene position themselves through particular configurations of resources, strategies and economic exchanges, which allow them to both construct their living and practice aesthetic independence through passion projects of creative experimentations within a sustainable milieu in ways that would be difficult while following imperatives of mainstream music markets.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This thesis has been aided by the generous support of the University of Sydney’s Department of Gender and Cultural Studies. To Guy Redden, thank you for your supervision. It has been an honour and privilege to work under your guidance. This thesis has tremendously benefitted from your knowledge, experience, commitment, and critical imagination. You are the best mentor that I could have ever possibly asked for and your intellectual generosity has positively influenced my career as an academic and researcher. To Scott Webster, thank you for reading my drafts and providing crucial feedback. Your suggestions have made my thesis a hundred times better. To Ivy Kong, thank you for being my sources of encouragement and emotional support towards the final stages of my candidature. I would not have been able to make it through this support without your help. To Nick Fogarty, thank you for setting up the ‘shut up and write’ sessions in Semester 2, 2019. These sessions, along with regulars Sue Reid, Yunji Park and you significantly helped me complete writing my thesis within the due date. Thank you for lending me your collective creative energies. To Kerryn Drysdale, Rachel Cole, Jan Filmer and Portia T. Loeto, thank you for providing continuous intellectual guidance whenever I needed it. Conversing with each of you during different parts of my candidature helped me get over different writing obstacles and conceptual conundrums. To Darren Leung, Josto Luzzo, Arum Budiastuti, Aisha Malik and Djuna Violeta, thank you for being my friend during this tenuous and lonely journey of PhD candidature. Finally, a very special thanks to my wife Farah Jaleel, my son Zidane J. Quader, and my family members Sharifa Quader, Ishrat Jahan Quader and G.M. Quader for never doubting me and continuously supporting me while I perused this degree. Your faith in me has been fundamental. Thank you, Farah, for keeping your career ambitions on-hold to support mine. I can never thank you enough. I dedicate this doctoral degree to my niece Maureen Araddho Ahmed. Although we have never had a conversation because you are non-verbal, I feel that we have been communicating since the day you were born. I chose to pursue a PhD in Australia so that I could spend more time with you.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ...... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iv INTRODUCTION ...... 7 What is ‘indie’ or ‘alternative rock’ music? ...... 7 Practising independence in Central Sydney ...... 10 Research Approach ...... 12 Preview of chapters ...... 20 CHAPTER 1: WHAT IS INDEPENDENT MUSIC? SOCIAL FORMATIONS, ORGANISATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURES AND SOUNDS ...... 22 Youth and youth cultures ...... 22 Subcultures and stylised resistance ...... 24 Scenes ...... 30 The Recording Industry and the Popular Music Industries ...... 32 Independent music: history of an oppositional philosophy ...... 36 DIY ...... 40 Indie: A popular music genre ...... 42 Technological disruptions and key characteristics of the ‘new’ music industries ...... 44 What does independent music signify in contemporary times? ...... 53 CHAPTER 2: LOCATING THE CENTRAL SYDNEY INDEPENDENT MUSIC SCENE...... 56 A brief history of Australian Popular music ...... 56 Oz rock...... 57 Punk...... 63 Post‐punk and the emergence of Australian indie ...... 66 The Central Sydney independent music scene: Intention and Community ...... 74 Live music venues and gigs ...... 75 Independent record labels and stores ...... 87 Media institutions ...... 89 Socio‐cultural form ...... 96 A version of independent music practices ...... 100 CHAPTER 3: BEING YOUR OWN AESTHETIC BOSS – INDEPENDENT MUSIC PRODUCTION WITHIN THE CULTURAL ECONOMY OF THE SCENE ...... 101 Economic organisation of the research participants’ music-making practices ...... 106 Types of independent musicians within the scene ...... 107 Professional independents ...... 109 Case study: Clay Molasses ...... 109

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Case study: Aziz Bushra ...... 111 Case study: Lizzy McGuire ...... 112 Case study: Joanne Davies ...... 113 Findings regarding professional independents ...... 114 Semi-professional independents ...... 120 Case study: Shaun Raven ...... 121 Case study: Shania Payne ...... 122 Case study: Peter Simpson ...... 123 Case study: Raymond Reiss ...... 124 Findings regarding semi‐professional independents ...... 125 A mixed economy ...... 127 CHAPTER 4: RESPONSE TO GOVERNMENTALITY OF SHAPING SYDNEY’S CULTURE ...... 135 Policing of live music and the night-time economy ...... 140 Government initiatives to boost local music ...... 147 Adaptability as a response to governmentality ...... 151 CHAPTER 5: DIGITAL TECHNOLOGY-ENABLED DIY PRACTICES ...... 154 Digital technologies and independent music ...... 154 Digitally driven DIY practices ...... 159 Digital DIY as independent practice ...... 183 CONCLUSION ...... 185 APPENDICES ...... 191 REFERENCES ...... 201

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INTRODUCTION

As a teenager growing up in Dhaka, Bangladesh I was captivated by music often categorised as ‘alternative’ in that context. I remember being exposed to the likes of R.E.M., The B-52s, Talking Heads, The Cure, The Police, U2, The Smiths, The Go-betweens and Split Enz through satellite cable television courtesy of Channel V and MTV. I would raid record shops that sold foreign CDs and cassette tapes for latest albums of R.E.M., U2, Oasis, Nirvana, Pearl Jam, and the Red Hot Chilli Peppers. I often wondered what it would be like to see U2 or the Red Hot Chilli Peppers perform live.

I even founded a rock band during my early 20s, which was active in the Dhaka alternative music scene for about a decade. This youth-based, male-dominated, non-commercial and non- professional music scene, which is locally known as the Dhaka underground, comprises mostly middle- class, part-time, male musicians who possess certain common economic, cultural and social resources that allow them to participate in this scene (Quader, 2014).

My academic interest regarding broad categories of alternative, and specifically independent music developed while I progressed through a tertiary education grounded in communication and cultural studies. This expanded to include not only aesthetics, and organisational infrastructures associated with their production and distribution, but also the historic, social, cultural, political, and economic circumstances from which such music forms have emerged. For example, how and why did ‘independent’ music develop? How and why is it produced, distributed, and promoted via alternative channels? And how and why does this music form sound a bit different from mainstream pop in terms of sonic aesthetics and production values? My fascination with independent music led me to design my doctoral thesis around such issues.

What is ‘indie’ or ‘alternative rock’ music? Independent music is a complex concept. It has had different meanings within popular music narratives at various historical and cultural moments (Kruse, 2003). What independent music refers to might vary depending on context but at its core, it signifies an oppositional ethos regarding maintaining distinction—in terms of modes, aesthetics and infrastructures—from those of mainstream music, that is, commodified popular music produced by major record labels (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014). So, instead of asking what independent music is, it may make more sense to understand it as something that it is not, based on distinction from ‘the mainstream’—though of course exactly what the mainstream is taken to be may also vary in discourses that distinguish it from the independent or alternative.

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This way of thinking about independent versus mainstream is linked to longstanding discourses that make value distinctions between commercialised mass culture and alternative forms of culture. The Marxism-inspired Frankfurt School’s critique of mass culture in the 20th century serves as one example. Established in 1923, the Frankfurt School is the name given to a group of German intellectuals associated with the Institute of Social Research at the University of Frankfurt, Germany (Storey, 2009, p. 62). One of the most prominent figures of this group is Theodor Adorno (2009) and his essay ‘On popular music’, originally published in 1941, serves as a specific example of the Frankfurt School’s approach to popular culture. Adorno (2009) contends that popular music is formulaic – from most general features to specific ones, that once a piece of music and/or lyrical pattern had proven successful it is recurringly reused, and aesthetic details from one popular song can be interchanged with those from another (Storey, 2009, pp. 65-66). In line with Adorno’s (2009) critique, popular music becomes less authentic and therefore, less desirable once it is commercialised because this represents commercial power over culture and the kinds of cultural conformism it encourages. Such assumptions that commerce dilutes authentic aspects of art, including music, is underpinned by philosophies of romanticism of the early 19th-century European tradition (Haynes & Marshall, 2018). The romantic artist’s artistic preference was to avoid the market and its tarnishing commercial motivations while being supported and protected by patronage from rich members of society (Haynes & Marshall, 2018). As such, romanticism gave rise to art versus commerce debates.

Contesting binaries such as art versus commerce, and independent record labels versus major record labels were prevalent in popular music discourse during the 1960s (Strachan, 2007). In the mid- 1960s, an alternative music culture emerged as a critique of the commercial mainstream, similar in tradition to Frankfurt School’s mass culture critique. Some small, independent record labels contributed significantly to the alternative music culture that emerged as a reaction to the commercial mainstream in the 1960s (Lumen, 2019). These labels were initially informed by romanticised ideas of cultural production, as well as the oppositional and rebellious agenda of youth in the United States of America (USA) during this time (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014, p. 110). Around this period, musicians would generally sign with independent record labels, among other reasons, to create music aesthetically independent of mainstream market imperatives (Lumen, 2019). These were the first examples of independent record labels defined as generally local, small-scale, privately-owned companies that traditionally exist independent of major record labels in terms of artist acquisition, recording and promotion (Hesmondhalgh, 1999, p. 35; Shuker, 2017, p. 184). Music typically deriving from independent record labels became known as independent music (Shuker, 2017, p. 184).

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In Britain during the late 1970s and early 1980s, ‘indie’ (short for ‘independent music’), referred to a form of music which was the first to be named after its mode of production and distribution, emerging from independent record labels (Hesmondhalgh, 1999, p. 35). Such record labels represented an ethos1 of resistance against the commercial conventions and infrastructures of majors by being independent of such principals and means, and implementing a type of punk DIY (do- it-yourself) practices, taking on different aspects of production, promotion and distribution by themselves (Hesmondhalgh, 1997, pp. 258-259). For example, these aspects included coordinating A & R (artist & repertoire), recording, as well as manufacturing, distribution, and marketing of records by themselves (Hesmondhalgh, 1997, p. 266). Meanwhile, similar music forms were incorporated under the category ‘alternative rock’ roughly around the same time in the United States (US) (Hesmondhalgh, 1999, p. 35).

In terms of sound, independent music has sometimes been described as a celebration of guitar-based sounds and acoustic drums (Bannister, 2006, pp. 71-72), and minimal focus on rhythm track-based synthetic beats (Hesmondhalgh, 1999, p. 38). It is informed by an amateurish sensibility originating not only from limiting music production values with low-budget setups but drawing inspiration and aesthetic influence from these limitations (Bennett, 2001; Kruse, 2003).2

The late 1980s began to see a shift in how the indie category was deployed. Bands such as R.E.M. epitomised US alternative bands who were originally with independent record labels circa mid- 1980s (Taylor, 2004). Comprising of four students from the University of Georgia, in Athens, Georgia, R.E.M.’s music featured guitarist Peter Buck’s arpeggio-based guitar riffs, vocalist Michael Stipe’s distinctive voice and lyrics, along with bassist Mike Mills’ and drummer Bill Berry’s tight bassline and beats respectively (Holdship, 1985). In the late-1980s, following their rising global commercial success, R.E.M. signed a major record label contract to effectively transition to the popular music industries (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014, p. 111). This is representative of a trend that started long before the 1980s, when musicians typically signed with independent record labels as a steppingstone to the majors, that is, going mainstream – where independence is replaced by going professional on mainstream industry terms. For instance, an important precursor to R.E.M. signing a major record label after using independent labels as a springboard was Elvis Presley’s discovery and signing by Sam

1 The term ‘ethos’, originally from ancient Greece, is widely contested in its meanings, but I use it in the philosophical perspective, where it was developed as a way to describe the collective values and practices of a certain group (Mautner, 1997). 2 Independent music sounds are discussed more elaborately in Chapter 1. SHAMS QUADER 9

Phillips of Sun Records in 1954 (Guralnick, 2015). This is a pattern that was repeated by several other artists from rock and roll and other genres prior to the emergence of indie.

Even though alternative distribution channels established by independent record labels in the late 1970s and early 1980s remained throughout the 1990s, their notion of independence were starting to change out of necessity, as multiple independent record labels entered mutually beneficial partnerships with major record labels (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014, p. 111). Majors became interested to collaborate with independents because the latter were better positioned than the former to take more risks in signing new artists with varied, sometimes unorthodox sounds (Wikström, 2013, p. 67). This is due to the relatively cheap operating costs and local operations of independent record labels that allow it to successfully explore niche markets in a way that would be impractical for the majors (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014, p. 108). Then, when an independent artist grew popular, they were often signed by a major record label (Wikström, 2013, p. 67). As a result of this co-option of initially independent artists by major record labels, the 1980s and 1990s witnessed indie become a music genre with a commodified aesthetic formula used by popular music industries as a marketing tool (Rogers, 2008; Trainer, 2015). In recent times, indie still operates as a mainstream music genre. For instance, one can find indie as a playlist in the subscription-based Swedish digital music streaming service, Spotify (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2018). The playlist is a compilation of songs with loosely similar aesthetic tendencies, from a contemporary time frame that is generated by the company’s algorithms, in-house editorial team and subscribers (Spotify, 2019).

Indie’s transition into the popular music industries represents its co-optation into a form it initially sought to resist – highlighting its potentially paradoxical nature. From expressing an ethos of resistance anchored in anti-major record label and anti-corporatisation attitudes, to rubrics of sound aesthetics, marketing categories and niche audience appeals, indie music has been defined and re- defined across different historical narratives of popular music. Its various connotations, then, should not be assumed. For example, since streaming services are obviously not record labels, questions arise like what independence connotes now, amidst ongoing transformations of industry and technology. This thesis is about the changing nature of independent music.

Practising independence in Central Sydney Interpreting the phenomenon of independent music leads us to a simple fact: no musician can be completely independent. For one, co-option by the popular music industries seems inevitable in many cases, but other forms of exchanges must be considered as well. For instance, musicians need

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musical instruments, meaning that they are dependent on musical instrument makers. They also need ways of developing their skills, guidance from mentors, live music venues to perform, means of recording, distribution, and promotion – everything they cannot do on their own. Rather than assume some kind of fixed binary between independent forms and those that ‘depend on the mainstream’, it is more useful to approach independent music as a cultural practice, and no such practice can be purely independent, although in practice it might be somewhat independent of some things, and more dependent on some conditions than others. The cultural practice of independent music entails different forms of exchanges where actors in a particular geographic location and temporal-specific milieu use the economic, cultural and social resources available to them, and on which they are dependent. The key question that drives this research is, how is independent music independent and in what ways? Practices of independent musicians, therefore, are about practising independence, and how this takes place can be examined.

This thesis will examine a social formation of like-minded independent musicians and enthusiasts that currently exists within the geographical confines of Central Sydney, Australia. I frame Central Sydney as the combination of the inner city and inner west areas of Sydney, New South Wales (NSW), Australia comprising of suburbs within the City of Sydney and Inner West Council jurisdictions. For the City of Sydney specifically, these suburbs include Alexandria, Annandale, Barangaroo, Beaconsfield, Camperdown, Centennial Park, Chippendale, Darlinghurst, Darlington, Dawes Point, Elizabeth Bay, Erskineville, Eveleigh, Forest Lodge, Glebe, Haymarket, Millers Point, Moore Park, Newtown, Paddington, Potts Point, Pyrmont, Redfern, Rosebery, Rushcutters Bay, St Peters, Surry Hills, Sydney, The Rocks, Ultimo, Waterloo, Woolloomooloo and Zetland (City of Sydney - Areas of Service, 2018). The Inner West Council, meanwhile, covers Annandale (part), Ashbury (part), Ashfield, Balmain, Balmain East, Birchgrove, Camperdown (part), Croydon (part), Croydon Park (part), Dulwich Hill, Enmore, Haberfield, Hurlstone Park (part), Leichhardt, Lewisham, Lilyfield, Marrickville, Mascot (part), Newtown (part), Petersham, Rozelle, St. Peters (part), Stanmore, Summer Hill, Sydenham and Tempe (Inner West Council, 2018).

This thesis will address how independent musicians practice independence within the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene3. Subsidiary research questions include, what is the current state of the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene? How and why does it take this form? What is the particular nature of ‘independence’ within this local socio-cultural formation? How might independence ‘be practised’? What are musicians independent of or

3 The concept of ‘scene’ is discussed in Chapter 1. SHAMS QUADER 11

dependent upon to ‘practice independence’? What is distinctive about this particular socio-cultural formation in this time and place? What does analysing it contribute to larger discussions about independent music? I argue that Central Sydney independent musicians’ practices indicate a version of the meaning of independence in particular place and time, because music cultures evolve and change as musicians react to locational and temporal conditions with their resources. This warrants inquiry into this historical specificity as necessary within studies of independent music, while contributing to the evolving field of popular music studies.

Research Approach When I began planning this exploratory study of the Central Sydney independent music scene, I initially did not have enough knowledge about what important variables to examine. In such situations, Creswell (2014, p. 50) recommends choosing a qualitative approach. That is one justification behind why I chose a qualitative research design for this study. More importantly, a qualitative approach generates a form of data which can provide deep insight into this phenomenon in certain ways that can help me address my research aims, and further contribute important knowledge to the field of popular music studies. A qualitative research approach considers human behaviour as an object of study because without its references to meanings and purposes, it would be impossible to understand human practices (Guba & Lincoln, 2004, p. 19). I need to explore, for instance, the Central Sydney independent musicians’ different resources, experiences, and values – because these variables collectively inform how they practice independence. Accordingly, a qualitative research design is deemed appropriate for this study about the Central Sydney independent musicians’ different practices of independence.

One viable way of conducting qualitative studies is ethnography, which can be used to study ‘the shared patterns of behaviours, language and actions of an intact cultural group in a natural setting over a prolonged period of time’ (Creswell, 2014, p. 43) and to obtain a ‘holistic picture of the subject of the study with emphasis on portraying the everyday experiences of individuals by observing and interviewing them and relevant others’ (Creswell, 2014, p. 256). This mainly involves ‘the observation of and the description (or representation) of cultural practices’ (Cooley & Barz, 2008, p. 4), which in terms of popular music studies, entail music-related or music-making practices. An ethnographic approach to fieldwork provides me with a means to understand what the current state of the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene is, how and why it takes the form it does, and how the cultural practitioners (that is, Central Sydney independent musicians) conduct their cultural practice (that is, how they practice independence) within the socio-cultural formation that I consider

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as the Central Sydney independent music scene. My work builds on methodologies of past ethnographies of music scenes like Finnegan’s (2007) research in Milton Keynes and Cohen’s work in Liverpool (1991, 2007) that explore how such scenes are mobilised through the lived experiences of local musicians.

Ethnographic fieldwork necessitates meaningful interaction with individuals (Cooley & Barz, 2008, p. 4) to encapsulate the whole picture that explains how these individuals describe and structure their world – which can be achieved via in-depth interviewing and participant observation over time (Creswell, 2014, p. 256). This aligns with my strategy of inquiry that has involved a combination of ethnographic fieldwork techniques namely in-depth, face-to-face interviews with semi-structured open-ended questions, participant observation supplemented with detailed field notes, and relevant textual analyses of some associated ‘public documents’ (Creswell, 2009, p. 180) including lyrics, music, photos, videos and information from websites, online social media, newspaper articles, magazines, posters, flyers and radio programs – to explore and understand the Central Sydney independent musicians’ range of practices, values, resources, and experiences as well as independent music-related geographic location and temporal-specific institutions and infrastructures. It should be mentioned that I chose interviews, participant observation and textual analysis because of my prior training and experience with specifically these ethnographic fieldwork methods, which I previously implemented for researching my MPhil thesis4. Even though focus group discussions could have also been implemented instead of interviews, I opted against it because it was difficult to schedule multiple Central Sydney independent musicians at the same time due to their erratic schedules, partly because they engage with diverse forms of employment. This is reminiscent of a similar situation encountered by Hracs (2015) while he was inquiring about the different music-related practices of Toronto-based independent musicians. Furthermore, my strategy of inquiry involves a mix of ethnographic fieldwork techniques per J. W. Creswell’s (2014, p. 259) recommendation of triangulation of data collected. He explains that triangulation of data – which entail data collection using multiple methods like interviews, observations, and document analysis – ensures the validity of the collected data (Creswell, 2014, p. 259).

According to Creswell (2014, p. 256), since the researcher is the primary data collection instrument particularly in qualitative research projects, personal values, assumptions, and biases need to be identified and addressed at the beginning of the study. While discussing research methods used to study music-related cultures, Bennett (2002, p. 459) explains that the investigation should ideally

4 See Quader (2014). SHAMS QUADER 13

take the shape of a neutral, trope-less discourse where realities are captured as they are, without applying any lens of bias. In the past, research carried out in a setting where the researcher has native or near-native knowledge was considered unethical and in opposition with his/her desired qualities of objectivity and detachment. These notions have since been dropped, not only accepting the reality that research and ‘ethnographic writing is as trope-governed as any other discursive formation (Pratt, 1986, p. 27) but contemporary studies on music-related cultures reflect that researchers increasingly use their ‘insider’ knowledge to properly portray their subject of inquiry (Bennett, 2002, p. 460). For instance, see Whiting’s (2019, pp. 19-20) study where his position as an ‘insider’ forms a large part of his methodology, based on his employment and performance history at his two case study venues The Old Bar and The Tote, that provides him with privileged knowledge of these spaces. However, Bennett (2002) argues that this reliance on insider knowledge, although extremely useful to move beyond theoretical abstraction, should be critically evaluated in terms of methodology and not just uncritically accepted. As an international student from Bangladesh in Sydney, I did not have substantial knowledge of the Sydney independent music scene when I started this research, so my positionality as a researcher placed me as an outsider. However, I was heavily involved with the alternative music scene of Bangladesh from 2001 till 2011 – where I experienced the ethos surrounding alternative music practice and performance, albeit in a considerably different milieu. According to Creswell (2009), a researcher's own socio-historical and cultural background and experiences, often play a key role in the subjective interpretation of meanings of lived experiences of individuals in their own life settings. As such, my previous experiences in Bangladesh, as argued by Fornäs, Lindberg, and Sernhede (1995), expands my understanding of music-related cultures, which when accompanied by my stance as an outsider investigating this local music scene, posits me as a unique candidate to conduct this research with an objective overview while acknowledging the fact that no researcher can be devoid of bias.

Findings from Marshall, Cardon, Poddar and Fontenot’s (2013) work focusing on justifications for sample size numbers based on reviewing 83 qualitative studies, suggest that a sample size of 15 to 20 participants is appropriate when inquiring about one case study. Considering my research project’s scope and period where the case study encompasses the Central Sydney independent music scene, a sample size of 15 participants was estimated as sufficient. The selection criteria for recruiting research participants included individuals aged 18 and above, involved in the independent music scene of Central Sydney. Such broad categorisations of being ‘involved’ in the scene and a wide-ranging age- group were considered because of initial field observations in an unofficial capacity that included attending local live gigs and having impromptu conversations with musicians and audience members.

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These preliminary observations revealed that individuals involved in the scene generally included musicians who were also gig organisers. Furthermore, the local independent music phenomenon included individuals whose ages ranged from teenagers and young adults to the middle-aged, that is, 40 to 50-year olds.

I followed Moore’s (2007) and Haenfler’s (2006) strategies for selecting the first few participants from my contacts and asked for referrals from them about other people involved with the scene. The non-probability sampling method outlined by Denscombe (2003, pp. 15-16) was adopted and ‘purposive’ and ‘snowball’ sampling methods were utilised. This was considered as an appropriate solution to the difficulty of pinning down independent musicians who generally cycle through different forms of employment (Hracs, 2015). I received names and contact details for the first potential participants through personal connections with my colleagues and faculty members at the Department of Gender and Cultural Studies5. A recruitment letter, which mentioned who referred and shared their contact details with me, was emailed to potential participants along with the Participant Information Statement (PIS) and Participant Consent Form (PCF)6. Once a potential participant read these documents and agreed to take part by signing the PCF, I interviewed them at a suitable date, time, and place. In addition to the above recruiting process, I also designed an A4 size electronic recruitment flyer7 that served as an additional tool for recruitment. This flyer was posted to the Facebook pages of relevant musicians, bands, venues, hotels, pubs, record stores and labels, non- profit organisations, and local radio stations. Permissions were sought from respective Facebook page administrators where necessary. When a potential research participant contacted me based off information on this flyer, I first emailed them the PIS and PCF. Once the person was satisfied with these documents, I proceeded to set an appointment for interview.

According to Kvale (1996, pp. 5-6), the purpose of interviews is to obtain descriptions of the interviewee’s life world for interpreting described phenomena and understanding their lived experiences in their relevant context. Denscombe (2014, p. 201) states that interviews are ‘particularly good at producing data which deal with topics in-depth and in detail’ and that the researcher ‘is likely to gain valuable insights based on the depth of the information gathered and the wisdom of key informants’. Semi-structured interviews are particularly useful because it allows for the flow of conversation and flexibility. For example, questions can be re-worded while the interview session is in

5 Since this research is not based on sensitive topics, these personal links are not considered to be problematic. All potential participant recruits went through the same non-obligatory recruitment process. 6 See Appendix II and III for copies of both the PIS and PCF, respectively. 7 See Appendix I for a copy of this participant recruitment flyer. SHAMS QUADER 15

progress and follow up prompts – ‘such as why? why not? and how so?’ (Ballico, 2013, p. 10) – can be asked. This may encourage interviewees to articulate experiences they would otherwise find difficult to express.

My interviews with research participants were conducted in some of the quieter local cafes and pubs around Sydney’s inner west throughout 2017. I used a stock voice-recording app on my smartphone. The interview questions were based on the aforementioned research questions, following Kvale’s (2011, pp. 59-61) strategy of translating research questions into questions for interviews. These interview questions revolved around experiences of local independent musicians as members of the Central Sydney independent music scene, and covered topics such as the nature and length of their involvement; their motivation for involvement; history, description and dynamics of the scene as it functions today; how they sustain their livelihoods; how local government policies impact their work; importance of social links and media; and their definition of independence within this music scene.8 Each interview lasted for approximately 30 minutes which were then transcribed and coded thematically, serving as the primary data for my study. Anonymity of all participants was respected throughout the transcription process. Quotations in verbatim are used throughout the following chapters to capture how the participants voiced meanings and experiences using their own words.

After the transcription process was completed, I began to search for themes in the transcribed interviews data set. I then discovered some themes for coding per the research questions. Specifically, I wrote notes beside the margins of the highlighted texts (that is, texts that I identified as a theme). I then used these notes as my thematic codes. These codes include information about the current form of the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene, and how and why does it take this shape – including the demographic information and socio-cultural backgrounds of the scene members, their different types of cultural practices comprising their nature and length of involvement with this scene, their different types of exchanges between each other, as well as their different types of engagements with the popular music industries and infrastructures, music-related government policies and organisations, and digital music and online communication technologies. A summary of select details of the participants of my study are presented in this table (Table 1):

8 Please see Appendix V for a copy of the questionnaire. SHAMS QUADER 16

# Participant Year Age Self- Formally University Years involved pseudonyms of identified trained educated in the scene Birth Gender Musician Identity Joanne Davies 1958 61 Female Yes No 30

Don Matthew 1960 59 Male No No 27

Bob Sage 1963 56 Male No No 35

Bryan Adams 1967 52 Male No Yes 25

Clay Molasses 1969 50 Male Yes Yes 25

Vincent Giovanni 1970 49 Male No Yes 30

Katy Konrad 1971 48 Female No No 15

Jack Nicholson 1973 46 Male No Yes 11

Steve Johnson 1973 46 Male No Yes 19

Shaun Raven 1976 43 Male No Yes 25

Shania Payne 1977 42 Female No Yes 12

Raymond Reiss 1983 36 Male Yes Yes 10

Peter Simpson 1985 34 Male Yes Yes 13

Aziz Bushra 1986 33 Trans- Yes Yes 10 woman

Lizzie McGuire 1987 32 Female Yes Yes 10

Table 1: Summary of participants’ demographic information

An initial observation of the sample shows that the youngest participant in the study to be in her early 30s. One reason behind why my snowball sampling method yielded no study participants in their late teens or early-to-late 20s may be partly because I explicitly mentioned that I was looking for important local independent musicians who contribute towards shaping the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene. This aligns with my justification for choosing interviews as an ethnographic fieldwork method that is meant to derive in-depth information and valuable insights,

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based on experiences of ‘key informants’ (Denscombe, 2014, p. 201).9 Another obvious observation of the sample reveals that there is a slight gender imbalance, with 4 participants identifying as female, 1 as a trans-woman and the rest 10 as male. This is primarily because more people who identify as male responded to my research invitation than people who identify as other genders. I should also mention that I did not restrict participants by gender during the snowball sampling, that is, when recruited participants nominated other important scene members to potentially take part in this study, I did not restrict their recommendations in terms of gender.10

The interviews were supplemented with participant observation at live gigs where local independent musicians and bands performed. According to Neyland (2011, p. 3), the question of what to observe while participating in the field should be answered ‘everything’. Specifically for my research, I observed things like the price of admission, time of the gig, the location of the venue, the venue itself, description of the live musicians and bands alongside their musical performances, description of the audience and their numbers, the food and drinks available among other things. All these involved taking extensive field notes following Neyland’s (2011, pp. 5-6) suggestions. Namely, I took quick field notes often utilising shorthand and jotted down keywords. These I translated into elaborate and coherent field observational notes later in the day. Participant observation was performed at 15 live gigs, located in Sydney’s inner city and inner west areas throughout 2017 and 2018. Extra hard copies of the PIS and PCF were also taken to these gigs. If conversations in situ revealed that a certain individual was eligible to participate in my research, the Oral Information Script11 was read out to them while sharing the PIS and PCF. If the individual agreed and signed the PCF, then an impromptu interview session took place. I interviewed two research participants in this manner. My participant observation fieldnotes were coded in a similar way to the interview transcriptions. This included coding areas of the fieldnotes which were representative of the nature of the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene, how and why the scene takes the shape of its current form, and how is the scene mobilised, by what kinds of practices by the scene members.

Additionally, I conducted textual analyses of some associated ‘public documents’ (Creswell, 2009, p. 180) like relevant lyrics, music, photos and information from websites, online social media, newspaper articles, magazines, posters, flyers, radio and television programs, in between 2017 and 2019 to get a further sense of the nature and form of the contemporary scene and the practices of its

9 A detailed analysis of the mature ages of the study participants is provided in Chapter 3, p. 117. 10 An explanation for this minor gender disparity is elaborated in Chapter 2, p. 85. 11 A condensed version of the PIS. See Appendix IV. SHAMS QUADER 18

members. I initially kept a lookout for local independent music, artists, and bands in and around Central Sydney, as well as via online Google searches and on Facebook and YouTube. After going to a few local gigs and having anecdotal conversations12 with gig-goers during the early stages of my fieldwork, I discovered that there are institutions such as venues, events, media outlets, independent record labels and shops, and organisations, which provide continuous support to this Central Sydney independent music scene. I chose these institutions based on their association with the scene, following the responses of multiple study participants who emphasised their importance, which I crosschecked against anecdotal conversations with individuals at different scene-related events, as well as my textual research and analysis. Specifically, I followed the Facebook, YouTube and Bandcamp profiles of 10 Central Sydney independent musicians, the same for 5 local independent record labels and 5 local record stores. Furthermore, I followed the Facebook pages and websites of 8 local venues that regularly host live music, the same for 5 promoters and gig organisers who frequently work with Central Sydney independent musicians, 4 FM radio stations, 2 street-press styled magazines, 6 Sydney popular culture and music-related magazine-styled websites, and 5 Australian music-related government and non-government organisations. I also followed a community media- styled TV show on YouTube. I followed these individuals and organisations on said online social media platforms from 2017 until 2019 to get regular updates of their activities and study their engagements with the Central Sydney independent music scene. During this time, I also analysed approximately 10 online social media posts by each of the 5 most online social media-active local independent artists, considered as information available on the public domain and therefore not required to anonymise.13

Limitations of this study include an absence of interviews with younger scene members, relatively small number of study participants who identify as female or other genders, and a lack of engagement with other independent music scenes in the other major cities of Australia besides Sydney. A few ways to respond to such limitations would be to recruit and interview younger study participants, as well as participants who identify as female, or other genders besides male. Some analysis about the different kinds of engagements between the Central Sydney independent music scene, and independent music scenes in such major Australian cities as Newcastle, Melbourne, Canberra, Brisbane, Perth, Adelaide, and Darwin would further enrich this study, because more light

12 Even though I use information from anecdotal conversations sparingly throughout my thesis, anecdotes can none-the-less be a useful ethnographic fieldwork method because, according to Morris (2006, p. 8), anecdotes can bring forward details about lived experiences that might have otherwise remained unacknowledged. Morris (2006) states this in her account about anecdote and the formation of national identity. 13 The Executive Committee of the Human Research Ethics Committee of the University of Sydney gave ethical approval for this research (Project number: 231/2017). I followed the guidelines and principles of ethical research as established by the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (2007), throughout this research project. SHAMS QUADER 19

could have been shed on the similar (and different) ways these local independent musicians practice independence. Preview of chapters To explore how Central Sydney independent musicians practice independence, it is first important to understand what independent music means, what it represents as well as how and why it emerged. Chapter 1 unpacks different dimensions of independent music, by theorising its associated social formations before analysing its relative position regarding the popular music industries. Since my thesis revolves around localised practices of Central Sydney independent musicians regarding how they respond to locational and temporal conditions with resources available to them, Chapter 2 explores the historicity of Australian popular music, with a specific focus on the emergence of local independent music, followed by a brief overview of the current Central Sydney independent music phenomenon. It focuses on key comparisons between its formative predecessors and its current form.

The research participants, local independent musicians active with the Central Sydney independent music scene, engage in a variety of activities that comprise the cultural practice of independent music. Their activities represent different forms of labour which are fundamentally about different forms of economic exchanges. A good entry point into how they maintain practices of independence within the cultural economy of the scene is by focusing on the different economic dimensions of their labour and practices. Chapter 3 discusses how participants of this study practice independence within the cultural economy of the scene. It analyses the resources and forms of labour through which participants maintain independent practices. Next, Chapter 4 addresses how these participants successfully negotiate with contesting government intervention strategies attempting to shape Sydney’s culture.

Technologies change cultural practices because they alter mechanisms by which goods are produced, exchanged, and consumed. Innovations in digital music and communication technologies have shifted the landscape of independent music practices. Chapter 5 discusses how the research participants’ ‘digital DIY’ practices comprising the use of digital music and online communication technologies allow additional opportunities for practising independence, and the implications of such practices for contemporary independent music.

This study finds that multiple variations of independent music practices exist in place and time-specific contexts. These comprise local historic, social, cultural, political, and economic conditions that influence infrastructures, resources, experiences, and the ethical commitments of the

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practitioners. These, in turn, shape their practices. Emerging from the specificity of Australia’s music cultures like Oz rock, punk and post-punk, the Central Sydney independent music scene and the practices of its members – entailing how their livelihoods are sustained, how government intervention strategies associated with mediating Sydney’s culture are negotiated with and how digital music and online communication technologies are implemented – signify one version of practising independence. My thesis articulates that the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene does not represent iterations of art versus commerce tropes reminiscent of other independent music cultures, such as ones depicting a short-lived youth culture with an oppositional ethos and tensions around going mainstream. Members of this scene position themselves through particular configurations of resources, strategies and economic exchanges that allow them to both build their living and practice aesthetic independence within a sustainable milieu. They do so in ways that would be difficult if following the imperatives of mainstream music markets. Therefore, this thesis is titled ‘Like a sustainable version’, inspired by the ‘Like a version’ show on Triple J radio (Triple J, 2019) – a government-backed national Australian radio station and a division of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), which historically has played a key role in shaping music in Australia.

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CHAPTER 1: WHAT IS INDEPENDENT MUSIC? SOCIAL FORMATIONS, ORGANISATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURES AND SOUNDS

Understanding the contemporary shape of Central Sydney’s independent music scene necessitates unpacking its different dimensions. A musical form like independent music comprises socio-cultural collectivities informed by location and temporal-specific milieu. It also involves certain organisational infrastructures and types of sonic aesthetics shaped by its position relative to popular music conventions and industries. Comprehending different dimensions of independent music requires theorisation of youth, rebellion, rebellious youth cultures and their connections with alternative cultural and musical forms, along with production and distribution-related organisational infrastructures that revolve around them.

Youth and youth cultures Grossberg (1994, p. 27) defines youth as a notion that moves within and across multiple planes of historical existence including the biological, economic, social, ideological, phenomenological, affective and the stylistic. It is not only inflected by race, gender, ethnicity, sexuality, and class but also by spatial location and generational identity (Grossberg, 1994; Hodkinson & Deicke, 2007). Youth culture, as an interdisciplinary subject of study, commonly refers to the mixture of norms, practices and values recognised and shared by young members of society. Based on Jon Savage’s (2008) book Teenage: the prehistory of youth culture, 1875‐1945, and the film it inspired directed by Matthew Wolf (2014) – youth cultures first emerged with the concept of teenagers.

Since the abolition of child labour in the early 1900s, the second stage of life between childhood and adulthood began to be recognised (Bielski, 2014). According to Wolf’s (2014) work with researchers in Washington, London, and Berlin, the first youth culture emerged in the 1920s out of post-First World War tensions. Generational conflict brewed between adults and young people who, among other reasons, were outraged that they had been sent to war (Bielski, 2014). An ethos of rebellion materialised because of this conflict (Wolf, 2014). Bielski (2014) comments that distinct youth groups began to gain visibility with their musical sensibility, fashion, and lingo, during this time as ‘being young’ became an idealised state. For the first time, there was a separation between parent culture and youth culture with rebellion as its basis. Cultural historiographer Fowler (cited by Heilbronner, 2008, p. 578) argues that the young-wage earners in Britain during the late 1930s/early- 1940s had disposable income with which they forged their own culture that revolved around cinemas, dance halls, magazines and music. Taking an economic perspective, Savage (2008) remarks, teenagers

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were recognised as a social group during the 1940s, predominantly because of their spending capacities.

The New York Times published the Teen-Age Bill of Rights in 1945, which signalled a key paradigm shift near the end of the Second World War (Bielski, 2014). Even though the term and notion of ‘teenager’ was in development for years, this column outlined teenagers as a distinct social segment with certain rights and measures of freedom and control. It effectively made ‘teenage’ official. The post-Second World War period was an important time for the development of youth cultures because the youth were gaining economic influence. Teens were working and earning disposable income, which they used to buy clothes, records, and magazines. Recognising their influence on the market, manufacturers introduced new products tailored to their interests and tastes. This was especially prevalent in America where the notion of teenagers was deeply engrained with consumerism. According to Wolf (2014), teenagers were considered an American invention because teens were among the first social group in the world to be recognised as a separate market segment. For Walker, Hogan, and Beilharz (2012a, p. 73), the concept of teenagers as important consumers transpired largely as a consequence of the post-Second World War economic and baby boom. This was supplemented by the diffusion of new technologies including ‘vinyl records, transistor radios, record players, television, electric musical instruments and magnetic tape recording’. The consequences were an explosion of youth-related media consumption in Europe and North America.

British youth culture that followed the Second World War developed primarily as a response to American popular culture. It was closely associated with countercultures and subcultures, characterised by rebellion and resistance against conformist culture, as expressed through lifestyle choices, fashion, and music (Doyle, 2017). According to Brake (2013, p. 90), counterculture rose to prominence in the US, and to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom (UK) where it was called the ‘underground’, around the mid to late 1960s. It generally entailed middle-class youth groups challenging and resisting normalised concepts of career, education, and morality of that period in favour of pursuing alternative lifestyles with an oppositional ethos of simplified and ethical living. The concept of counterculture can be categorised as a type of subculture (Williams & Hannerz, 2014). Subculture holds an important position in the theorisation of alternative social imaginaries and music- related working-class youth cultures.

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Subcultures and stylised resistance Connections between cultural forms (such as music styles) and social groupings were found from the pioneering studies of working-class youth rebellion in the US and UK in the early to mid-20th century (Willis, 1978). Homology of this type between youth groups who share similar ideas, area of residence, ethnic background, religion and other aspects that effectively unify the group, and attitudes of popular resistance against mainstream society articulated via innovations of style comprising music, fashion and consumer goods – is the primary grounding for this theoretical framework (Quader, 2014, p. 15). Empirical studies on subcultures emerged from two separate schools of thought, namely The Chicago School of Sociology (1918-1955), and the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) (1964-2001) at the University of Birmingham (also known as the ‘Birmingham School’).

The Chicago School refers to the works from the Department of Sociology at the University of Chicago between 1918 till 1955, which contributed to the development of a naturalistic approach to the study of social life in its most authentic environment (Williams, 2011). The Chicago School’s scholars’ empirical study of subcultures developed along followed ethnographic field methods aiming to directly investigate social impacts from the remarkable urban expansion that took place in Chicago from 1860 till 1910 (Williams, 2011, p. 18). These scholars primarily focused on life on the fringes, specifically deviant subcultures – which initially mainly meant those involved, or assumed to be involved, in criminal behaviour (Quader, 2014, p. 16). As a by-product of their quest to gather knowledge that they believed would help improve the city, these scholars achieved an in-depth comprehension of the lifestyle and everyday cultures of residents in such enclaves (Quader, 2014, p. 16). Importantly, the Chicago School were interested in developing theories based on empirical data rather than secondary sources. Two main concepts arose from this tradition concerning the study of subcultures including the ecological model and strain theory.

Park’s (1925) ecological model viewed the city of Chicago as a biological organism comprising a network of relationships among its citizenry. According to Williams (2011, p. 573), this model assumed a functionalist view, considering that subcultures arose as a consequence of urbanisation. Merton’s (1938) strain theory claimed that disadvantaged and disenfranchised individuals did not possess the necessary resources to accomplish mainstream societal goals and as a result, they experienced psychological tension and strain. Consequently, these individuals either rejected such goals or sought alternative routes to achieve them – inclining towards deviant behaviour and criminal activities, and therefore, giving rise to alternative subcultures (Williams, 2007, p. 574). Building on Merton’s (1938) work, Cohen (1955) assumed a more sociological viewpoint and attempted to further

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investigate how and why youth got involved in deviant practices and gang-like attitudes. In line with Cohen’s (1955) work, Cloward and Ohlin (1960) highlighted the disconnectedness between mainstream cultural goals and limited opportunities of the marginalised working-class youth. According to Cloward and Ohlin (1960), these marginalised youth’s failure to achieve success was the fault of ‘the system’ and not their own, which results in said youth’s loss of faith in the mainstream social order. Williams (2007) summarises that when life-minded, disenfranchised individuals get in touch with each other in a certain geographical locale, new values and attitudes may emerge from inverting mainstream cultural values, causing social fragmentation in urban areas (Cohen, 1955), and through the establishment of connections and belonging within the group, gang-like, territorial tendencies may arise, based on the group’s capacity to make alternative frames of reference (Cloward & Ohlin, 1960).

A significantly different approach to the study of subcultures emerged in England after the Second World War, known as the Birmingham School. The Birmingham School refers to the works from the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) at the University of Birmingham between 1964 till 2001 (Williams, 2011). Established in 1964, the CCCS was the pioneering research centre dedicated to addressing a new interdisciplinary area of studies appropriately named Cultural Studies by the centre’s founder Richard Hoggart (Williams, 2011). Muggleton (2000, p. 4) asserts that the Birmingham School majorly influenced how subcultures have been theorised in the last two decades. CCCS scholars were originally interested in British working-class youth subcultures that appeared after the Second World War, partly because of the economic expansion that took place in Britain around that time (Quader, 2014, p. 17). Similar to the Chicago School, the CCCS initially focused on white, working-class males and therefore excluding other classes and women (McRobbie & Garber, 1993) as well as ethnic groups (Nayak, 2003; Skelton & Valentine, 1998). However, these critiques refer to the early work of the Centre published in the 1970s, mostly in Hall and Jefferson’s (1993) Resistance through Rituals working papers, and not the Centre’s later work which addressed those preliminary deficiencies. For example, McRobbie (2000, 2004) addressed gender issues while both Gilroy (1991) and Hall (1996) emphasised race.

Williams (2011, p. 6) articulates that whereas the Chicago School primarily studied immigrant youth who were assumed to have been forced into subcultures of deviant behaviour, the CCCS theorised subcultures as a choice expressed through style. The Birmingham School scholars understood subcultures as a consequence of broader structural dynamics, including the rise of

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consumer culture because of the working-class youth’s disposable income, as well as the re- development of urban landscapes, and the innovation of media technologies (Williams, 2011, p. 28). Cohen (1972) argues that the urban re-development that took place in the 1950s in and around London’s East End, which included some of the then East London’s most densely populated working- class neighbourhoods, favoured the social elites and marginalized the working-class residents. According to Cohen (1972), there was consequently a breakdown of socio-cultural interaction and dynamics between the working class and the elites, which ultimately contributed to the emergence of youth-based subcultures. Examples of style-centric subcultural groups or gangs as identified by the CCCS include the mods, skinheads and teddy boys (Quader, 2014, p. 18). Mods maintained short hairstyles, and wore cheap suits in respectable colours, with handmade shoes (Hebdige, 1979, p. 52). Skinheads sported shaven heads, tattoos and piercings, and wore button-down shirts with suspenders, straight-leg jeans and army boots (Williams, 2007, p. 580). Teddy Boys kept quaffed hairstyles, wore Edwardian style drape jackets, bootlace ties, slim trousers and brothel creeper shoes (Cross, 1998, p. 269). All these groups showed gang-like tendencies regarding their group identity or territory.

The primary focus of the CCCS was to use issues of style as a corollary frame through which to study intentional symbolic resistance. Scholars of the Birmingham School were the first to theorise subcultural resistance (Quader, 2014, p. 19). They identified British working-class youth’s collective group activities on street corners, roads, dance halls and holiday spots as deviant, rebellious and resistant (Clarke, Hall, Jefferson, & Roberts, 1976). In other words, social spaces and stylistic practices were created by subcultural groups like mods, skinheads and teddy boys – which connoted symbolic resistance to dominant mainstream culture (Clarke et al., 1976). For instance, Williams (2007, p. 580) suggests that the distinctive stylistic practices of mods may be interpreted as portraying contradictory ideologies of both wishing a middle-class lifestyle while acknowledging their working-class backgrounds. According to Clarke (1976), activities of skinheads may have connoted an inner desire to return to the then waning working-class values. As Williams (2007, p. 580) posits, the teddy boys’ stylistic practices may signify a disparity between their disposable income and cultural backgrounds. Willis’s (1978, p. 174) concept of ‘grounded aesthetics’ applies here, described as the ordinary application of symbolic creativity to contextually symbolic materials and resources, appropriating them to common concerns and issues which allows for new meanings to be attributed. Furthermore, youth are instinctively good at exploiting new possibilities of contextual symbolic materials and resources available to them – like the disposable income of post-Second World War British working-

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class youth and the music, fashion, and associated consumer goods through which they expressed stylised forms of symbolic rebellion.

The era of punk subcultures in post-Second World War Britain, as investigated through the works of the CCCS, was characterised by homology between its members (Willis, 1978). This homology revolved around cultural expressions of an oppositional social grouping, represented by gang-like tendencies among young British punks with their raucous music, antagonistic lyrics and uncompromising styles based on a collective ethos of symbolic resistance against the then-normalised way of life – such as working a stable 9 A.M. – 5 P.M. company job and having a career. For several reasons, including lack of educational qualifications and high unemployment rates, these youth could not secure jobs in Britain’s economy around the 1970s. CCCS theorists suggested that what brought members of subcultures together was a collective desire to ‘act out’ in resistance to mainstream cultural values (Haenfler, 2013). Frustrated over socio-economic roadblocks to achieving a better standard of living, working-class youths subsequently joined together by their marginalisation from, and resistance to, the class structure. Accordingly, the CCCS conceptualised the stylistic choices of British working-class subculture members as a form of symbolic resistance to the oppression by the dominant classes, interpreting the formation of subcultures and subcultural participation through the frame of class struggle (Quader, 2014, p. 19), coupled with other issues including large numbers of youth lacking educational qualifications and high youth unemployment rates. Frustration over such circumstances are epitomised by British punk band the Sex Pistol’s second single ‘God Save The Queen’ which came out in the summer of 1977 and went on to become one of the most iconic punk songs of all time (Hall, 2017). Aesthetics of the Sex Pistol’s music, which can be best described as loud, angry, and anti-establishment, is perfectly encapsulated by the lyrics of this song: God save the queen She ain’t no human being and There's no future In England's dreaming . . . (Hall, 2017). ‘God Save The Queen’, which sold 150,000 copies on the day it was released from Virgin records, was interpreted as a ‘two-fingered salute’ to the establishment and illustrated the young British working class’s disenchantment with strikes, limited job prospects, and mainstream societal values (Hall, 2017).14

14 However, identifying punk as a purely working class phenomenon is problematic. For instance, Frith and Horne (2016) notes that several punk musicians in Britain, around the 1960s and 1970s, were former art school students mostly coming from middle-class backgrounds. This is important to note because the more intellectual and arty side of the UK punk scene directly primed the subsequent new wave and indie music scenes that followed. SHAMS QUADER 27

Surveying theorisations for subcultures post- CCCS, Johnston and Snow (1998, p. 474) define subcultures as the collective and distinctive values, philosophies, behavioural norms and symbolic expressions shared and exchanged between its members. Even though they argue that subcultures are not completely autonomous from larger mainstream cultures, and that some of the latter’s values and behavioural norms are embedded within the former, subcultures are distinguished from larger cultures through distinctive behaviours, style, demeanour and jargon that function as its material, artefactual and behavioural markers (Johnston & Snow, 1998, p. 474).

Hodkinson (2002, p. 30) provides another distinct effort at conceptualising subcultures more recently, by identifying four elements of ‘(Sub)Cultural Substance: consistent distinctiveness, identity, commitment, and autonomy’. Based on his empirical studies on Britain’s Goth subculture during the mid-1990s, Hodkinson (2002, p. 30) states that one of the characteristics of a subculture is that its members’ distinctive styles, tastes and values are somewhat consistently shared amongst each other while resisting those of mainstream society and other social groups. While there may be some internal diversity in such shared tastes and values from one member to another, one place to another, and one year to another, the shared ethos, like-mindedness and collective group identity is generally consistent and recognisable across other similar, geographically-disparate groups (Hodkinson, 2002, pp. 30-31). Another characteristic of a subculture as articulated by Hodkinson (2002, p. 31), is its members’ high levels of commitment and involvement, which distinguishes subcultures from other, comparatively loosely affiliated social groups. Furthermore, Hodkinson (2002, p. 32) emphasises another characteristic which is that high levels of autonomy should be retained by a subculture even while it is somewhat unavoidably reliant on the socio-economic system to which it belongs. That is, the majority of subculture-related production and organisational activities must be carried out by, and for, the group’s members (Hodkinson, 2002, p. 32).

This thesis argues that as music-related socio-cultural formations change over location and temporal-specific milieu, so must academic theorisations of them. To understand the phenomenology of Central Sydney’s independent music and associated socio-cultural formations, it is essential to comprehend different contingencies related to configurations of similar formations and their conceptualisations. Subculture was removed from its pedestal as the predominant organising principle for research into alternative music-related youth cultures in the 1990s (Bennett, 2011; Hesmondhalgh, 2005). As Williams (2011, p. 3) explains, this framework as a general model for theorising youth cultures was often found to be ‘too broad, too biased or simply out of date.’ Youth-

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based socio-cultural formations have been found to have gone through continuing reconfigurations of different symbolic and material resources as exemplified by the style and culture of mods, teddy boys, skinheads, and punks (Hall & Jefferson, 1993; Hebdige, 1979). By the 1980s and 1990s, the subculture model’s explanatory power regarding issues like stylistic clarity, unity of purpose, and relatively stable meanings in working-class lifestyles did not seem sufficient to accommodate cultural changes and increased choices for young people (Bennett, 2011). Bennett (2011, p. 493) discusses the ‘post-subcultural turn’ through analysing how youth identities during the 1990s could be formed through an increasing flow of cultural commodities, images and texts and thus making individualised notions of self, more reflexive, fluid and fragmented. Importantly, it did not seem valid for scholars to consider certain youth cultures as distinct or existing in opposition with a supposedly mainstream culture (Quader, 2014, p. 21).

Critiquing the theoretical notion of subculture, Luckman (2008, p. 185) notes that McRobbie (1988, 2002a, 2002b) challenged the economic purity of subculture’s origin story by stating that the cultural consumption, circulation and identity formation in industrialised societies always occur in negotiation with the capitalist system – even at if it is conducted at the margins. Offering his critique of music-related youth subcultures, Hesmondhalgh (2005, p. 22) declares that youth is too privileged in subcultural studies of relationships between society and popular music. This privilege is rooted in the historical circumstances of the 1960s and 1970s in the US and UK, when popular music was ‘tied commercially and discursively to youth’ (Hesmondhalgh, 2005, p. 22). Hesmondhalgh (2005, p. 21) argues that even though youth’s relationship with popular music remains important, such privileging of youth hinders a more developed comprehension of society and music.

One alternative notion that gained some mileage in the post-subcultural theorisations is ‘neo- tribes’. Maffesoli’s (1996) neo-tribe refers to the affiliations of young people moving loosely in- between and identifying with, a range of cultural styles available to them. According to Maffesoli (1996, pp. 97-98), the concept of neo-tribe represents the fluid nature of collective affiliations between individuals in a consumer-oriented society. Neo-tribes highlight elective participation in numerous socio-cultural groups and the instability of personal identity (Quader, 2014, p. 22). Bennett (2011, p. 494) explains that the impact of post-subcultural theory on youth studies has been significant, creating a better understanding of the cultural dynamics related with youths’ ‘everyday appropriation of music, style and associated objects, images, and texts’. However, post-subcultural theorisations have also been criticised for failing to offer a ‘cohesive set of alternative, analytical and empirical concepts for the study of youth culture’ (Bennett, 2011, p. 494). Bennett (2011) is not

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arguing against post-subcultural theory himself, but rather approaching the ‘problem’ of post- subcultural theory from the perspectives of its critics. Criticisms of post-subcultural theory states that such formulations give too much credit to cultural industries in moulding youth identity and lifestyle, depoliticise youth cultures through ignoring structural class-based inequalities, and often exaggerate the apparent fluidity of the youths’ stylistic affiliations when confronted with empirical data.

Scenes The concept of music ‘scenes’ resulted from critically examining both subcultural and post- subcultural theoretical frameworks associated with music-related socio-cultural formations. Memberships to music scenes are not necessarily restricted by class, gender or ethnicity but may cut across all of these (Bennett, 2004a, p. 225). Scenes also operate as highly localised and spatialised forms of sociality (Straw, 2002, p. 248; 2004, p. 412). For example, Stahl’s (2004) work on the local music scene of Montreal in the late 1990s demonstrates the depth and diversity of activities that comprise a scene in any given place. According to Stahl (2004), a rich and complex network of musicians, DJs, sound engineers, promoters, gig organisers, entrepreneurs, designers, enthusiasts, critics and the like contribute to the existence of the scene, as well as the form it takes from time to time. Hence the concept of scenes, especially local scenes, is useful for understanding and theorising a locale-based, music-related socio-cultural formation like the Central Sydney independent music phenomenon.

Since the 1990s, the scene as a conceptual framework has been increasingly implemented in academic research to analyse the production, performance and reception of popular music (Bennett & Peterson, 2004, p. 3). The term was originally used in academic discourse to describe the everyday cultural activities of the people of California, USA (Irwin, 1977) and the development of a localised country music style and community during the 1960s and 1970s (Shank, 1994). The scene perspective gained critical acclaim within popular music studies with Will Straw’s (1991) essay in Cultural Studies, which conceptualised scenes as a theoretically grounded model of analysis. His subsequent work, such as Communities and Scenes in Popular Music (1997) and Cultural Scenes (2004), further developed and extended these ideas. This framework was influenced by earlier concepts of American sociology, such as Goffman’s (1959) empirical study that focused on the theatrical or performative characteristics of scene, where scenes are not only places of doing certain activities but also places to be seen doing these activities by others. Meanwhile Irwin’s (1977, p. 18) consideration of ‘what one is into’ put music scenes into the sociology of leisure.

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Straw (1991, p. 379) describes music ‘scenes’ as ‘actualizing a particular state of relations between various populations and social groups, as these coalesce around specific coalitions of musical style’. Bennett and Peterson (2004) remark that the scenes perspective highlights situations where musicians, promoters, gig organisers, indie record labels, fans, zines, and online contributors collectively come together to participate in creating music. Music scenes are more fluid than the comparatively more strict participatory standards and boundary aspects of subcultures (Bennett & Peterson, 2004, p. 3). Scene members can frequently put on or take off their scene identity while navigating multiple scenes (Bennett & Peterson, 2004, p. 3). As a result, the similarity and consistency of their ethos and practices should not be instantly assumed (Kahn-Harris, 2000, p. 14). According to Straw (1991, 2002, 2004), the usefulness of this concept lies in its flexibility to capture the peripheral energies and relationships that exist around communities, subcultures or neo-tribes.

Woo, Rennie, and Poyntz (2015) point out that even though scenes are sensitive to localised geographical and institutional settings, its explanatory powers may be expanded to translocal or virtual communities. The local music scene is defined as a social activity taking place within certain geographical spaces over a specific time frame where members – musicians, producers, fans etc. – recognise their common music taste and philosophy (Bennett & Peterson, 2004). They distinguish themselves from others through music and cultural signifiers often appropriated from elsewhere but rehashed to signify the local (Bennett & Peterson, 2004, p. 8). Translocal scenes are local music scenes that are in active dialogue and with counterparts in different geographical locations (Bennett & Peterson, 2004, pp. 8-9). One example is the Riot Grrrl scene from Washington Olympia and D.C. in the US in the late 1980s and early 1990s, an amalgamation of early punk ethos and feminist politics that arose among girls who were dissatisfied with punk gender dynamics at the time (Schilt, 2004, p. 116). Hodkinson (2004, p. 132) has also applied translocal scenes to the UK Goth scene originating from Plymouth, Leeds and Birmingham in the 1990s. Virtual scenes take it a step further, referring to scenes not anchored in any physical geographical location but instead existing via interactions between members over online platforms. An example is the Canterbury sound revival of the late 1990s which was mobilised via Calyx, a dedicated Canterbury sound website, and fanzines including Facelift: The Canterbury Sound and Beyond (Bennett, 2004b, p. 208).

Amongst the approaches to studying music-related youth cultures discussed above, which is the most suitable? Do they oppose each other, and to what extent can each be justified or disproved by present forms of cultural practice? Such questions remain and are issues of ongoing debate for those interested in this particular thread of cultural studies. Gelder (2005, p. 1) remarks that much of

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the theoretical work in this field seems to be based on deficiencies of prior approaches and explorations of new terminologies – a phenomenon which he articulates as an ongoing ‘rhetoric of newness’. These frameworks suggest that aesthetic distinctions made between cultural styles and mobilisation of participants around them are not arbitrary but rather related to local contextual factors (Quader, 2014, p. 24). Local music scenes are about relationships between its participating members’ music production, distribution and consumption practices and aesthetic styles, which are influenced by individual choice as well as their specific configurations of economic, cultural and social resources in a particular socio-historical milieu.

The socio-cultural formations that surround independent music are one factor necessary to understanding the scene’s contemporary shape in Central Sydney. The economic dynamics that inform organisational practices (including activities related to music production, distribution, and consumption), as well as aesthetic tendencies, are equally necessary to consider. This is largely because the commercial processes that drive popular music industries are both a distinguishing factor and reason for tensions between them and the independent realm.

The Recording Industry and the Popular Music Industries Popular music industries are concerned with the production, distribution and sale of music as physical and digital commodities, live performances or as packages of intellectual property rights (Williamson & Cloonan, 2007, p. 305). The terms ‘record’ and ‘recording industry’ are often used synonymously with popular music industries since recorded music became its most significant product with the global industry boom of the 1920s (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2018, p. 1559). In simple terms, the recording industry is concerned with the production and selling of records. The international recording industry has traditionally been dominated by a handful of large international record labels, commonly referred to as ‘majors’ which is short for major record labels. These majors are part of multi-national entertainment conglomerates that compete within global media markets (Wikström, 2013, pp. 205-206). Many major record labels in Europe and the USA were originally subsidies of consumer electronics companies and media conglomerates like GE (General Electric), Phillips, CBS (Columbia Broadcasting System) Corporation and EMI (Electrical and Musical Industries) that entered the popular music industries as side-projects (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014). For instance, the radio was introduced to the American mass market in 1919 through Radio Corporation of America (RCA, now BMG) which was established by parent company GE (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2018, p. 1559).

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The recording industry is often used by music industry representatives and journalists to distinguish the processes of producing and selling music from activities like music publishing or concert promotion (Williamson & Cloonan, 2007). However, Hesmondhalgh and Meier (2014), following Williamson and Cloonan’s (2007) argument that the term ‘music industry’ is far too simplistic, suggests that the term should be replaced with its plural form ‘music industries’. Popular music industries, therefore, comprise several inter-dependent sub-sectors including in no particular order, record labels, music publishing companies, talent, music and musical instruments retailers, live performance and electronics. Record labels coordinate production, promotion and distribution of their signed artists’ music (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2018, p. 1557), which involve the production of musical content (including writing and recording music), management of intellectual property and performer’s rights for the artists, as well as promotion of the artist and their records, and distribution to consumers in different markets (Wikström, 2013, p. 52). Music publishing companies are based on the exploitation of musical recordings and compositions as intellectual property (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2018, p. 1557), while making these works accessible to the public while also being fundamentally dependent on the creativity of artists and musicians (Frith, 2001, p. 35). The talent sector is based on the management of artists through A & R (Artists and Repertoire), tours and gigs, recording contracts and star system (Frith, 2001, p. 35). Music retailers, that is, music stores, are about marketing and selling records to consumers plus the manufacture, distribution and retail of musical instruments, sound and recording equipment (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2018, p. 1557). The live performance sector, taken into consideration in recent years since its revenues often surpass recorded music sales, is about performing live at gigs, events, and tours (Wikström, 2013, p. 58). The electronics sector is based on associated technological innovation and mass public usage of consumer electronic devices (Frith, 2001, p. 35).

The recording industry attempts to balance supply with demand implementing bureaucratic structures comprising different dedicated departments focused on different aspects of recorded music (Laing, 2013). Major record labels package their signed artists’ star image and music as commodities (Marshall, 2013b). What generally happens is that the A & R people from a major record label scout artists by attending live gigs, reading music press, and listening to demos (New, 2019). They then get in touch with artists who they deem to have potential for commercial success and organise their negotiation with the record label (New, 2019). Once a contract has been agreed between the artist and record label, the label facilitates the development of the artist and their music in a variety of ways. For instance, they provide funding for the artists so that they can write their music and coordinate with professional producers, session-musicians and booking of recording studios

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(Mcdonald, 2019a). While not only supporting the writing and production of recordings, the major record label also looks after the marketing and promotion of the artist and their record, to make sure that these commodities successfully generate revenues in the intended domestic and international markets (New, 2019).

According to Frith (2001, p. 35), major record labels use several business strategies emphasising the maximisation of profits, which are based on tremendous risks and organised around chaos. Both the supply side (artists) and demand side (consumers) are known to act irrationally and there is never any guarantee that a certain artists’ music will be a massive commercial hit with the audiences (Frith, 2001). These labels always take a gamble when signing up, developing, and producing an artist expected to be a mega-star, without being sure if their investment will yield appropriate returns (Frith, 2001). The recording industry organises the supply side via, for instance, genre classifications and the star-system.

The recording industry organises the music market according to different music genres such as rock, country, dance, rap, reggae, salsa, world music etc. – catering to different types of music to a wide range of audiences with diverse tastes (Frith, 2001, p. 35). Negus (1999, p. 28) defines genre in popular music ‘not as forms of textual codifications, but as systems of orientations, expectations and conventions that circulate between industry, text and subject’. Music circulating through institutionalised media such as radio and TV contributes to the definition and boundaries of what falls within a genre of music and what does not (Negus, 1999, pp. 28 - 30). Within the broad popular music industries, genres provide systems of orientations, tastes, conventions, and frameworks for distinction, which are the main categorising mechanism used by record labels to market their music products to target audiences.

According to Frith (2001), stars are artists whose commercial success is taken for granted as per past fame, reputation, and sales successes. Major record labels tend to focus more on star-making rather than record selling because the latter is directly proportional to the former (Frith, 2001, p. 35). Frith (2001, p. 35) explains that an artist’s music, image and reputation must fit the star image and more money is spent on image-making rather than music-making because hardly anyone gets signed to a major record without discussing the marketing possibilities. The importance of star-making is reiterated by Wikström (2013, p. 49), who defines popular music industries as consisting of corporations that produce and manage not only musical content but star personalities which is then communicated across multiple media channels.

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On the other hand, the recording industry also organises and manages the demand side via several strategies. For example, promotion of artists and their music via numerous media platforms not only advertises them to various audiences, but also strategically markets these products, creating demand while manipulating taste markets for specific music commodities. Walker, Hogan, and Beilharz (2012b, p. 113) describe marketing and creating demand for an artist within the broader popular music industries and infrastructures as a system that integrates live performance tours, media outlets, product placement, advertising and promotion through production and management of taste markets. Furthermore, certain individuals take on the role of intermediaries and gatekeepers within the popular music industries, such as record label executives, music journalists, radio announcers, venue managers and record store employees, who act as music tastemakers or curators. These intermediaries suggest and recommend which artists’ songs the audiences should be consuming, introduce new artists and their music, and help to shape the music tastes of audiences (Frith, 2001, pp. 39 - 45). With so many variables involved, creating demand for certain artists and their records is no small feat, and Frith (2001, pp. 36-37) suggests that sometimes even the most intensive marketing strategies may be overshadowed by a coincidental collection of the right circumstances – making one artist’s record immensely popular and creating a demand for more records from that artist, while other records fail to achieve appropriate commercial success.

To manage and respond to consumer demands, major record labels are sometimes known to co-opt and categorise musical styles and cultures as genres. By ‘genre’ here, I am referring to Holt’s (2007) definition, which takes genre as a fundamental structuring force in music that provides a framework for the categorical difference between its different forms. For instance, Detroit-based independent record label Motown in the 1960s, which focused on supporting African-American artists, facilitated the widespread dissemination of black music culture including iterations of R & B and soul through artists like The Marvelettes and The Miracles, and ‘Little’ Stevie Wonder (McCann, 2019). The commercial success of artists signed with Motown prompted the major record labels to co- opt the ‘Motown sound’ as a genre post-1960s, when rapid developments and co-option of different alternative musical styles took place to meet with the demands of increasing audience fragmentation (McCann, 2019).

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, major record labels began to categorise indie (short for independent music) as a stylistic genre compatible with mainstream industry practices. Therefore, making sense of what might be meant by ‘different forms of music’ is important for my thesis. How

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did the indie ‘genre’ develop? Is independent music just a genre of popular music? Or is it something more related to socio-cultural formations? Or both? These questions are directly relevant to my research and are important for building the theoretical foundation for my inquiry into the Central Sydney independent scene. Responding to such questions necessitates contextualising the emergence of independent models of music production and distribution and the socio-historical origins of the indie ‘genre’.

Independent music: history of an oppositional philosophy The popular music industries were doing lucrative business in the 1950s and 1960s across the US and UK (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014, p. 109). By the 1960s in America, major record labels associated with these industries were seen as distributors of commodified mass culture by the countercultural educated and middle-class youth, who were opposed to the dominance of these industries and highly critical of mass culture within popular music discourse (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014, p. 110).

The term ‘mass culture’ has negative connotations from the perspective of the Marxism- inspired Frankfurt School, and the critique of mass culture encompassed an important part of their academic research (Wenfang, 2015, p. 176). The Frankfurt School signifies a group of German intellectuals associated with the Institute of Social Research at the University of Frankfurt, Germany (Storey, 2009, p. 62). The institute’s work on popular culture and mass culture critique include writings of Theodor Adorno, Walter Benjamin, Max Horkheimer, Leo Lowenthal and Herbert Marcuse (Storey, 2009, p. 62). Culture became integrated into the market system with 20th-century monopoly capitalism characterised by the increasing concentration and centralisation of economic forces (Blanke, 1993, p. 32). Within this profit-driven integration process, cultural products became a type of commodity (Blanke, 1993, p. 32). The rise of the resulting mass culture in the 20th century took place with the increasing commodification of culture, and its accessibility to the masses with the development of popular magazines, radio, cinema, records, advertising and eventually television (Storey, 2009, pp. 63-65). This evoked the ire of intellectual commentators, with the Frankfurt School being one of them (Blanke, 1993, p. 31).

The Frankfurt School’s critique of mass culture emerged since the 1930s and gained prominence in the 1940s, with Adorno and Horkheimer’s (1979) Dialectic of Enlightenment originally published in 1944 (Storey, 2009, p. 62). In a chapter of this book titled ‘The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception’, Adorno and Horkheimer (1979) coined and elaborated the term

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‘culture industry’ as an alternative to the term mass culture, to clarify that mass culture does not arise from the masses or satisfy their genuine needs and desires under contemporary conditions, but is imposed upon them in the interest of profit and ideological domination (Blanke, 1993, p. 33). They argue that products from the culture industry are marketable, standardised, interchangeable, and commercially successful formulas are cyclically repeated, like any other industrial product (Adorno & Horkheimer, 1979, p. 125). Adorno’s (2009) essay ‘On popular music’, originally published in 1941, serves as a specific example of the Frankfurt School’s approach to popular culture. Adorno (2009) claims that popular music is standardised and formulaic from its most general features to more specific ones, that once a piece of music and/or lyrical pattern had proven successful it is recurringly reused, and aesthetic details from one popular song can be interchanged with those from another (Storey, 2009, pp. 65-66).

Conceptualisations of commodified cultural products from the culture industry are related to the notion of mainstream in popular music industries. Mainstream music refers to a framework striving towards establishing popular music for the masses. Even though the criteria or boundaries of the mainstream are difficult to define, music critics, including both music journalists and consumers, generally use it as a category for distinction – a commodified, formulaic and hyper-commercial form of music that contrasts with the authentic (Bell, 1998). Toynbee (2000) states that popular music industries try to create mainstream mass markets with standardised genres to reach the largest number of audience members possible. To achieve that, they attempt to produce predictable music genres that bring together distinct social groups with various music preferences or tastes (Toynbee, 2000, pp. 122-123). Importantly, mainstream music is reminiscent of cultural products churned out by Adorno and Horkheimer’s (1979) culture industry, as they are both commercialised and commodified through formulaic processes.

In the mid-1960s, an alternative music culture emerged as a critique of the commercial mainstream. A part of this alternative culture was represented by the rock music ideology of this time exemplified by early music of The Rolling Stones, Bob Dylan, and Neil Young amongst others, with debates arising in popular music discourse regarding authenticity in dichotomies of rock versus pop music. These debates, which were based on favouring rock authenticity rather than commercial viability of pop, can be linked with notions of art within romanticism. The kind of authenticity discussed in this discourse, is ‘a characteristic of assumed genuineness or honesty that is understood to conflict with the inauthenticity, fakery and commercialism of the music industry’ (Marshall, 2005, p. 56).

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According to Marshall (2005, p. 56), romanticism can be seen as a contemporary cultural current rather than merely a historical movement. Notions of art encompassing romanticism, for instance, ‘art for art’s sake’-inspired art and commerce binaries, as well as flourishing of art under capitalism, may be expected to be around for as long as capitalism exists (Marshall, 2005, p. 30). The notion of romanticism comes from the romantic artist of the early 19th-century European tradition (Haynes & Marshall, 2018). Within the traditional cultural paradigm, the artist’s creative prerogative was to avoid the market and its tarnishing commercial motivations (Marshall, 2005, pp. 30-31). They were instead supported and protected by patronage, and their work was thought by society to be of a higher essence that transcended the mere everyday imaginary (Haynes & Marshall, 2018). The artist was thus seen to be free and creative because of the lack of constraints placed upon them.

There are similarities between this rock music ideology and romanticism, whereby rock musicians have, consciously or otherwise, modelled themselves after the great romantics, with both group’s obsession with youth, death, drugs, and devils (Marshall, 2005, p. 59). For example, Marshall (2005, p. 62) comments that an authentic rock musician must also live up to the expectations of the romantic period, shunning commercial success and maintaining ‘being real’. Pattison (1987, p. 187) goes as far as to call rock music a mutant variant of romanticism, where even though rock is vilified by high-brow romanticism, it is a product of the same imaginary as romanticism. However, the relationship between rock and romanticism is more complex and goes beyond mere mimicry (Marshall, 2005, p. 59). Within the domain of mainstream popular music, an artist’s music is alienated from them by the process of industrialised commodification. For example, modern studio technologies since the 1960s including multi-track recording and overdubs mean that songs no longer had to be recorded live, and all the musicians did not even have to be present at the same time (Marshall, 2005, p. 64). However, rock music puts value on live performance, as well as on-stage aura and musicianship skills, rather than being overly dependent on technologies (Marshall, 2005, p. 64). Marshall (2005, p. 64) remarks that rock music’s emphasis on live performance eliminates barriers to authentic expression and communication caused by rationalisation, technology, and capitalism. For example, Keith Richards of The Rolling Stones once stated in a Channel 4 Television interview that when he is on stage, instead of thinking he just feels and presents his true identity (Marshall, 2005, p. 63). In other words, instead of being rational and calculative, he just reacts to his emotions and ‘keeps it real’ (Marshall, 2005, p. 56).

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Some independent record labels contributed significantly to the alternative music culture that emerged as a reaction to the commercial mainstream in the 1960s. These labels were initially informed by the above-mentioned rock music ideology and romanticised ideas of cultural production, as well as the oppositional and rebellious agenda of youth-based countercultures in the USA around this time. Examples include Verve records who initially represented artists like the Velvet Underground, Frank Zappa (Morris, 1995), Dunhill records who originally represented The Mammas and Pappas (Callahan, Eyries, & Edwards, 2000), and Candix Records, who released the first single of The Beach Boys titled ‘Surfin’ (McParland, 2017). These local, small-scale independent record labels encapsulated an ethos of resistance against the commercial conventions and infrastructures of majors, by taking on different aspects of production, promotion, and distribution by themselves. For example, these aspects included coordinating A & R, recording, manufacturing, and marketing by themselves, and organising distribution of their records in limited scales (McCann, 2019). Artists such as the Velvet Underground and Frank Zappa exemplified some of the oppositional countercultural values of the mid-1960s, as they valued authenticity and aesthetic independence over commercial imperatives of the mainstream music markets (Lumen, 2019).

Binaries such as art versus commerce, and majors versus independents were prevalent in the popular music discourse during the 1960s (Strachan, 2007). According to Marshall (2005, p. 62), no popular music exists that is not at least a little corrupted by the popular music industries. The notion of ‘selling-out’ emerged from such ideas. ‘Selling-out’, in its simplest form, refers to the passage of a formerly oppositional artist into the mainstream (Keightley, 2001). Within historical narratives of popular music, artists who sign up with major record labels and license their music and creative works for advertisements, consumer products and lifestyle brands among other things, are often accused of selling out. This risk compromising their ‘authenticity’ with both fans and critics. According to Shuker (2017, p. 25), authenticity is a useful distinction framework where alternative music is traditionally assumed more authentic and less aesthetically compromised and formulaic than its mainstream counterpart from major record labels. This dichotomy is underpinned by the notion that commerce dilutes, disrupts, and contradicts creative aspects of music.

Music derived from independent artists and record labels embedded with oppositional, anti- major record label and anti-corporate principles, came to be known as independent music (Shuker, 2017, p. 184). According to Hesmondhalgh (1999, p. 35), independent record labels are local, small, privately-owned companies that have historically existed separate from major record labels in terms of artist acquisition and operate via alternative channels of production, distribution, and promotion.

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DIY Hesmondhalgh and Meier (2014) argue that following the era of the 1960s counterculture in the US, the emergence of punk subculture with its ‘do-it-yourself’ DIY ethos in the UK, roughly around the 1970s, turned out to be a key development for changing meanings of independent music. Even though major record labels were still commercially dominant during this time, the independents operated at a much smaller scale and utilised local infrastructures. Based on punk ethos and politics of anti-corporatisation, which eschewed commercial interests in favour of maintaining political, creative, and financial control, these independent record labels were mobilised through literal DIY practices of self-production, distribution, promotion, and management (Hracs, 2015, p. 465). McKay (1998, p. 2) positions the concept of DIY as having emerged from alternative forms of cultural practice and described it as a youth-centred and directed cluster of practices, which inspired action, narcissism, youthful arrogance, principle, ahistoricism, idealism indulgence and creativity. Bennett (2018, p. 146) describes McKay’s theorisation as a good entry point to understand DIY music culture and what is at stake. He remarks that since McKay’s essay was published, significant shifts have taken place in the socio-economic landscape that has made the concept of DIY multi-faceted with many more nuanced and far-reaching variants (A. Bennett, 2018, p. 146). So, rather than equating with notions such as ‘underground’ and ‘resistance’, contemporary DIY encompass a broad range of activities including an attempt, or need, to secure a livelihood, rather than any radical ideology (A. Bennett, 2018, p. 146).

A primary linkage throughout punk settings is the conventions of DIY (Sharp & Nilan, 2017, p. 73). Avery-Natale (2016), based on his empirical study of Anarcho-punks in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, US, argues that a shared common thread across punk narratives are their embedded DIY principles. His study focuses on the specificity of the two-fold label anarcho-punks, that is, anarchists and punks. Even though the interviewees strive to maintain the coherence of their identifications through compromises characterised by contradictions between the two groups, what ties them together are their DIY practices. These practices include self-management of their politically-charged music-related activities via expressed specific aesthetic choices (Avery-Natale, 2016).

According to Culton and Holtzman (2010, pp. 273-274), DIY music cultures are alternative spaces beyond commercial music industries where artistic creativity, community building, politics, and identity work can take place, and were working with minimal finances – mainly for passion, not for profit, are greatly valued. Their claims are derived from their study of a DIY punk scene located in Long Island, New York, conducted in 2001. Based on their study of Queer punks in both Australia and the

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UK, Sharp and Nilan (2017, p. 73) remark that punk entails self-empowerment ‘which transcends simply aesthetic and stylistic preference’. They further state that punks mobilise DIY production progressing towards an anti-establishment imaginary, which ‘transgresses genre, sonic aesthetic, style and geography (Sharp & Nilan, 2017, p. 73).15

DIY production practices originating within the punk scenes of the US, UK, and Australia, usually involve (but are not limited to) representing political agendas and being an alternative to, or symbolically resisting commercial music as well as mainstream society and its attributed values. This can include recording live albums or cheap recordings onto vinyls and cassettes as well as organising live gigs at unofficial or even legally ambiguous venues such as garages, basements, and warehouses. Additionally, DIY might entail creating and printing record sleeves, posters, and fanzines alongside distributing music via live gigs, mail orders, websites, and fan communities. According to Hracs (2015, p. 465), during the 1970s in the US and UK, such DIY practices developed into an interconnected network of independent artists and professionals who shared their expertise with each other, and often replicated some of the key personnel and features of major record labels, to survive and continue in the competitive music economy.

For a brief period around 1977, punk came to the forefront of popular music in the UK while also rising in popularity in both the US and Australia. The Sex Pistols and The Clash ended up signing for major labels EMI and CBS (which is now Sony) respectively. Mid-way through 1978, British music journalists recognised a new wave of bands such as Gang of Four, Scritti Politti, The Fall, the Blue Orchids, The Slits, The Raincoats, The Smiths, and Joy Division that released records through independent record labels. This included Rough Trade and Factory Records who implemented DIY recording, production, and distribution practices with aims to launch a sustained challenge to the mainstream music industries (Wilkinson, 2016, pp. 1-8). Music associated with these bands and independent record labels were later dubbed ‘post-punk’ (Hesmondhalgh, 1997). As Walker (1996, p. 52) remarks, if punk had torn rock down to the basics, then post-punk was resolute in taking bold steps towards the future by embracing new technologies and integrating different genre influences – both of which were considered taboo by many punk purists. Post-punk encompassed avant- garde sensibilities and diverse music genre influences that ranged from punk, rock and jazz to electronic music, disco and funk (Reynolds, 2005).

15 As DIY modes of cultural production tend to cross over genre, aesthetics, and spatial borders, it is not surprising to find that certain DIY practices exist within the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene, which is discussed in more detail in the next chapter.

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By the late 1970s and early 1980s, these post-punk independents established substantial alternative distribution networks and infrastructures, with increasing connections between punk and post-punk communities located in multiple cities, mobilised via alternative business models that emphasised minimal returns necessary for bare sustainability and involved cheap production and promotion strategies (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014, p. 111). According to Hesmondhalgh and Meier (2014), DIY independent music scenes thrived around this time because audiences valued rawness over sophistication. By the 1980s, these independents managed to put up a significant challenge against the multinational corporate record labels. According to Fonarow (2006, pp. 30-33), influential music press publications in the UK started to publish best-selling independent music charts in 1979, which considered a record eligible if it relied on an independent distribution system (Shuker, 2017, pp. 184-186). This was an alternative to the standard top 40 or 50 charts which traditionally occupied a central role in the popular music industry. Hesmondhalgh and Meier (2014, p. 111) believe that the term ‘indie’ was coined in the UK around this time under these circumstances. This articulation of indie is categorised as a popular music genre.

Indie: A popular music genre ‘Indie’ represents a genre that emerged from the music of post-punk bands released in the late 1970s by UK independent record labels, such as Joy Division’s Unknown Pleasures from Factory records and The Smiths’ Hatful of Hollow from Rough Trade records (Bennett, 2014). According to Hesmondhalgh (1999, p. 35), indie – short for independent music emerging from such independent record labels, was the first genre to be named after its mode of production and distribution.16 Initially, these record labels signified an ethos of resistance against the commercial conventions and infrastructures of majors by implementing a type of punk DIY practice taking on different aspects of production, promotion and distribution by themselves (Hesmondhalgh, 1997, pp. 258-259). These aspects included coordinating A & R, recording, as well as manufacturing, distribution and marketing of records by themselves (Hesmondhalgh, 1997, p. 266).

Indie was incorporated into the ‘alternative rock’ genre in the US and elsewhere (Hesmondhalgh, 1999, p. 35). The term alternative rock was originally used in the 1960s to refer to American and British underground/counterculture bands and artists, then in the 1970s to refer to

16 Oakes (2009) explain that this ‘indie culture’ moved beyond music and was later applied to other forms of media and cultural products including comics, literature, video games, wrestling, and film, among others.

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punk, and in the 1980s and 1990s to the grunge, hardcore, indie and US college radio scenes (Bell, 1998). It also initially signified a response against the aesthetically compromised and formulaic repetitiveness of mainstream popular music (Bell, 1998, p. 36). Alternative rock is also closely associated with independent record labels and often used synonymously with indie (Shuker, 2017, pp. 15-16).

Indie has such varied socio-historical, socio-cultural, and political baggage that the popular music genre it signifies is not simple to define in terms of sounds and auditory aesthetics. It has been described as a celebration of amateurism and ‘jangly guitars’ (Bannister, 2006, pp. 71-72). This jangle sound constitutes a treble-based guitar sound often played in chordal style, either strummed or arpeggiated, that is, sounding each note in a chord separately, and generally repeating open-string notes over a chord sequence, which are recorded prominently and mixed as loud as the vocals (Bannister, 2006, p. 72). Examples include the guitar works of the Velvet Underground and Sonic Youth (Bannister, 2006, p. 72). Indie sound is also often characterised by DIY-based practices originating from limitations regarding low budgets and hobbyist engagements, and the resulting lo-fi aesthetics and production values (Bennett, 2001; Kruse, 2003). Examples of such practices include DIY-styled recordings in home studios with a four-track tape recorder, like Chris Knox’s early recordings, and recording live in a single take without overdubs due to limited studio time as a result of minimal budgets, like Husker Du’s early tracks which were recorded at first-take (Bannister, 2006, p. 71). Other practices include lo-fi sonic aesthetics featuring raw, unproduced, loud guitar sounds highlighting noise and feedback, in contrast to conventional ‘hooks’ of a strong vocal, compelling rhythm and funky bassline (Bannister, 2006, pp. 71-72).

The Guinness Who’s Who of Indie New Wave defines indie as music after the Sex Pistols performed by creative and edgy musicians with nice guitars who are tonally similar to the Byrds, The Velvet Underground and MC5 (Larkin, 1995). Having said that, some indie artists and bands have been known to sound similar to punk, hip-hop and electronic (Rogers, Bromwich, & Brown, 2015), while others are also known to cross-over genre boundaries and mix different musical styles – e.g., electric guitar riffs over dance beats (Hesmondhalgh, 1999; Kruse, 2003). This is because some indie artists around the late 1970s and 1980s were more concerned about independent modes of production and distribution, and the aesthetic independence that entails in terms of their music, rather than trying to produce a certain type of sound. To comprehend this complex genre in terms of sounds, indie can be framed as a collection of artists and bands over different socio-historical narratives, who share recognisable sonic aesthetic tendencies, a phenomenon which resonates with what Wittgenstein

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coined ‘family resemblances’ in Philosophical Investigations (McGinn, 2012, pp. 3-4). These aesthetic tendencies include, but are not limited to, a simplicity of tonal textures and performance mitigated through lo-fi production values (Bannister, 2006; Bennett, 2001).

Rogers (2008, p. 640) states that between the late 1980s and the early 1990s, the meaning of indie music moved beyond its notions of independent production and distribution due to economically driven cultural changes concerning the popular music industries. A trend emerged during this time where majors typically support independents through complex, beneficial-for-all relationships in terms of finance, control and distribution (Hesmondhalgh, 1999). For example, majors often acquire multiple independent labels outright, and use them as an inexpensive strategy to outsource new talent acquisition and development – treating them like informal A & R divisions, and test new niche markets (Hesmondhalgh, 1996, pp. 474, 480). This is because managing an independent record label is relatively cheap with its lower operating costs and local operations – making it ideal for artist development and creative experimentation (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014, p. 108). Such labels are also able to operate in small, local niche markets which large major record labels are not able to reach (Hesmondhalgh, 1996, p. 474).

By the 1990s, not only were alternative and indie both drafted into popular music industries, but alternative became a broad constituency that included indie versions of rock, pop, rap, and various permutations of metal and post-punk (Shuker, 2017, p. 16). Part of this co-option process was due to the migration of alternative and indie bands such as U2, R.E.M., and Nirvana to major record labels. These bands were originally signed with independent record labels that either worked closely with majors, or operated as their independent subdivision, but switched at a time when they were beginning to enjoy immense global commercial success (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014, p. 111). When discussing the 1990s indie rock scene in Perth, Australia, Trainer (2015, p. 654) identifies indie as both a marketing tool implemented by the recording industry to cater to niche audiences as well as an institutionalised and commodified aesthetic formula. Around this time, both the music and the recording industry emphasised alternative (in the US) and indie (in the UK) artists as being edgy, hip and possessing the ‘cool’ factor.

Technological disruptions and key characteristics of the ‘new’ music industries The recording industry was among the first cultural industries to be revolutionised by the advent of digitisation. The shift from physical to digital media started from the 1970s and by the 2000s almost every aspect of the music industries had migrated to the digital environment (Wikström, 2013,

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pp. 8 - 9). For example, until the 1970s, music recording technologies depended on creating a physical analogue of the original sound waves on magnetic tape or disk (Morton, 2006). To make music recordings as noise and distortion-free as possible, audio researchers took a cue from digital techniques used in the computer and telecommunication industries and turned to digitising electronic audio signals (Morton, 2006). The pioneering digital tape recorder was demonstrated in Japan in 1967 (Morton, 2006, p. 172). Sony introduced the PCM-1 in 1977, which was the first commercial digital audio recorder for studio mastering purposes (Sony, 2020). Initially, digitally mastered recordings were released on cassette tapes and vinyls, but in 1982, Sony, who had been co-developing with Phillips for the past few years, released the first commercial compact discs (CDs) and players (Disc Wizards, 2020). Another digital format was introduced in 1987 called the digital audio tape (DAT), which was mainly used in professional recording studios (Morton, 2006). The next technological innovation that drove this digital transformation were digital music files in the MP3 format – a compression technology founded by the Fraunhofer Institute in Germany in 1989 (Wikström, 2013, p. 66). MP3s changed the landscape of the recording industry because for the first time, the impacts of transmediation, or the change from one medium to the next, was deeply felt across the whole music industry (Arditi, 2015, p. 30).

According to Arditi (2015, pp. 14-15), a significant transformation took place within the popular music industries between 1995 and 2010, as the primary recorded music commodity changed from CDs to digital music files, most commonly in the compressed MP3 format. Transmediation to digital music files presented opportunities for the distribution of music over the internet which changed the political economy of the popular music industries. Digital music’s possibilities of distribution over the internet also opened prospects for forms of disintermediation. The concept of disintermediation, which originated from the financial services industry, refers to when intermediaries are removed from the supply chain – or, in other words, cutting off the middleman (Bernardo & Martins, 2014). The popular music industries’ age-old business model where major record labels operated as one of the important intermediaries between music producers and consumers was challenged when digital music files made the online distribution of music possible.

The emergence of digital music files had an impact on the way music was consumed. Listeners’ music consumption practices ranged from tangible experiences of exploring and buying records from brick-and-mortar record stores to virtual experiences of buying and streaming music online by searching through a large catalogue of music from almost anywhere. Keeping pace with the increasing digitisation of the recording industry, music consumption technologies have also experienced change

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at a tremendous rate, making a shift from consumer electronics to information technology along with telecommunication industries over the past two decades (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2018). These shifts, such as listening to music via streaming services on smartphones and tablets connected to Wi-Fi and/or 4G/5G mobile internet data services, have shaped the way music is now mediated and consumed with emphases on personalisation, mobility and connectivity (Webster, 2019).

Technological transformations related to music and its shifts toward a digitised environment did not take place in a vacuum. Arditi (2015, p. 15) remarks that technological transformations took place as a part of a social process that also includes cultural, political, and economic implications. Importantly, technologies change cultural practices because they alter mechanisms of economic exchanges. In other words, they disrupt the existing industry. The emergence of Napster, and the record industry’s response to it, acted as a catalyst for and shaped the development of the digitised ‘new’ music industries (Prior, 2018). Specifically, Napster destabilised the recording industry in 1999 (Nordgård, 2018). Napster was an online peer-to-peer (P2P) file-sharing platform which allowed users to search MP3 files across other users’ networked computers, which bypassed the need for a central server, and also allowed them to communicate with each other through an internet relay chat (IRC) function (Prior, 2018, p. 37). During this time, more and more music consumers ripped CDs from their collections, converted them to MP3 files and shared them on this platform (Arditi, 2015). Prior (2018, p. 37) posits that Napster’s popularity, hosting approximately 26.4 million users during its peak, represented a form of anti-hegemonic counterculture. This was based on a new online system of digital music distribution which circumvented some of the institutional conditions set by media corporations. Prior (2018) explains that digital music file-sharing allowed consumers to sidestep conventional retail outlets and access only selected songs without having to commit to a full album purchase. It is important to note that Napster was originally a free service (Sun, 2018). This, of course, did not bode well for the recording industry whose main commodity was being circulated online and free-of-charge.

Arditi (2015, p. 31) remarks that it is overly simplistic to believe that the recording industry was surprised by the advent of online distribution of digital music. Before Napster launched they were already developing the Secure Digital Music Initiative (SDMI) to produce secure digital music files as opposed to the open format of MP3s. Arditi (2015, p. 31) explains that the industry resisted the change to digital music formats primarily because they had yet to develop appropriate business models for the online distribution of music commodities. However, with the introduction of Napster, they could no longer assume to mediate and regulate the relationship between music producers and consumers

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due to the possibilities it opened up for the online distribution of digital music (Prior, 2018). The industry needed to adapt quickly to emerging digital technologies as it came under threat of becoming obsolete (Sun, 2018).

The Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) sued Napster, Inc. in 1999 for alleged copyright infringement and unfair competition (O'Dair, 2015). The RIAA is the trade association that represents the U.S. recording industry, especially the major record labels’ financial and business interests, to the U.S. government and public (Arditi, 2015, p. 25). Soon after the RIAA’s lawsuit against Napster, the recording industry introduced anti-piracy measures like Digital Rights Management (DRM), embedded software that protected content from being copied (Kretschmer & Pratt, 2009). But measures such as DRM only had a limited impact (Prior, 2018, p. 37).

Arditi (2015, p. 13) argues that the RIAA created, what he terms, the ‘piracy panic narrative’. This narrative articulated that the recording industry was going through financial turmoil because of digital music file sharing, via platforms like Napster, Kazaa, and Grokster (among others). Through this narrative, the RIAA alleged that digital music file-sharing was piracy, which is equivalent to stealing and must be stopped, otherwise the recording industry would cease to exist (Arditi, 2015, p. 13). According to Arditi (2015, p. 19), the recording industry argued that digital technologies disrupted their ability to function as they created means that pirates use to circumvent the industry’s retail and distribution chains. If a consumer bought a CD, converted the songs to MP3 files and shared it online where other consumers have free access to them, then it effectively created a situation where no one would pay for music (Arditi, 2015, p. 19). Digital music separated access to music from the purchase of it (Nordgård, 2018). In other words, digital music file-sharing destabilised the established economic structures implemented by the recording industry to generate income (Arditi, 2015, p. 19). The RIAA asserted that major record labels could not compete with the free distribution of music, which caused CD sales to plummet, which forced these labels to downsize to survive by laying off thousands of workers and cutting back artist rosters (Arditi, 2015, p. 19). They added that access to free music also meant that contributing artists were not getting paid for their music, with issues of copyright and licensing being ignored, which consequently would eventually mean that they would lose the incentive to produce music altogether (Nordgård, 2018).

The narrative concluded that, without musicians producing music, there would eventually be no recording industry (Arditi, 2015). The RIAA, along with the major record labels, maintained a united front while presenting this narrative as they set their sights on Napster, criminalising digital music file-

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sharers and condemning them as pirates (Nordgård, 2018). The news media also propagated this narrative fairly quickly (Arditi, 2015). The RIAA, after a prolonged court case, obtained an injunction that forced Napster to shut down its network in 2001 (Harris, 2019).

Arditi (2015) challenges the RIAA and major record labels’ piracy panic narrative by arguing that some of the claims made were either inflated or presented without proper evidence. For example, piracy is only mentioned rhetorically in copyright law when discussing counterfeit goods (Arditi, 2015, p. 20). According to Arditi (2015, p. 20), the part of copyright law that is conflated with piracy states that copyright infringement is the unauthorised commercial reproduction of copyrighted material. However, when music consumers were sharing their digital music files, they were doing so free-of- charge and not for commercial purposes. Arditi (2015, p. 18) explains that capitalism functions based on owning property, but copyright law is a regulatory privilege and not a form of property law. When a user downloads a song from another user on the network, it cannot be property theft because the original user can still listen to that song and enable other users to access it as well. Arditi (2015, pp. 18-20) remarks that digital music file sharing is not the same as stealing, but the piracy panic narrative successfully portrayed it this way.

Arditi (2015) asserts further that some of the issues outlined by the narrative were indeed consequences of the digital transformation that took place within the recording industry since the mid-1990s. For instance, the piracy panic narrative presented the causal link between free-of-charge digital music file-sharing via networked platforms like Napster and the decline of CD sales. Arditi (2015, p. 33) argues that a decline of music sales on a specific physical format generally took place concurrently with transmediation from one medium to the next. Not only that, the recording industry often manipulated the process of transmediation by regulating which physical media format the commodity of recorded music would be made available to the consumers, aligned with their plans of profit maximisation, while encouraging transmediation when there were opportunities for entire music catalogues to be sold again in a new format (Arditi, 2015, p. 33). For instance, when CDs emerged consumers tended to buy their favourite records, which they already owned on cassette tapes (Arditi, 2015, p. 34).17 The industry also nudged the transition from cassette tapes to CDs by implementing a policy in the late 1980s where major record labels refused to take back unsold cassette tapes from retail outlets to compel them to stock CDs (McLeod, 2005). So, when CDs became the recording industry’s primary music commodity around 1995, there was a significant decline of cassette

17 The same is true, probably more so, in the case of vinyl where consumers would renew their entire collection on CD and in some cases sell or dispose of their vinyl collection. SHAMS QUADER 48

tape sales (Arditi, 2015, p. 32). A similar phenomenon occurred with the digital transformation of the recording industry, when recorded music made the transition from CDs to digital music files, although this time transmediation took place before the recording industry was fully prepared for it (Prior, 2018, p. 37).

Furthermore, CD sales did not represent the only revenue stream for the recording industry, which the piracy panic narrative seemed to suggest, with the claim that declining CD sales meant the industry was fighting for its existence. By critically analysing statistical data from the International Federation of Phonographic Industry’s (IFPI) Recording Industry in Numbers and Nielsen SoundScan’s annual reports, Arditi (2015, p. 35) contends that even though CD sales declined since their peak in 2000, when considering the sales figures of other formats including cassette tapes, LPs, digital singles and albums, the overall music sales in the USA increased by nearly 100 per cent between 2000 and 2010. So, there are levels of complexity associated with the critical analysis of music sales data, but the RIAA chose to narrow their focus on CD sales to strengthen their narrative.

The shutting down of Napster in its original form, even though it still exists today after several changes in ownership and a rebrand into an online music store following the merger with paid subscription-based online music streaming service Rhapsody in 2011 (Harris, 2019), bought the popular music industries enough time to reconfigure their business models to appropriately negotiate the transition to the digitised environment (Prior, 2018, 41). As a response to Napster and the free distribution of commodified music over the internet, the contemporary digitised popular music industries emerged. The following paragraphs discuss aspects of distribution, production, and promotion within the new music industries. These aspects illustrate the new music industries’ key characteristics. It is important to note that the new music industries discussed here depict their form primarily in developed parts of the world such as the USA, Canada, UK, Europe, and Australia.

I begin with a discussion broadly around distribution. The piracy panic narrative criminalised practices of digital music file downloading and sharing by condemning it for the huge financial losses incurred by the recording industry. It conflated piracy with the decrease of major record labels from the ‘big six’ - Warner Music Group, CBS (Columbia Broadcasting System) Corporation’s Columbia Records, EMI (Electrical and Musical Industries), MCA Entertainment Group, BMG Music Group and PolyGram - to the ‘big three’ – comprising Warner Music Group, Universal Music Group (previously MCA and PolyGram) and Sony Music Entertainment (previously CBS’s Columbia Records and BMG) (Galuszka, 2015, p. 256; Wikström, 2013, pp. 73 - 85). Alternatively, Arditi (2014) contends that major

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record labels have in fact consolidated their positions since condensing down to three. They represent approximately 80% of the worldwide music market (Mcdonald, 2019b) and have actually increased their profit margins according to sales data and industry reports.

This narrative further blamed online piracy for industry-wide cost-cutting business strategies, job layoffs, shrinking budgets for signed acts and the overall shedding of artist rosters (Haynes & Marshall, 2018, p. 460). Arditi (2015, p. 14) argues that it is the logic of capitalism, rather than online piracy, that is the explanation behind these downsizing strategies. Arditi (2015, p. 14) explains that, as new technologies develop, businesses tend to eliminate labour at all levels of the production process to boost profits. This is significant because it reinforced some tendencies of major record labels of collaborating with independents, by outsourcing A & R to them to a certain extent, and utilise them to test niche markets, as previously discussed in Chapter 1.

Even if there has been a steady decline of physical CD sales since the 2000s, the new music industries are characterised by revenue generation from digital music sales and subscription-based, music-on-demand streaming services (Wikström, 2013, pp. 64-65). By the late 2010s, when different online distribution models of digital music were already in play, and big technology companies like Apple were participating, the recording industry had no choice but to cooperate and integrate. Apple iTunes facilitated the unbundling of an artist’s album by enabling online consumers to buy their preferred song or songs from any given artist in the digital format without committing to buying the artist’s whole album (Mulligan, 2015). Since iTunes software had to be used to transfer songs onto the iPod, its owners inevitably became users of this software which organised, sorted, and presented their music collections (Morris, 2015, p. 146). Taking advantage of this, iTunes quickly became the first convenient and legitimate way of selling digital downloads in an integrated system, and the major record labels were forced to embrace it at the risk of becoming obsolete (Mulligan, 2015, p. 129). Soon, Apple iTunes accounted for 27% of the total music units sold in the USA and became the market leader of digital music retailers (Prior, 2018, p. 38).

Arguably, one of the most important innovations of the new music industries have been music streaming services. These streaming services function through a complex interplay of multiple entities, including IT start-up music services such as the Swedish company Spotify, ‘Big Tech’ giants like Apple, Google and Amazon as well as telecommunication companies that allow networked platforms and internet data for mobile and personalised consumption of music (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2018, p. 1565). While music streaming services strive to build their business on copyright observance, Google’s

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YouTube tests the limits of copyright infringement and is one of the main forces in music streaming today due to its sheer scale and range of content (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2018, p. 1565). Spotify, with its advertisement-funded free subscription and flat-fee-based premium services, self-proclaim themselves as the solution against piracy (Kjus, 2016, p. 130).

Additionally, this led to new challenges in copyright and intellectual property laws, which continues to be an ongoing process of being appropriately revised and articulated (Arditi, 2015). Copyright and intellectual property law related with commodified music has evolved from legally owning a physical copy of a record, to being authorised to use a song through digital ownership of a copy or streaming via a relevant streaming service (Arditi, 2015, pp. 83-87).

Revenue generating processes for the new music industries are similar to the traditional royalty model, including music-licensing deals related to performance rights. These include, for instance, income from radio, TV, and film as well as public performances such as the use of music videos in nightclubs, bars, and restaurants (Arditi, 2015, p. 26). These types of licensing deals are a part of what is called the 360-degree deal struck between a recording artist and record label which covers merchandising, live tours, and publishing (Prior, 2018, p. 40). This is a diversification strategy implemented within the new music industries to cover potential losses while tapping into other lucrative avenues. For example, losses from sales of digital song units can be consolidated with profits from the live performance circuit (Prior, 2018, p. 40). Over the past two decades, the income of musicians from live music performances have steadily increased (Wikström, 2013, pp. 140-143). According to Wikstrom (2013, p. 141), artists tour and perform live a lot more than before where the unit price of tickets has increased.

Shifting focus to production and its democratisation, the decline of professional recording studios on a global scale started around the 2000s because they could not compete with rising numbers of smaller and cheaper home studio setups with digital recording suites (Wikström, 2013, p. 126). There are several implications as a result of this phenomenon, including increased amateur activity. The new music industries are characterised by a growing global trend where many music fans are increasingly becoming musicians and producers by taking advantage of the democratising impact of digital music and online communication technologies to self-release, upload and promote their music online (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014, p. 121). The new music industries, then, are partly characterised by increased home studio-based amateur activity and an ongoing trend of consumers becoming producers (Wikström, 2013, pp. 122, 126).

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On to matters of promotion, audience fragmentation has increased and accelerated within the new music industries. Audience members still spent the same amount of time on media and entertainment but fewer people are tuned in to the same media outlet (Wikström, 2013, p. 91). This also means that an artist’s appearance on a specific outlet only reaches a small segment of the audience (Wikström, 2013, p. 91). Additionally, there is also increased product variety with massive amounts of music content available including amateur productions (Anderson, 2006). Anderson (2006, p. 184) refers to this as ‘a shift from mass culture to massively parallel culture’. Whereas before there were limited media outlets for the promotion of a mainstream artist including various forms of print and broadcast media, there are now a massive number of parallel media outlets available for music promoters. This includes myriad forms of digital advertising and online social media platforms (Wikström, 2013, p. 91). This also means that increased marketing budgets are required for a mainstream artist to stand out within a milieu where independent and amateur musicians are also creating and uploading their music (Wikström, 2013, p. 91).

Another characteristic of the new music industries is that an almost countless number of digital music catalogues are now readily available within a few clicks through the internet. This includes music ranging from classics to contemporary genres that span across majors, independents, and amateur modes of production. This has also given rise to some new intermediaries and curators which aid the music consumer to filter through a potentially overwhelming collection of digital music catalogues. These intermediaries and curators are the embedded logics of algorithms and recommender systems. Celma and Lamere (2011), borrowing from their repertoire of music technology knowledge and industry experience, state that there are currently four state-of-the-art approaches to music recommendation and personalised content generation based on listener’s choices and usage patterns. A recommender process, known as collaborative filtering techniques, are implemented in digital commercial infrastructures (Prior, 2018, p. 45). These techniques work by generating correspondences between consumers and items, comparing customer ratings across the user base, as users are correlated and marked with certain tastes. This allows marketers to target and customise products more precisely (Prior, 2018, p. 45). Both digital music stores like iTunes, and cloud- based music-on-demand streaming services like Spotify, rely on such collaborative filtering techniques. These recommendations and personalised content generation algorithms, therefore, function as some of the new intermediaries and curators alongside traditional intermediaries and organisational infrastructures such as music journalists, radio announcers, record shop employees and top sales charts (Wikström, 2013).

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The comparatively lower costs of managing independent record labels mean that related contemporary independent music scenes are still associated with experimentation and niche audiences, while also serving as breeding grounds, incubators, or informal A & R wings for the majors (Wikström, 2013). However, while independent music scenes still accommodate emerging musicians to hone their skills by performing live in small venues in the current digital era of the new music industries, an increasingly common trend shows that many pro-am/independent musicians tend to post and/or live broadcast their live music performances through online social media platforms such as YouTube, Facebook and Instagram (Baym, 2018). Within these settings, major labels have also been known to sign artists after discovering them on such social media platforms (Wikström, 2013, pp. 168- 169).

These key characteristics of the new music industries outline the shifting music-related milieu. Music-making practices involving digital music and online communication technologies disperse to alternative and independent music scenes, shaping the activities of musicians operating in these spaces, while providing them with wide-ranging prospects to practice independence (Galuszka & Brzozowska, 2017; Hracs, 2016).

What does independent music signify in contemporary times? The commercial successes of originally independent artists in the 1990s and early-2000s highlighted the cyclical nature of the popular music industries, which aim to co-opt the independent into the mainstream whenever it is deemed commercially viable and worthy of investment. That is why throughout the history of popular music, independent record labels have often operated as informal A & R wings and incubators for creative and aesthetic experimentation for the benefit of major record labels. Additionally, the musical style of an artist existing within a certain temporal, spatial, social, cultural and political moment is only considered independent, alternative, cool, hip, creative, edgy and new, before it is pigeon-holed into a music genre set by the popular music industries. R.E.M. as an alternative or US college radio, and Nirvana as grunge serve as examples of this process. Through processes of systematic drafting of independent artists into the popular music industries, indie beyond the 1990s signifies either a broad music genre which includes multiple and often hybrid musical styles or various manifestations of local music scenes (Rogers, 2008). Such is the paradoxical nature of indie where it once represented an oppositional and non-commercial ethos and practices, expressed through symbolic resistance against the mainstream, now signifies a marketing ploy for niche audience segments through a set of sound aesthetics.

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With indie now signifying a broad music genre for popular music industries, it is difficult to identify what independent music culture is, since the 1990s (Azerrad, 2002). As a part of describing the historical narrative surrounding American indie during the 1980s by depicting the detailed stories of 13 American indie rock bands from this decade, music journalist Azerrad (2002) discusses the demise of American indie, partly due to its co-option into the mainstream music industries in the form of alternative rock, with bands such as Replacements and Husker Du, for instance, signing with major record label Warner Brothers. Azerrad (2002) posits that post-1990s, it is difficult to identify what independent music culture is effectively ‘independent of’ or ‘alternative to’. This is because, by the late 1980s and early 1990s, most American independent record labels had different forms of partnerships with majors.

However, it would be highly reductive to say that becoming just another mainstream genre is the terminus of co-opted independent music. Hesmondhalgh (1996, p. 474) mentions that it may sometimes be possible for independent artists to enjoy a certain degree of aesthetic independence even after signing with a major record label. Empirically, there might be several different types of relationships between independent and mainstream actors. It seems that independent music has reached a point where it is all a bit mixed up, legitimising this study into how independent musicians in a location-based and contemporary independent music scene may be said to be practising independence. Analyses of how these local musicians practice independence through their music- making activities comprising performing, recording, producing, distributing and promoting music is conducted by inquiring into how their livelihoods are sustained, how the government intervention strategies associated with mediating Sydney’s culture are responded to, and how digital music and online communication technologies are implemented.

This chapter mapped different aspects of the historicity of independent music and analysed it in accordance with its related socio-cultural formations, practices, and ethos-related organisational infrastructures of mainstream versus alternative. By navigating through different historical narratives that revolved around independent music, this chapter uncovered that independent music emerged from youth-based socio-cultural formations and their oppositional ethos informed by value distinctions between commercialised mass culture and alternative cultural forms reminiscent of the Frankfurt school’s critique of mass culture, and romanticised notions of cultural production. This chapter demonstrated that independent music scenes do not exist beyond popular music industries as they exist as a reaction (anti-major record label/anti-corporate ethos) or extension (breeding

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ground/incubator) to the latter. Local scenes exist in a specific moment in space and time shaped by historical, social, cultural, political, and economic conditions informing the context, which must be addressed to identify local factors. Since these local factors cannot be extrapolated from general concepts of popular music studies, the next chapter outlines the significant historical moments associated with the development of Australian popular music and in turn, local independent music phenomena before describing some of the key characteristics of the contemporary Central Sydney independent scene.

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CHAPTER 2: LOCATING THE CENTRAL SYDNEY INDEPENDENT MUSIC SCENE

The historicity of culture and socio-cultural forms, including that of music forms means they are often variable. That is why concepts developed across multiple contexts, such as independent music, need to be questioned against location and temporal-specific findings. This chapter begins by briefly outlining the history of Australian popular music with a special focus on the development of local independent music. Outlining historical narratives surrounding local music cultures, while being mindful of local factors which change over time, helps explain what is distinctive about the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene. These contextual variations include industry forms, media, institutions, and government policies. This comparative dimension further contributes towards our understanding of the local historic, social, cultural, political, and economic conditions shaping this contemporary scene.

A brief history of Australian Popular music Walker et al. (2012a) suggest that the starting point for the Australian recording industry was 1945. Much like the nation’s economic, political and social history, this industry was initially informed both by its British colonial history, as well as its admiration of the USA (Masterson & Gillard, 1999, p. 11). The industry was deeply influenced by music and cultural movements in London, UK – with this city being the cultural imaginary and organising centre for the British Commonwealth (Walker et al., 2012a, p. 73). Additionally, one million American military personnel were stationed in three Australian east coast cities across three years during the Second World War, and they contributed towards disseminating American music to the Australian population (Walker et al., 2012a, p. 72). Consequently, Australian consumers embraced music being exported from these two nations (Masterson & Gillard, 1999, p. 11). During the years following the Second World War, local markets for recorded music grew significantly as the Australian mass population proved to be avid consumers of records, not limited to those coming from the metropolitan centres of the USA and UK, and in response to this, local producers also began to produce mimetic or reappropriated variations of American and British music cultures (Brunt & Stahl, 2018). Sydney and Melbourne came to be recognised as the primary sites of production and organisation during this period (Walker et al., 2012a, p. 73).

The Australian recording industry was dominated by six major multi-national record labels during the 1980s, including Britain’s EMI, America’s CBS (now Sony), RCA (now BMG), Warners and

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Europe’s PolyGram (originally Phillips but now a part of Universal) and Australia’s own Festival records. In 1983, these labels collectively formed the Australian Record Industry Association (ARIA) (Walker et al., 2012b, p. 122). The six major record label ARIA-members were responsible for 75 to 90 per cent of total record sales in Australia from the mid-1980s till the late 1990s, the rest rounded up by influential independents including Mushroom records, Alberts and Shock which persevered and by the 1990s, grew to achieve distribution networks and commercial successes parallel to the majors (Walker et al., 2012a, p. 74).

Stratton (2007) categorises Australian popular music into three strands from the mid-1970s onwards: pop-rock, Oz rock and punk. Pop-rock developed mainly due to the ABC’s popular music Countdown program, with artists such as Hush, Sherbert and Pseudo Echo (Homan, 2003a; Stratton, 2007). Oz rock originated from the suburban pub rock circuit with dependable compositional structures, stage techniques, heavy and loud guitars alongside earthy vocals delivered by charismatic frontmen (Oldham, 2013). Artists included Cold Chisel, the Angels as well as Billy Thorpe and the Aztecs (Homan, 2003a; Oldham, 2013; Stratton, 2007). The third alternative strand encompassed the local punk scene, epitomised by the likes of the Saints and Radio Birdman, which revolutionised Australian music with left-leaning tendencies (Stratton, 2007; Walker, 1996). The following is a short account of the history of Oz rock, punk and post-punk in Australia that covers key moments and developments. These local musical forms not only influenced Australia’s popular music industries but are also intertwined with the emergence of Sydney’s independent music. Oz rock, punk and post-punk music cultures significantly converged to set local conditions that led to the contemporary form of Central Sydney’s independent music scene.

Oz rock Australian pub rock later labelled ‘Oz rock’ by the international music press, is defined as local rock coherent with certain national18 structures and cultural practices with pubs being its main originating site during the 1970s (Homan, 2008a, p. 601). Walker et al. (2012b, p. 121) argue that Oz rock culminated from a tradition which started in Melbourne by bands such as Chain and the Aztecs. It revived the 1950s blues format and mythologies of live performance with their suggestive and brash front-man, loud guitars, bass, and drums (Homan, 2003c, p. 83). These elements were later disseminated through AC/DC, the Dingoes, Richard Clapton, Cold Chisel, Rose Tattoo, the Angels, Midnight Oil and Australian Crawl. Even though AC/DC went on to be internationally successful, Billy Thorpe and the Aztecs was arguably the first Oz rock band (Oldham, 2013). In 1968, Thorpe convinced

18 By ‘national’, I am referring to ‘Australian’ throughout this thesis, unless otherwise specified. SHAMS QUADER 57

Melbourne music veteran and old school mate Lobby Loyde (from The Purple Hearts and The Wild Cherries) to join his band. Even though Loyde’s tenure with the band ended as early as January 1971, the Aztecs featuring Loyde composed several music ingredients and characterizations which would later turn out to be the staple of Oz rock, such as the very high volumes, powerful vocals, driving blues and boogie bass, and extended solo playing (Englehart & Durieux, 2006; Engleheart, 2010; Oldham, 2013, p. 125; Walker, 2002). According to Homan (2008a, p. 603): Bands such as The Angels, Cold Chisel, AC/DC, the Radiators and Rose Tattoo refined the extended jam tradition of the first wave, producing tighter, traditional pop song structure while reinforcing the virtuosity of the lead guitarist and raw, earthy lead vocals, often delivered through anthemic choruses (such as Rose Tattoo’s We Can’t Be Beaten). These bands also maintained a heavy rhythmic presence, evidenced by fast sixteenth notes played on hi-hats, rhythm, and bass guitar within 4/4-time signatures. Like their international influences (such as Chuck Berry, Jerry Lee Lewis, and The Rolling Stones), lyrical content for many bands portrayed preoccupations with themes of sexual conquest, cars, ‘hard living’ and drinking. Oz rock was originally the music of white, working-class men performed out of suburban hotel circuits and blared from radios, cars, garages, and bedrooms across the nation (Walker et al., 2012b, p. 121). With increasingly sophisticated technological capabilities such as louder PA systems, bigger guitar amplifiers and improved stage microphones, this suburban rock experience of Oz rock fed into a new and reinvigorated sense of Australian cultural identity (Trainer, 2016). This is while simultaneously benefitting from a government initiative for promoting a nationalist agenda aimed at producing precisely that outcome (Trainer, 2016). This initiative began during the early 1970s, when the Whitlam Federal Labour government invested money into developing Australian cultural production including home-grown cinema, television and music (Carroll, 2011, p. 124). According to Homan (2008a, p. 603), the mid to late 1970s was later defined as the golden era of Oz rock, spearheaded by the frontal sonic attack of bands like Billy Thorpe and the Aztecs who believed that their high decibel level music had to be not just heard but physically experienced. By now, pubs and hotels hosted rock acts as a way to retain and expand their younger drinking clientele, making good profits off of male drinking cultures despite social and regulatory obstacles still existing for women in these spaces (Homan, 2003c).

This highlights Oz rock’s gendered dimension. The local pub rock scenes from which Oz rock sprung were male-dominated spaces. This was also reflected in working-class expressions of masculinity which became key features of this music culture (Oldham, 2013). The following excerpt from Daddy Cool’s Eagle Rock illustrates the kind of heterosexual male viewpoints typical of much Oz rock: Now mamma Yeah, you're rockin' fine Why don't you give me a sign?

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Hmm just give me a sign And we'll do the Eagle Rock.

. . .

Oh baby Well I feel so free Hmm what you do to me What you do to me When we do the Eagle Rock. (Daddy Cool, 1971). The song portrays a chauvinistic perspective centred upon heterosexual male satisfaction, reminiscent of the 1970s Australian white, working-class milieu when the song was released (Homan, 2003a), with its frequent mentions of ‘mamma’ and ‘baby’ and the notion of women doing things for men sexually. Comparatively, several of AC/DC’s songs are filled with explicit sexual innuendos from a male heterosexual perspective, including such songs as ‘Whole lotta Rosie’, ‘Put My Love Into You’, ‘Sink The Pink’, ‘Heatseeker’, ‘Big Balls’, ‘Deep In The Hole’, ‘Givin The Dog A Bone’, ‘Love At First Feel’, ‘Get It Hot’, ‘Go Down’, ‘Inject The Venom’, ‘Hard As A Rock’, ‘Send For The Man’, ‘Let’s Get It Up’ and ‘Squealer’ (Mack, 2015). AC/DC’s ‘You shook me all night long’, for instance, can be understood as a metaphor for sex: Knocking me out with those American thighs Taking more than her share, had me fighting for air She told me to come, but I was already there 'Cause the walls start shaking, the Earth was quaking My mind was aching, and we were making it

And you shook me all night long Yeah, you shook me all night long. (AC/DC, 1980).

Women were not welcome at numerous pubs and clubs around Australia until the mid-1970s. Even though these establishments did not restrict women from socialising at their premises, they were denied service such as bartenders selling them beverages (Homan, 2003a). This is an important point for drawing comparisons with the socio-historical specificities of the Central Sydney independent music scene today. According to Homan (2003c), this gender discrimination was challenged and women’s eventual acceptance in the hotel front bar, lounges and clubs from the mid-1970s the result of a plethora of protests and campaigns undertaken by different women activists. This push was especially championed through the agency of the Australian Women’s Liberation Movement who started campaigning about women’s rights to drink at pubs from the 1960s (Homan, 2003c, pp. 84- 85). This is an important point for drawing comparisons with the socio-historical specificities of the Central Sydney independent music scene today. The government at that time mainly justified this

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discrimination by stating hotels and clubs did not need to have female toilets because male patrons highly outnumbered their female counterparts at these establishments – a position both government officials and pub owners were challenged on from multiple fronts (Homan, 2003c, pp. 84-86). Consequently, Homan (2003c) notes that breaking into the pub rock scene was inherently difficult for female performers back then. This is illustrated by the career trajectory of feminist band Stiletto which featured a trio of female musicians. However, there was an increasing number of women interested in diverse employment within the national music industries beyond the mid-1970s (Homan, 2003c, p. 87).

By the end of the 1970s, Oz rock bands benefited from changes in the media. Both mainstream and marginal acts began to benefit from local and nation-wide changes to media structures, for instance, when the government decided to establish 12 public radio licences in 1975 to provide alternatives to formulaic commercial stations coupled with a desire to democratise local arts and media (Walker et al., 2012b). The new public radio stations that carried an ethos to broadcast local alternative forms of music included 4ZZZ in Brisbane, 2XX in Canberra, 5MMM in Adelaide, 3RRR in Melbourne, 2JJ and 3ZZZ in Sydney. They not only provided a much needed new outlet for promoting local music and venues, but commercial stations such as 2SM in Sydney soon followed this trend, with the live radio broadcast of gigs from venues such as the Manly Vale Hotel (Homan, 2003c, p. 89).

It was around the same time that several national booking agencies came up, such as Harbour/Premier, Nucleus and Dirty Pool (Homan, 2008a, p. 603). Established in 1978 and part of the Mushroom Entertainment group, the Sydney-based Harbour Agency is one of Australia’s largest booking agencies, working with established recording artists as well as developing artists (The Harbour Agency, 2019). Still operational today, they represent diverse Australian artists from mainstream to alternative, including independent (The Harbour Agency, 2019). Along with their sister agency the Melbourne-based Premier Artists, the Harbour agency work in collaboration with different stakeholders to facilitate live music performances for signed artists, both domestically and internationally (The Harbour Agency, 2019). The way the Harbour agency generally worked, and still does, is that live music venues, sponsors or gig organisers would get in touch with them and provide their requirements for a gig, and upon agreeing on a fee, they would then arrange with the appropriate artists from their roster to perform (Masterson & Gillard, 1999, p. 96). Additionally, an artist can get in touch with them at any stage of their career and collaborate with them to organise live performances at gigs and tours (Masterson & Gillard, 1999, p. 96).

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Television programs such as the ABC’s highly influential Countdown, as well as Rock Arena and Sounds Unlimited debuted around this time (Homan, 2003a, p. 89). Premiering in 1974, Countdown was the first weekly music program on Australian television to coherently curate Australian pop music. (Masterson & Gillard, 1999, p. 18). A defining characteristic of this show was that it focused on music videos as much as live performance in the studio, and it proved to be a great hit with the Australian audience, especially teenagers (Masterson & Gillard, 1999, pp. 18-19).

It was around the same time that local record labels such as Mushroom, Deluxe, and Alberts also emerged (Homan, 2008a, p. 603). Founded by Michael Gudinski in 1972, Mushroom records was initially a Melbourne-based independent record label, which would go on to foster some of Australia’s most successful artists in the next few decades including Skyhooks, Jimmy Barnes and Kylie Minogue (Masterson & Gillard, 1999, p. 19). Gudinksi expanded his business across the music and entertainment industry to form the Mushroom Entertainment Group soon afterwards in 1973, incorporating international and domestic touring, booking agencies, record labels, merchandising, music publishing, creative and marketing services, venues, exhibition and events production, film and television production (Mushroom Group, 2019). Mushroom records merged with Festival records in 1998 and was later acquired by Warner Brothers records after 2010 (Walker et al., 2012b, pp. 129- 130).

Besides support from government-backed initiatives of the Australian media industries including new FM radio stations and a national television program, and infrastructural developments such as the emergence of national booking agencies and domestic record labels, it is also worth noting there was a lack of heavy-handed government regulations policing live music venues in the city including Sydney, suburban and regional centres during the 1970s (Homan, 2008b). Almost throughout the entirety of this decade, such venues like the Civic Hotel, the Hopetoun Hotel, the Strawberry Hills Hotel, the Royal Antler Hotel, the Bondi Lifesaver, the Coogee Bay Hotel, the Comb and the Cutter Hotel, the Caringbah Inn, the Manly Vale Hotel among others, would often be overcrowded, going over the sanctioned capacity many times over and consequently disregarding fire safety protocols (Homan, 2008a, p. 607). Local councils or state authorities only took notice as a reaction to press outrage (Homan, 2008a, p. 602) and the police intervened in the case of serious incidents such as destruction of property, fights or fire (Homan, 2003c, pp. 102-104).

According to Homan (2003c, p. 89), bands such as Billy Thorpe and the Aztecs would often disable the colour-coded sound monitors designed to alert the performers if sound levels crossed a

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certain decibel, to circumvent these noise regulation systems. Outraged residents would also not make too many noise complaints due to lack of awareness of formal complaint procedures Homan (2003c, p. 89). This is contrasting to the highly regulated live music scene in contemporary Sydney, where audience capacity, noise levels are strictly maintained and noise complaints from neighbouring residents are one of the scene’s biggest deterrents.

Figure 1: Midnight Oil performing at the Royal Antler Hotel in North Sydney, NSW (Source: Knowles, 2014).

A combination of these factors provided the city and suburban venues with enough commercial incentive to book local Oz rock acts. By the mid-1980s, some of these bands, like The Angels or Cold Chisel, were earning on average of AUD 30,000 per night backed by revenues from alcohol consumption which was fundamental to the Oz rock experience as its main source of funding (Homan, 2008a, p. 603). Some of the hotels in suburban Sydney which had extra space, including the Caringbah Inn, the Dee Why hotel and the Comb and Cutter Hotel, constructed live room extensions or small auditoriums during this time (Homan, 2008b, p. 24). These ‘beer barns’, as they were called, allowed large suburban audience members to enjoy live performances of Oz rock bands regularly, which signified a particular kind of localised night-time economy in suburban Sydney where revenues from alcoholic beverage consumption benefited the pub owners, booking agents and the performing artists (Homan, 2008b, p. 24). This live music-dominated model for Oz rock developed because the

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domestic music market was too small to generate significant revenues for local artists and bands through conventional means like record sales (Homan, 2008a).

It was only from the early 1980s on that multi-national and local major record labels showed interest in signing Oz rock acts. For instance, EMI signed Australian Crawl, CBS signed Mi-Sex and eventually both the Angels and Midnight Oil, WEA captured INXS, Mushroom contracted Paul Kelly and Split Enz, and Alberts secured Rose Tattoo (Walker et al., 2012b, p. 121). According to the June 1980 edition of Rolling Stone (Australia), the top 15 albums in Australia included six albums from local bands Cold Chisel, Split Enz, The Angels, Australian Crawl and Mi-Sex (Walker et al., 2012b, p. 121). Oldham (2013, p. 120) argues that Oz rock went on to become the most successful Australian music to penetrate the international music markets at that time. Bands who were among the first to take Oz rock to the international stage included Sydney’s hard rock supergroup Buffalo and The Little River Band (Creswell & Fabinyi, 1999, pp. 88-89). AC/DC may have been the most famous and internationally successful by the 1980s (Creswell & Fabinyi, 1999, p. 95). However, Billy Thorpe and the Aztecs was arguably the first Oz rock band (Oldham, 2013).

Punk Even though an abundance of live music venues, the establishment of multiple radio stations and interest from multi-national as well as local major record labels culminated in the lucrative Australian music industries boom of the 1980s with Oz rock at its summit, the live performance component of Oz rock continued to be one of its core features (Homan, 2008b; Walker, 1996). The liveness of Oz rock’s tradition would subsequently inspire local punk and post-punk music cultures which, in turn, influenced the live performance-centric focus of Central Sydney’s contemporary independent music scene.

It was during the mid to late 1970s, that the punk and post-punk strand of Australian music gained momentum, spurred by influential acts that included The Saints, Radio Birdman, Birthday Party, the Go-Betweens and the Triffids (Walker, 2005). The punk movement of 1977 was predominantly British but both Homan (2000, 2003a) and Walker (1996) argue that this movement originated from Australian punk. Walker (1996, p. 10) experienced the Saints as a local band in Brisbane back in the early 1970s in a unique and personal manner, as he had known them through common social networks even before hearing them play. In his own words: The Saints had already discerned the aesthetic revolution to come. They seemed to know about even more skeletons in rock’s closet. Like the MC5 and the New York Dolls. It was tapping into these sources – as was happening not only in Brisbane, but also, as we couldn’t

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have known at the time, in different places all around the world – that provided the foundation upon which was built. (Walker, 1996, p. 10). He explains that the Saints had a unique sound with fast-paced, short and aggressive songs with three or four-chord progressions and simple music arrangements, typically featuring the electric guitar, bass, and drums, accompanied by a contempt for authority and an arrogant aura, which characterised their song lyrics and provocative on-stage attitudes (Walker, 1996, p. 10). With the Saints gaining a major live audience following by the mid-1970s in Brisbane, they went into the studio in 1976 to record their first single, which was uncharted territory for punk bands at that time (Walker, 1996, pp. 20-21). The Saint’s debut single ‘(I’m) Stranded’ came out in September 1976, initially under their label known as Fatal, which they distributed themselves (Walker, 1996, p. 22). A few months later, ‘(I’m) Stranded’ was picked up by local independent record label Astor records, who pressed copies of this single and distributed them. Even though local shops and radio stations like the 4ZZZ initially neglected this single, import shops accommodated it (Walker, 1996). In the first week of December 1976, ‘(I’m) Stranded’ was released in Britain where it became a huge hit (Walker et al., 2012b, p. 122). This not only managed to get the band signed by EMI, again highlighting the complexities of mass appeal as discussed in Chapter 1, but arguably started the British punk movement by accident. In the same month of December 1976, the band went back into the studio to record their first album and was offered to open for AC/DC at Gold Coast’s Miami Hall (Walker, 1996, p. 23). Their debut album Stranded was released in Australia in February 1977 (Walker, 1996, p. 23).

Another influential punk band of that time, who would go on to make important contributions to Australian punk and post-punk histories, is Sydney’s own Radio Birdman. Radio Birdman was the shared vision of Rob Younger and Deniz Tek, who were heavily influenced by MC5 and the Stooges (Walker, 1996, p. 27). Like the Saints, Radio Birdman followed an anti-establishment aesthetic, which the band members portrayed through their confronting on-stage attitudes provoking a reaction from the audience members, and also through their aggressive songs and lyrics (Walker, 1996, p. 29). Their first gig was in October 1974 at the Excelsior Hotel in Surry Hills (Walker, 2012). By 1977, they had developed quite a following and a reputation as being referred to as the scourge of Sydney rock n’ roll, a belief shared by most punters, promoters radio and record labels, but they still managed to play live at the Paddington Town Hall twice in that same year. Birdman’s unique music and personality is what gave them a loyal youth following at that time, but it was also why they usually had to organize their own gigs in the mid-1970s (Walker, 2012). Their first recording took place in 1976 at Trafalgar Studios in Sydney, where they won free studio time as part of the ‘Punk Band Thriller’ prize and recorded 4 songs (Walker, 1996). These four songs were featured in their first EP titled ‘Burn my Eye’. Trafalgar Studios created their own label to release Radio Birdman’s ‘Burn my Eye’, which they also

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promoted via a Sydney tour, solely booked by themselves and their then-new manager George Kringas, avoiding established booking agencies (Walker, 1996, p. 31). Booking the majority of gigs by themselves through a band manager, circumventing some of the established booking agencies was considered highly unorthodox during those times – which consequently not only gave Radio Birdman more DIY-centric punk credibility, but also paved the way for strategies which would later be adapted by future local independent artists.

According to Walker (1996), some important events took place in Sydney in 1977 regarding local punk history. The Oxford Tavern was transformed into Funhouse when Radio Birdman took over its management, becoming Sydney’s only genuine rock n’ roll venue; White Light Records, a shop solely catering to rock n’ roll enthusiasts became an influential hub in Sydney where one of the co- owners would go on to make his own band PsychoSurgeons and the creator of Red Eye Label, got his start from White Light (Walker, 1996, p. 32); and Radio Birdman played on Friday 1st of April at the Funhouse, where the Saints played the following night, and they both played at the Paddington on Sunday night (Walker, 1996, pp. 32-33). Both the bands received international record deals soon after, and in July 1977, Radio Birdman’s long-awaited debut album Radios Appear finally came out (Walker, 1996, p. 33).

Walker et al. (2012b, pp. 121-122) argue that the late 1970s Australian punk movement originated as a response against the commercially successful and increasingly corporatised Oz rock phenomenon, grounded in the DIY attitude and anti-corporate ethos of alternative-minded youths who did not conform with lifestyles of mainstream suburbia. The Sussex Hotel in Barangaroo, Central Sydney, became one of the exemplary venues for new punk bands around the late 1970s. This hotel operated as a regular drinking site for working-class construction workers which meant the owners enjoyed stable business and, as a result, did not mind allowing punk bands to perform for door charge19 earnings (Homan, 2003c, p. 93). Not only did these young punks find a space to experiment with their music, the working-class audience complimented the raucous punk performances and dress codes (Homan, 2003c, p. 93). Interestingly, Homan (2003c, p. 93) points out that the DIY ethos was not confined to punk during this time, as many other bands experimented with a mixture of blues, R & B, rock and rockabilly emerged from Sydney’s pubs and town halls. It was in these circumstances, where a handful of pub/venue owners and live music patrons supported punk and other alternative- styled bands that Australian independent music emerged.

19 Locally also called door money/cover which is a small admission fee charged by the venue to pay for some of the logistical expenses related to live music performance. SHAMS QUADER 65

Post-punk and the emergence of Australian indie The formative years of Australian independent music began around the late 1970s and early 1980s through local post-punk bands like the Laughing Clowns, and the Hard-Ons, along with pop groups like Rockmelons, and independent record labels of that time including Hot, True Tone and Waterfront (Mathieson, 2000; Stratton, 2007; Walker, 1996). According to Mathieson (2000, pp. 2- 4), the independent music form came into being in Australia around the late 1970s and early 1980s as a residual effect of the 1977 punk explosion, mobilised by a new wave of post-punk bands. Local post- punk bands such as Boys Next Door (who later became The Birthday Party), the Laughing Clowns, The Triffids and The Scientists were initially disparaged as having little or no commercial possibilities by multinational major record labels that viewed Australia as just one of many markets (Mathieson, 2000, p. 2). Government-funded AM or commercial radio stations rarely played their songs and only a handful of record stores would stock their records during this interval (Mathieson, 2000, p. 2). Mathieson (2000, p. 2) contends that the outcome from the combination of these constraining factors was the birth of a DIY economy that subsidised a hand-to-mouth existence. This meant that bands and artists organised their own gigs and tours in the suburbs, which involved hiring community centres or halls by themselves, which were promoted through posters and flyers produced and distributed by themselves, while taking a portion of the gig admission fee to cover logistical costs and selling their records at their gigs (Walker, 1996, p. 77).

Walker et al. (2012b) suggests the role of free tertiary education, and the associated rise of a newly educated group of Australian youth, made up the majority of these local post-punk bands. These alternative-minded youth shared a rebellious, DIY ethos that embodied a certain degree of resistance against the formulaic standards of corporatized Oz rock (Mathieson, 2000, p. 94). Their music, which was yet to be labelled as independent, was chaotic and emotional encompassing a wide range of styles and genres including permutations of punk, rock, jazz and electronic music with dub, funk and disco (Reynolds, 2005). For instance, the Laughing Clowns were a fusion of jazz and rock, but since ‘jazz-rock’ was taken as a negative term during that era, their fans loosely termed them as ‘jazz- punk’ (Walker, 1996, p. 76). Their songs consist of rock-style electric guitar, bass guitar and drums playing over jazz-based rhythms and chord structures, with their signature saxophone solos fading in and out. Their songs ‘Just because I like’ (1979) (Hammond, 2015) and ‘Eternally Yours’ (1983) (Kuepper, 2015) serve as examples. The lyrics to their song ‘Eternally Yours’ illustrate an edginess: I see the light it shines on you I see the legend, you see it too I see your reason and why you hold your point of view

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And with your split personality I thought you'd show independence there Well not quite so when there was room for everyone

You see the knife you feel the pain I've heard it time and time again These must be times I've hit but missed, an empty kiss . . . (Kuepper, 1983).

The lyrics are about split personality disorder and infliction of self-harm, which serves as evidence of the Laughing Clowns’ aesthetic distinction from Oz rock which had been commodified by then and following mainstream market imperatives.

Figure 2: Laughing Clown’s ‘Eternally Yours’ single from independent record label Hot Records (Source: Laughing clowns - Eternally yours single on 12-inch vinyl/LP, 1984)

The 1980s brought what Walker et al. (2012b, p. 124) term a ‘DIY revolution’ in Australian popular music with recording studios, record shops and suburban bedrooms spawning independent record labels including Hot, Waterfront, Phantom, Au-Go-Go, Rampant, M-Squared, Cleopatra, Green, Citadel, Gap, Method, Aberrant, Timberyard, Big Time, Trafalgar, Survival, and Reactor among many others. It is interesting to note that Sydney-based Waterfront records not only distributed records of their signed local independent Australian artists, but they also came to an agreement with Seattle- based (USA) independent record label Sub Pop around the mid-1980s and ran small-scale distribution of some of their records, which even included Nirvana’s debut album Bleach which was released in 1989 – introducing them to niche Australian markets consisting of local, young, alternative music- oriented consumers (Tatz, 2014). Melbourne-based independent record label Au-Go-Go also had a similar distribution contract with Sub Pop (Tatz, 2014). Independent record labels like Waterfront, Au- Go-Go and Phantom contributed towards creating such alternative music-oriented markets in Australia during this decade (Walker et al., 2012b).

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The 1980s boasted several legendary Sydney bands such as the Hard-Ons, Celibate Rifles, New Christs, GANGgajang and Rockmelons – who combined the DIY ethos of punk with rule-breaking, genre-defying aesthetic experimentation (Spencer & Nowara, 1993). For instance, the music of Sydney-based Rockmelons consists of catchy pop lyrics and structures over funk beats, with their signature use of the vocoder coming in now and then. Their music is characterised by multiple genre influences including electronic, dance, funk, and pop. DIY practices implemented by Rockmelons include initially recording their songs with a four-track cassette tape recorder, and then a few years later, at keyboardist Geoffrey Stapleton’s home studio (Stapleton, 1993). Additionally, they used to manage their own bookings for gigs without going through established booking agencies (Stapleton, 1993). The music video of their single ‘New Groove’ was released in 1987, which was shot in the streets of Redfern, Sydney (Rockmelons, 2012). The video is a low budget production characterised by lo-fi aesthetics, with simple camera shots and transitions, showing the band performing in a street corner and people from the neighbourhood playing and dancing to their music. They also released their debut album with Australian independent record label True Tone in 1988 (Rockmelons, 1988).

Figure 3: Music video of Rockmelon’s single ‘New Groove’ (Source: Rockmelons, 2012).

Regarding the mixing of genres of post-punk bands during the 1980s, the music of Sydney- based band the Hard-Ons who came together in 1982, is a combination of bubblegum pop, punk and metal (Stafford, 2019). Their songs are generally short, about 2 minutes in length, with easy and simple lyrics over distorted guitar riffs and fast-paced beats. All these characteristics are encapsulated in their single ‘Where did she come from?’, from their fourth album Yummy! released in 1990 from the local independent record label Waterfront records (Hard-Ons, 2019).

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The rise of FM radio stations like Sydney’s 2JJ (Double J), established in 1975 as one of the ABC’s ventures, contributed to the early development of local independent music. In 1981, 2JJ became 3JJJ (Triple J) and was in a state of upheaval as it was set to become ABC’s national youth radio network, commencing broadcasts in Melbourne before expanding to other state capital cities and then into regional areas by 1989 (Mathieson, 2000, pp. 24-25). Although this meant significant changes in the personnel, personalities and philosophy of the radio channel, Triple J’s main purpose was to focus on music from local and live music scenes in different parts of Australia, including independent and post-punk artists, more than other government-funded AM or commercial stations (Mathieson, 2000; Walker, 1996). Meanwhile, Brisbane’s 4ZZZ was established by 1976, Melbourne’s 3RRR (Triple R) in 1977, while 2XX in Canberra and 5MMM in Adelaide all launched in the mid-1970s (Walker, 1996, pp. 54-55). Baker (2019, pp. 124-125) emphasises the importance of Melbourne FM radio stations like Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) and Triple R for both the existence and development of local independent music scenes in Fitzroy and St. Kilda and mentions that these stations often live broadcasted music events like the annual St. Kilda music festival.

The explosion of independent record labels, coinciding with an increasing number of venues and FM radio stations as well as the prosperous economy in Sydney during the 1980s, meant that local post-punk bands could make a decent living on local live gig circuits without having to tour and release records overseas (Mathieson, 2000; Walker, 1996). Reminiscent of Oz rock, the live performance- dominated model was also adopted by these post-punk bands because the domestic alternative music -based niche markets were not large enough to generate significant financial earnings from the sale of records distributed by local independent record labels. Recognition of these significant historical features which include the ‘liveness’ and DIY ethos, as well as the mixing of genres and aesthetic experimentation sensibilities, allows for comparison with the present-day form of Central Sydney’s independent music scene.

Local post-punk bands, independent record labels and FM radio stations collectively contributed to the overall development of Australia’s popular music industries in the late 1980s which, at that historical moment, were going through the biggest surge they had ever experienced. It was during this time that Rock Australia Magazine (RAM) introduced an independent music chart (Walker, 1996). When independent charts were introduced in the UK, it marked the beginning of local independent music’s incorporation into the mainstream music industries. However, co-option of local post-punk soon-to-recognised-as independent artists took place slowly in Australia. As discussed

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earlier, Mathieson (2000, p. 2) states that multinational major record labels around the late 1970s and early 1980s treated Australia as just one of many markets and initially derided Australian post-punk bands as not possessing the potential to achieve commercial success. Walker et al. (2012b, pp. 122- 123) contends that major record labels’ co-option of post-punk artists backed by independent record labels, who were increasingly being recognised as independent artists, took place much more slowly and infrequently in Australia due to the comparatively small domestic market. During an interview with Murphy (2018), Lachlan R. Dale, founder of Sydney-based independent record label Art As Catharsis, remarks: . . . I’m attached to this romantic notion that, because of Australia’s vast geography and small population, musicians are forced to accept that a career in commercial music is untenable, and therefore are freed up to focus on more creative and experimental forms. Truly, I think our circumstances do open up a space for this type of, shall we say, commercially-ignorant art . . . In other words, local conditions created a scene of musicians – practitioners who maintained greater aesthetic independence because of their comparatively reduced chances of achieving mainstream commercial success. This is due to the relatively smaller domestic markets in Australia as compared to the US and UK.

The recognition and importance of Australian independent music, both as an art form as well as a commercial entity, can be measured in terms of how much it influenced both the local and international popular music industries in the late 1980s and early 1990s (Mathieson, 2000, p. 3). The birth of rooArt records in 1988 initiated the mainstream acknowledgment of independent music in Australia (Mathieson, 2000, p. 3). Sydney-based rooArt, and other similar independent record labels in operation during this time, like Hot, Waterfront, Citadel, Phantom and Au-go-go among others, were better equipped for responding to the developments and demands of grass root levels, nurturing a future for the Australian popular music industries in a way that majors could not (Baker, 2019). According to Walker (1996) and Mathieson (2000), the majors finally had to admit that these independent record labels fostered emerging talent who had the potential to break out from their local, youth-based, alternative music-oriented niche markets and make it in both the domestic and international mainstream. As Walker (1996, pp. 261-262) remarks, the majors started to invest heavily as several independent record labels by the early 1990s, who sold themselves off or sold some of their interests to survive. In some cases, major record labels also shared their distribution channels with local independent record labels. For example, rooArt had distribution contracts with major record label Polygram, then Warner Music Group and finally with Sony BMG (Walker et al., 2012b, p. 126). Furthermore, Red Eye made agreements with Polygram, Waterfront with Festival, Sony created boutique labels of their own, Mushroom continued to spawn new in-house labels, while Shock

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extended a lot of support to independent labels such as Au-go-go, Summershine, DogMeat and Half- a-Cow (Walker et al., 2012b). As a result, independent record labels that previously served either as an alternative or a pathway to major record labels started to resemble informal A & R departments for the majors (Walker et al., 2012b, p. 126).

Arguably, independent music scenes were identified in Australia as the music of local, post- punk artists supported by independent record labels in the early 1990s. Domestic and international mainstream commercial success of local independent acts such as Ratcat, The Hummingbirds, You Am I (all of whom were originally signed by rooART), The Cruel Sea (originally signed by Red Eye) and The Living End (initially signed by another Australian independent record label called Reprise Records) justified the co-option of their music into mainstream domestic and international markets as instigated by major record labels, who categorised them within the broad categories of indie (Mathieson, 2000). For example, Ratcat was among the first Australian bands to be categorised as Australian indie (The Music Vault, 2019). The 3-piece band performed a mixture of pop and rock-styled songs with energetic punk-styled fast guitar riffs and beats (The Music Vault, 2019). Ratcat achieved some level of domestic commercial success with their albums Tingles (1990) and Blind Love (1991), while they were signed with rooArt (The Music Vault, 2019). Incidentally, they managed to co-headline the inaugural Big Day Out in Sydney in 1992, alongside Nirvana and Yothu Yindi (Walker et al., 2012b, p. 126).20 For a brief period in between the 1990s and early-2000s, these Australian ‘indie’ artists (some of whom were categorised as ‘alternative’ during that time) became prominent both on the home front as well as in other larger international markets.

Figure 4: Vinyl of Ratcat’s Blind Love (1991) from rooArt (Source: The Music Vault, 2019).

20 The Big Day Out was the biggest annual alternative music and youth culture festival held in Australia during the 1990s (Law, 2014). Typically organised in the summer and hosted in major cities such as Sydney, Melbourne, Gold Coast, Adelaide, Perth and Auckland in New Zealand, the Big Day Out underwent some changes of ownership before hosting its last gig in 2014 (Law, 2014).

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Since the 1990s till recently, local emerging and independent musicians had ongoing support from certain institutions like Triple J, festivals, and AIR. Triple J is known for facilitating national exposure to numerous local independent artists. One of its key projects, which came into fruition in 1995, was Triple J Unearthed (2019). This project, which still exists today, aims to discover, and support local talent from Australian regional areas. Through Unearthed, as well as its overall wide broadcast reach, Triple J functions as a conveyor belt for local talent – notably launching the careers of local independent artists like Missy Higgins and The Young and the Restless (Harvey, 2013). This suggests that Triple J can be the gateway for local and emerging independent artists and bands to achieve commercial success, as its national coverage can provide exposure and lead to major record label contracts. Annual festivals such as the Big Day Out and Homebake also provided exposure to developing local independent acts during the 1990s (Mathieson, 2000). The Australian Independent Record Labels Association (AIR), previously known as Association of Independent Record Labels, was established in 1996 (AIR, 2015d). AIR is a non-profit, non-government association dedicated to supporting the nurturing and development of Australia’s independent recording sector and to fostering a marketplace for local and emerging independent record labels and artists. To acknowledge the musical contributions of these local artists, AIR annually coordinates independent music awards, where part of the eligibility criteria states that all nominees must be Australian, their music must either be self-released or released via an Australian independent record label, although it can be distributed by a major as long as the master recordings are either owned by the nominee or by the independent record label (AIR, 2015c, 2015e). Contemporary Australian independent artists such as Flume, Vance Joy (AIR, 2015a), Dan Sultan and Violent Soho (AIR, 2015b) have all benefitted from winning AIR independent music awards, gaining recognition and commercial success in domestic markets as well as in select international ones.

Academic literature based on historical narratives regarding independent music, as discussed in Chapter 1, identifies some characteristics of independent music practices, that is, practices somewhat independent of those associated with the mainstream music industries. For example, such literature shows that independent music is referred to as the music of artists who work with local independent record labels (Hracs, 2015; Shuker, 2017, pp. 15-16). Radio Birdman, the Laughing Clowns, the Hard-Ons, Rockmelons and Ratcat were all initially signed with Sydney-based independent record labels. Variations of a punk-inspired DIY ethos is also emphasised as one of the characteristics of practising independence (Avery-Natale, 2016; A. Bennett, 2018). Punk band Radio Birdman and post-punk band the Laughing Clowns’ DIY ethos-based practices of independence included booking

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their own gigs and not going through established booking agencies, and often promoting their gigs via posters and flyers produced and distributed by themselves. Rockmelons followed similar DIY practices of booking and promoting their gigs, and they also recorded their music themselves at a home studio. Another characteristic of independent music practice includes crossing-over of genre boundaries, mixing different musical styles and often creating hybrid genres (Hesmondhalgh, 1999; Reynolds, 2005). The Laughing Clowns’ music has been described as ‘jazz-punk’, Rockmelons’ songs are a mixture of pop, funk and dance while the Hard-Ons’ music is a blend of pop, punk and metal. Records of independent artists are also known to be co-opted by major record labels when they are deemed to possess a potential for commercial success in mainstream markets, where they are often categorised as indie (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014). Even though Australian indie band Ratcat were originally with Sydney-based independent record label Waterfront records, they moved on to rooArt (which had distribution agreements with major record labels) as they gained popularity and mainstream recognition, before their albums were picked up by Sony BMG (Ratcat, 2019). Surveying the history of Australian popular music reveals that multiple variants of independent music existed in this country since the late 1970s, each adopting different configurations of independent practices.

Even though it is difficult to gauge exactly when the Central Sydney independent music scene emerged, participants of this study agree that it came into being around the 1990s. Davies, Matthew, and Sage explain that since then, this local independent music scene comprises practitioners who maintain aesthetic independence via different independent practices, characterised by live performances and independent record label affiliations, as well as a type of DIY ethos and aesthetic experimentation sensibilities. As discussed earlier, the scene is made up of a community of practitioners of who emphasise live performance and aesthetic independence over mainstream market imperatives, make sense since chances of achieving mainstream commercial success have generally been relatively less for independent artists from Australia compared to their counterparts in the USA or UK, due to the country’s comparatively smaller domestic markets (Murphy, 2018; Walker et al., 2012b).

Australia’s Oz rock, punk and post-punk music cultures are the traditional roots of the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene. An exploration of the historical narratives surrounding these cultures, then, contributes towards explaining what is unique about Central Sydney’s independent music scene. The next section, about the Central Sydney independent music scene, precisely addresses this and discusses what kind of an independent music scene it is.

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The Central Sydney independent music scene: Intention and Community With the above-mentioned variations of independent practices having already existed throughout the cultural history of Australian popular music since the late 1970s, perhaps primarily because of low expectations of achieving mainstream commercial success due to the comparatively small size of the Australian domestic markets, this section describes the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene. It outlines a form of independent music within a world where there can be multiple possibilities for what it means and what form it takes. Acknowledging the variability, this section explores localised practices of scene members and institutions, which collectively represent a version of independent music that is the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene. This section aims to empirically illustrate how influences from past legacies, including live performances suggestive of Oz rock and punk roots and cross-genre aesthetic experimentations reminiscent of punk and post-punk heritage, play out in the contemporary scene. Importantly then, this is a study about a contemporary independent music scene in Central Sydney showing how independence can vary and how certain characteristics and conditions in certain combinations can be found when a study is done in a particular time and place.

Based on participant observations, textual analyses and anecdotal conversations with individuals during my fieldwork conducted between 2017 and 2019, this contemporary scene comprises a close-knit, networked community of like-minded members, institutions and infrastructures that encompass local musicians, DJs, venues, promoters, booking agencies, local boutique alcohol brands, independent record labels, record stores, FM radio stations, offline and online street press-styled publications, and digital music and online communication technologies – all cooperatively involved with music produced and distributed independently of the mainstream music industry conventions. The scene today and practices of its members, are shaped by local, historical, social, cultural, political, and economic conditions. These local conditions are, to some extent, informed by context-specific circumstances associated with its precursors. That is, the present-day Central Sydney independent music scene continue to resemble the historic Oz rock, punk and post- punk formations.

Income from their scene-based music-making practices is not enough to fund their livelihoods. Their aspirations are not about seeking financial profit and breaking even is considered a sufficient goal, because they are content if these proceeds cover some of the direct financial expenses associated with scene participation. Description and analysis of how Central Sydney independents

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practice independence within the scene while constructing funding for their livelihood are elaborated in Chapter 3.

Live music venues and gigs Live music performances are both a common outlet of music-related creative expression, as well as an avenue to generate a modest income for independent musicians within the scene. For example, Giovanni states: I have been performing live in Sydney for over two decades. It doesn’t pay much. But it is the most common activity that every Sydney musician is engaged with. They have to be. I mean how do you become a part of a scene if you don’t perform live on stage? Johnson remarks, ‘I play live with my band almost every weekend. I mean, we love it! I think the fun of playing live is definitely one of I reasons why I persevere with my band.’ These independents choose live performance as the locus of their scene. As discussed, this is a feature that extends back to Australia’s rich history of Oz rock, punk, and post-punk music. Music Australia21 estimates that club and pub-based live music events generate up to AUD 1.2 billion per annum in the national economy (Music Australia, 2018a). This is despite many recent pressures impacting its operations including gentrification and high costs associated with hosting live music gigs (Music Australia, 2018b). The Federal Government, in partnership with APRA AMCO22, established The Live Music Office in 2013, to review the impact of policy frameworks on this sector while identifying and advocating for better planning, licensing and regulatory policies (Live Music Office, 2018). It also works on cultural, audience and market development strategies across the country in several cities and regions (Live Music Office, 2018). It aims to effectively increase opportunities for the music across Australia. In Central Sydney, live music performances typically take place in pubs, clubs, bars, and live music venues on Fridays or Saturdays, although some venues also host live music on weeknights like Wednesdays or Thursdays. My observations suggest that average attendance at these gigs usually ranges from 50 to 200 people depending on the venue capacity and the popularity of the bands playing.

21 Music Australia is a 50-member national umbrella and peak advocacy body providing information, resources, advocacy, and projects to advance all aspects of Australian music. 22 The Australasian Performing Rights Association Limited (APRA) was established in 1926, to manage performance and communication rights of its members over the radio, television, online and live performances, while the Australasian Mechanical Copyright Owners Society Limited (AMCOS) was established in 1979 to manage royalties associated with reproduction or copying and storage of music in different formats, including songs and compositions owned by record labels or other parties, to sell them as CDs, DVDs, online and for usage in radio and television programs (APRA AMCOS, 2018). APRA and AMCOS merged to become one organisation in 1997, and APRA AMCOS is a music rights organisation representing over 95,000 members who are songwriters, composers and music publishers, and are responsible for licencing organisations to play, perform, copy, record or make their members’ music accessible, and distribute royalties to their members (APRA AMCOS, 2018). SHAMS QUADER 75

Central Sydney has some large, medium, and small-sized venues which regularly host live music. The larger venues, with a full capacity ranging from approximately 1000 to 2000 people when standing, generally host both local talent as well as international artists. Such venues include the Sydney Opera House (Circular Quay), The Factory Theatre (Marrickville), Enmore Theatre (Newtown), The Forum (Moorepark), and Metro Theatre (Sydney CBD23). Medium-sized venues, with varying capacities ranging from 300 to 800 people include Town Hall Hotel (a.k.a ‘The Townie’, Newtown), The Lansdowne Hotel (Chippendale), Oxford Art Factory (Surry Hills), Marlborough Hotel (Newtown), The Bald Faced Stag (Leichhardt), The Basement (Circular Quay), The Red Rattler Theatre (Marrickville), and Manning Bar (Camperdown), Annandale Hotel (Annandale), SlyFox (Enmore), Golden Barley Hotel (Enmore), Coopers Hotel (Newtown), The Bank Hotel (Newtown), Newtown Hotel (Newtown), The Vic on the Park (Marrickville) and The Newtown Social Club (Newtown). The latter was previously called The Sandringham Hotel (a.k.a ‘The Sando’) and has recently closed permanently. Finally, smaller venues with capacities ranging from 50 to 250 people include 107 Projects (Redfern), Brighton Up Bar (Darlinghurst), LazyBones lounge (Marrickville), Frankies Pizza by the Slice (CBD), Civic Underground (at the Civic Hotel, CBD), Rock Lily (at the Star Hotel, Sydney in Darling Harbour), Soda Factory (Surry Hills), Petersham Bowling Club (Petersham), Marrickville Bowling Club (Marrickville), Leadbelly (Newtown, which was previously called The Vanguard), Union Hotel (Newtown), Botany View Hotel (Newtown), The Imperial (Erskineville), Erskineville ‘Erko’ Hotel (Erskineville), Midnight Special (Enmore), Kittyhawk (CBD), Venue 505 (Surry Hills), Camelot Lounge (Sydenham), Freda’s (Chippendale), The Hideaway Bar (Enmore), Gasoline Pony (Marrickville), MoshPit (Erskineville), The Alpha House Artist Cooperative (Newtown), The Newsagency (Marrickville), Blacksheep (Newtown), Ching-a-Lings (Darlinghurst), and Record Crate (Glebe).

Live gigs or residencies are usually organised and promoted by the venues themselves. The venue owner or manager generally books acts by contacting artists directly, although sometimes they may also coordinate with local booking agents. For example, during a conversation with Craig Peterson, owner of LazyBones lounge and bar in Marrickville in 2017, he informed me that he usually gets in touch with bands himself, or his venue manager does, to organise performers for the regular live gigs which take place at this venue often seven days a week. Peterson sometimes also contacts one musician for a gig, and it is up to this musician to organise with other musicians in preparation for the performance. For some of the comparatively bigger events, he often collaborates with local booking agents such as YOUR MATE bookings, who get in touch with artists per the event’s

23 Sydney CBD referring to Sydney’s Central Business District. SHAMS QUADER 76

requirements. YOUR MATE is the booking agency of booking agent and promoter Anthony Blayney, which specialises in the touring and managing of local artists of different genres including stoner, psychedelic, post-rock, progressive rock, and doom metal (Blayney, 2019b). The Lazybones hosts live music of different genres but is especially known for booking local independent artists who play aesthetically experimental music, jazz, soul, folk, and rock. Clicking through the gigs section of their website, I discovered a Sydney-based group known as the Fat Possum Orchestra scheduled to perform at the LazyBones lounge in February 2020 (Fat Possum Orchestra, 2020). This group’s music is described as ‘reggae, ska, jazz and funk-tinged with some Afro-Latin fusion’ – demonstrating genre diversity in the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene.

Figure 5: A live gig at the LazyBones lounge, Marrickville (Source: Photo by Author, 2017).

Payne, Simpson, and McGuire mention that they often performed at open-mic gigs when they started. The open-mic format generally refers to a type of gig where the performer line-up is not predetermined. Local musicians or bands can approach the venue manager or gig organiser for a slot to perform (For instance, see Figure 6). I visited such a gig on a Wednesday night in 2017 hosted at the aforementioned Newtown Townhall Hotel, also known as ‘The Townie’, at Newtown, where McGuire performed with her band Ostrich Legs (pseudonym) among a line-up which included 5 other bands. Ostrich Legs was made up of McGuire playing the clarinet, a male guitarist cum vocalist, a female bass guitarist, and a male drummer. They played original folk and rock-styled music which, as they announced, included some work-in-progress numbers that needed polish. Entry to the gig was free. My fellow audience members, approximately 50 strong, appeared to enjoy the performance. They would generously cheer after each song while having a drink or two. Many members of the crowd were having pub dinners. The live performances ended at around 10 P.M., which was understandable

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for this area during a weeknight. After members of the final band got off the stage and packed their gear, they mingled with their friends and other audience members for drinks and conversations – which was the norm throughout the evening.

Details from my above fieldnote excerpt illustrates some of the distinctive characteristics that reoccur throughout the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene. For instance, based on their clothing styles and attitudes, both performers and audience members connoted middle-class socio-economic backgrounds. Most attendees present also seemed to know each other. This close- knit community of performers and audiences was not youth-centric either as most individuals seemed to be in their mid to late 20s or older. The 10:00 P.M. conclusion contributed to a toned-down space for music and social networking as opposed to one for hedonistic nightlife. Sales of alcoholic beverages and food represent an income-generating avenue for the venue hosting the live music event. Music of all performing bands demonstrated genre diversity by traversing multiple genres and styles, and their sound featured a kind of lo-fi, amateurish vibe.

Figure 6: Facebook page of Open-mic gig series at The Townie (Source: The Townie, 2019).

Josh Shipton, of Josh Shipton and The Blue Eyed Ravens (one of the three bands he is engaged with), organises a gig series known as The Sideshow of Soloists at The Townie (Newtown). Shipton’s idea behind this gig series is to build a community of performers and audience members through original song writing and live performance (Shipton, 2019a). These gigs are free entry – that is, there is no admission fee, all-inclusive of ages, genders, genres, and levels of experience (Shipton, 2019a). Based on attending a couple of gigs from this series, I found that about 50 to 70 audience members typically go to this monthly event. Performers do not get paid for this gig, but they are provided an opportunity to showcase their musical talents (Shipton, 2019a). It is primarily a platform for up-and- coming local musicians to hone their skills and develop their music and reputations. The way this event

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operates illustrates all-inclusive community-building and non-commercial focus, as well as voluntary gifting of time by everyone involved.

Figure 7: Josh Shipton and The Blue Eyed Ravens performing at The Townie as a part of The Sideshow of Soloists gig (Source: The Townie, 2020).

Some of the more art-centric live music performances take place at 107 Projects. The 107 Projects is a non-profit and essentially volunteer-run organization, which provides two floors worth of multidisciplinary creative space available to artists, musicians, poets and other creative individuals, to flourish, establish and showcase their talents (107 Projects, 2016a). Located on 107 Redfern Street, in Redfern, 107 Projects serve as a platform for public engagement and social enrichment through the arts (107 Projects, 2016a).

Recently being hosted at the 107 Projects is ‘the NOW now’ festival. This is a community- based, artist-run initiative being organised since 2001, with the annual festival being held every January and bi-monthly concert series taking place throughout the year (The NOW now, 2019). Usually held over 3 consecutive days, the NOW now festival provides a diverse platform for exploratory and improvised music (The NOW now, 2019). The NOW now 2016 festival, which took place between January 18 and 23, marked the first time the coordinators received no corporate sponsors and the festival was organised primarily by donations from community members.24 The ticket price for that year was AUD 15 per night, AUD 35 for the three-day pass and AUD 60 for the Festival Pass (107 Projects, 2016b). These ticket prices are relatively cheap when compared to those of more

24 Like how the romantic artists received patronage from the rich members of the society in late 19th-century Europe. SHAMS QUADER 79

mainstream music festivals such as St. Jerome’s Laneway Festival (St. Jerome's Laneway Festival, 2020). Reiss, who with his band Flowery Patterns (pseudonym) are regular performers at this festival, states that the performing musicians at the NOW now 2016 festival all agreed to play for a split of the money generated from ticket sales, after the venue and other logistical costs were met, and that this model of funding by donors and sharing of door charge earnings has been implemented since 2016. It demonstrates the scene members’ drive towards keeping the Central Sydney independent music scene economically accessible and maintain the spirit of independence related to limited commerciality.

Gigs are typically financed by the venues, with some instances of sponsorships from local businesses, especially alcohol brands. They are also supported by other local organisations, and sometimes by local government councils. Figure 8 shows an example of the former – an instance where live music venue Petersham Bowling Club is sponsored by local beer company Young Henrys. Young Henrys is a local hand-crafted beer company, brewery and tasting bar operating at Newtown, Sydney since 2012 and their brewing philosophy includes using local ingredients while reducing adverse impacts on the environment (Young Henrys, 2018). Not only are Young Henrys brews staple at the majority of the pubs in Sydney’s inner west and inner city areas, but they are also big supporters of local music, often sponsoring local live music gigs, festivals, and radio shows (Young Henrys, 2018). This demonstrates that Young Henrys tries to tie into the local community, that they are a local brewery supporting community music and events, and are proud of their different ‘non-mainstream’ beers for those who want to experiment with new tastes (Young Henrys, 2019).

Figure 8: Website of Petersham Bowling Club, a popular local live music venue (Source: PBC, 2018). SHAMS QUADER 80

Closely associated with local craft beer brands like Young Henrys, are event management companies like The Music and Booze Company and media houses such as On to it Media. The Music and Booze Company (2018) organises local music, alcohol, and food-related events and festivals, while On to it Media (2018) specialises in collaborating between local musicians, venues, sponsors and gig promotions, and promote music and alcohol companies as well as venues, pubs and clubs via multimedia advertisement and public relation campaigns.

Central Sydney independent musicians also take part in local community music festivals such as the Newtown festival, which is backed by both the Inner West council as well as the City of Sydney (Newtown Festival, 2019). Originally starting in 1978, this festival celebrated its 40th anniversary in 2018 (Langford, 2018). The Newtown Festival is a non-profit, one-day event of music, markets and food, serving primarily as a fundraiser initiative for the Newtown Neighbourhood Centre, where the proceeds contribute towards helping people at risk of homelessness in the inner west (Newtown Festival's 40th Anniversary, 2018). The fundraising initiative behind organising this festival, and the fact that bands do not charge for performing – exemplifies features like community priority as well as non-commercial economy that characterise the Central Sydney independent music scene.

The promotion of live gigs primarily takes place via online social networking platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube. For instance, Figure 9 shows the Facebook event page of a gig titled House of the Holy hosted at the Lansdowne Hotel, promoted by both booking agency YOUR MATES, and the official Facebook page of the venue. Additionally, limited posters and flyers are also printed and disseminated by the venue to promote their events. Figure 10 serves as an example. The aesthetics of this poster signify underground vibes and the title of this gig may be interpreted as a homage to the album Houses of the Holy by legendary English rock band Led Zeppelin (1973). The poster additionally reveals that this event is backed by The Grifter Brewing Company. Like Young Henrys, such local brewing companies attempt to bring together the community by supporting local music. Adams, Reiss, Davies, and Nicholson mention that they have often put up posters and distributed flyers promoting their gigs and organised the sale of their records and merchandise at the venue on the day of the event.

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Figure 9: Facebook event promoting the gig House of the Holy hosted at the Lansdowne hotel (Source: YOUR MATE Bookings, 2019).

Figure 10: Poster promoting gig House of the Holy hosted at the Lansdowne Hotel (Source: SEIMS, 2019a).

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There is a dedicated Facebook public group for promoting gigs at Sydney’s live music venues known as ‘I Want Live Music Venues – So I Go To Gigs’ (Elbourne, 2019a), where the main group rule states that all posts must include gig or event-related information (Elbourne, 2019b). Leyne Elbourne, the creator and administrator of this group, was inspired to open this Facebook-based public forum after the closure of the Hopetoun Hotel in October 2009 (Elbourne, 2014). Elbourne (2014) explains that venues need to make money from their sales of food and beverages, and door charges, to cover the logistical expenses of hosting live music. She remarks that if people do not attend live gigs and venues do not make enough revenues, then they stop putting on live music gigs (Elbourne, 2014). This group is a platform where local musicians can promote their live gigs after joining as a member and be updated about Sydney live music gigs and venues. Elbourne’s (2019a) creation and administering of this Facebook page seems to be a form of activism to keep a community of musicians and enthusiasts alive and in turn attempt to boost an economy that is not commercial but of inherent value.

Even though the Central Sydney independent musicians generally perform and organise live gigs in pubs and live music venues these days, they also sometimes perform in temporary, unofficial or semi-legal spaces like warehouses, closed-down buildings, garages, backyards, living rooms – activities which were quite commonplace in Sydney from the late 1970s to the 1990s (Bennett & Rogers, 2016). These temporary venues host small to medium-sized and guest list-limited (i.e. ‘secret’ or ‘invite-only’) live music gigs, drawing an average attendance of 30 to 200 people, who usually pay about AUD 15-AUD 20 for admission and can bring their own alcohol (even though wine and tea are sometimes provided). For example, I attended an invite-only gig at the Alpha House as a part of my fieldwork.

The Alpha House Artist Cooperative is a non-profit, charity organisation that provides a community venue, studio, art gallery and artist living space located in Erskineville, just a 5-minute walk from St. Peter’s railway station. Alpha House is for community-minded creative artists including painters, photographers, musicians, writers, and performance artists, who get the opportunity to hone their skills while being provided with affordable housing in the inner city. The residents live according to the international co-operative rules, and get a chance to apply for housing privileges should a room become available, through a vetting process which includes attending at least two Alpha House general meetings, prove that they are a practising artist, submission of their portfolio and being interviewed by a panel of Alpha House members (Alpha House Gallery, 2016). Other local artists are also welcomed to apply for exhibition/performance rights and can rent the Alpha House

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Gallery space for exhibitions, small live performances or make use of the in-house studio for a small fee. Monthly or bi-monthly music performances are usually organized at the gallery space which can accommodate roughly 30 people, who are invited via the website’s mailing list or their official Facebook page. The performances are predominantly acoustic, which results in providing a rich sound inside the venue. The invite-only gig I attended at The Alpha House on 18 May 2017 showcased the performance of a five-piece independent jazz ensemble called the Monday Club. There was a door charge of AUD 15 (AUD 10 for Alpha House members). The audience comprised about 30 people, with ages ranging from 30 to 60-years old. The Monday Club’s performance consisted of two approximately 40-minute sets, on either side of a dinner break.

The ‘invite-only’ nature of this gig represents niche-oriented appeal reminiscent of independent music exclusivity and the ‘cool’ factor mentioned in Chapter 1. The choice of venue is about implementing less-than-commercial community spaces, which, when coupled with the cheap price of admission, connote a grassroots-level, collaborative, low-cost economy. The gig’s organizers provided homemade soup, bread, and mulled wine, along with regular wine, all AUD 5 per serving – representative of lo-fi food and shared homespun aesthetics. All the proceedings went to the performers showing the organisers ethical commitment towards backing local musicians, albeit a small portion kept by the venue for logistical expenses, connoting their lack of interest in massive commercial profits.

Figure 11: The Monday Club performing at the Alpha House (Source: Photo by Author, 2017).

Organisations such as Brand X (2018c) particularly focus on mobilising gigs at closed-down or soon to be renovated buildings, converting them into temporary venues. Brand X is a ‘run by artists for artists’ non-profit arts organisation operating since 2005, who specialise in re-purposing underutilised properties in Sydney, into spaces where artists can practice and exhibit their craft (Brand SHAMS QUADER 84

X, 2018b). They work collaboratively with property developers, landlords, and local governments to transform empty spaces into art, dance, theatre and music rehearsal studios, as well as spaces for visual arts exhibition, theatre and live music performance, creative retail and business start-up communities (Brand X, 2018b, 2018c). Brand X is supported by the NSW government via Create NSW, as well as the City of Sydney, inner west council and TWT property group. Some examples of their projects include the TWT creative precinct which involves the activation of many vacant commercial buildings on Atchison street in St. Leonards, the East Sydney Community and Arts Centre which is a rehearsal facility and performance space housed inside a two-storey building on the corner of Burton and Palmer streets in Darlinghurst and the Tempe Jets Music Business Hub, which includes a temporary office, networking space, music rehearsal studio, as well as a stage for live performances located at the old Tempe Jets Sports Club in Tempe (Brand X, 2018a). Live music gigs at the Tempe Jets Sports Club generally accommodate about 50 to 100 people.

Figure 12: SPIRAL performing at the Tempe Jets Sports Cub (Source: SPIRAL, 2019).

The Berkshire Hunting Club’s secret warehouse gig (Stevenson, 2019) and Carpe Noctem The Gathering (The-bacon-Emporium, 2019) are examples of warehouse gigs and parties, respectively. Live music gigs like The Berkshire Hunting Club’s secret warehouse gig are often organised by what Critchley (2017, p. 5) theorises as artist-run initiatives, that is, they are organised by the performing artists themselves. Parties featuring live DJs like Carpe Noctem The Gathering are generally organised by promoters like The-bacon-Emporium. Such gigs/parties generally attract about 100 to 200 people. These events hosted at warehouses like Dirty Shirlow’s storage facility, are convenient for the organisers because the sound from the inside does not travel to the neighbouring residential areas. As a result, there are fewer chances of receiving noise complaints, which is often the case at some Central Sydney live music venues. Alcohol is not legally sold at these warehouse events because

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obtaining a permit is expensive and bureaucratically cumbersome. Instead, BYOB (bring your own bottle) applies, while light snacks are sold sometimes (Foreground Music, 2019). If it is a ‘secret’ event then the promoters only release limited information from their Facebook page or platform, like for example, the date, the general area where it will take place, who will be playing, ticket price and link for its online purchase (Foreground Music, 2019). Then on the morning of the day, the venue is revealed on their Facebook page or messaged to the audience member (Harris, 2015).25

Based on my observation, the atmosphere at warehouse gigs/parties is more informal than events at live music venues, because the performers hardly stay on the designated performance area. There is usually no stage, as the performers and the audience members navigate the same concrete floor. The performers perform across the whole venue, from the rafters to the couches and bean bags, extending their stage acts to include audience members while closely interacting with them during the whole show. There is more direct interaction with audience members at warehouse gigs, than in other live music venues (Critchley, 2017). This is reminiscent of the scene’s Oz rock and punk traditions and signifies community belonging. It is significantly in contrast with the kind of producer-consumer interaction at mainstream gigs, where the performers are generally separated from the fans by a wall, security guards, and a high stage. Furthermore, such lack of producer-consumer distinction is very different from strategies of star-making and marketing of star personalities implemented by the mainstream music industries.

Figure 13: Sydney band The Berkshire Hunting Club performing at the Dirty Shirlow’s (Source: Hopley, 2019).

25 Warehouse gigs as semi-legal, alternative cultural spaces hold a position within the historical narratives of Australian popular music, which music journalist Jimi Kritzler (2014) terms the ‘ugly Australian underground’. A nuanced academic study of this phenomenon has been conducted by Critchley (2017). SHAMS QUADER 86

One reason for performing in these legally ambiguous locales is the highly regulated live music environment in present-day Sydney. This contrasts with Sydney’s music-related milieu in the 1970s, where government regulations were much relaxed and issues such as crowds surpassing venue capacity, sound decibel-level checking, and noise complaints were not strictly monitored. Members of the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene must negotiate with several conditions, including government intervention strategies aimed at mediating Sydney’s culture, transformed traditional live music and entertainment precincts due to ongoing urban gentrification driven by million-dollar housing and business developments, the change in resident demographics and the closure of several traditionally iconic live venues (Earp, 2017b). This is an example of deliberately attempting to keep the spirit of independent music alive in a certain way. Such issues are discussed in more detail in Chapter 4.

Independent record labels and stores Even though live music is a major part of the Central Sydney independent music scene, recorded music is also important. Scene members primarily use home recording studio setups and digital audio workstations to record their music. Recording at home studios are practices reminiscent of the scene’s post-punk predecessor. However, digital audio workstations coupled with advanced and portable recording equipment mean that contemporary home recording studios can produce high-quality versatile sounds. Independent record labels are one avenue through which their recorded music is distributed.

Central Sydney independent record labels include Red Eye records and Black Wire records. The latter used to be a brick-and-mortar record shop and live performance venue in Annandale before it permanently closed in 2017, even though it still operates as a record label and an online record shop. Currently, prominent local independent record labels include Art As Catharsis, Rice is Nice and Hospital Hill.

The way Art As Catharsis records operate exemplifies how such local independent record labels run and contribute to the Central Sydney independent music scene. Art As Catharsis represents several Central Sydney independent artists and makes an important contribution towards supporting not only the scene, but its tendency towards aesthetic experimentation. Founder Lachlan R. Dale states that the label works with local independent artists encompassing a wide range of genres including progressive metal, noise, psychedelic, post-rock and experimental jazz, and the label’s

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primary goal is to disseminate original, aesthetically experimental music to niche audience members (Murphy, 2018). This is significant because cross-genre aesthetic experimentation is one of the hallmarks of the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene shaped by local punk and post-punk heritage – local traditions which are a precursor to the current scene. Art As Catharsis maintains independent distribution channels (that is, distribution channels independent of major record labels) which they developed over the years, while also collaborating with other independent record labels such as FALSExIDOL records, Lesstalk records, Life.Lair.Regret. records, Black Wire records and share each other’s distribution networks (Art As Catharsis Records, 2019). This shows that this label is more concerned with collaboration rather than competition with other similar independent record labels.

Art As Catharsis records’ roster is quite wide-ranging including established independents as well as emerging artists (Art As Catharsis Records Bandcamp profile, 2019). They are especially supportive of local, up-and-coming independents (Murphy, 2018). Several anecdotal conversations with emerging musicians at local gigs suggest that Dale is known to invite artists to sign with Art As Catharsis from open-mic events and other free, all-inclusive fora rather than signing a ‘star’ in a more mainstream sense.

Dale stresses that their business model is not solely profit-driven but is more concerned with making enough money to sustain their label, while also being ethically, socially, and politically conscious (Murphy, 2018). Anecdotal conversations with musicians at local gigs suggest that Art As Catharsis has a good reputation in the Central Sydney independent music scene because this attempts to ensure that their profits do not come at the expense of artist remunerations and they do not keep a huge commission and pay the recording artists as fairly as possible. From a conversation with local independent musician Simeon Bartholomew, whose progressive rock band SEIMS is signed with Art As Catharsis, I got to know that the label attempts to balance their business strategies by maintaining a portfolio of artists in their roster, that is, by earning revenues from established artists while taking risks with their developing counterparts. This strategy is employed by other independent labels such as those in Poland empirically articulated by the work of Galuszka and Wyrzykowska (2016). Their study conducted in 2013, reveals that small and medium independent record labels in Poland negotiate adverse domestic market conditions by signing a variety of local artists in hopes that at least some of their music would attain viable commercial success to a certain degree (Galuszka & Wyrzykowska, 2016, p. 37). Such Polish independent record labels choose this strategy rather than

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identifying one future star and investing on that artist’s development, to reduce financial uncertainties surrounding the latter scenario (Galuszka & Wyrzykowska, 2016, p. 37).

Another example of Art As Catharsis’ ethical priorities versus commercial success is that this independent record label is also not keen on hurting the environment by wasting paper and other materials, as all their releases are on different digital formats, with only a limited number of physical records and merchandise made available for serious collectors (Art As Catharsis Records Bandcamp profile, 2019).

Record stores within the Central Sydney area include Red Eye records (CBD), The Record Crate (which is a small record shop plus live music venue in Glebe), Revolve records & relics (Erskineville), Mojo record bar (CBD), Repressed records (Newtown), Lawson’s records (CBD), Egg records (Newtown), Utopia records (CBD), Hum records (Newtown) and Vintage records (Annandale). My field observations anecdotally suggest that such record stores do not exclusively sell records by independent record labels. They variably stock music from majors as well with their records split 50/50 with independents. This is an indication that the Central Sydney independent music scene is not commercially viable and some forms of link to the mainstream are necessary.

Media institutions Just as record stores provide a local network for the distribution of recordings, there are some important local media institutions, such as radio stations and press, which support the scene, not unlike its predecessors. Such media institutions do so by giving independent music-related content airtime and coverage, effectively performing a marketing function. Important radio stations include the national public broadcast stations Triple J (105.7 FM in NSW) alongside local stations FBi (94.5 FM), 2RRR (88.5 FM) and 2SER (107.3 FM). Sydney’s Double J was established in 1975, but was renamed Triple J in 1981, before beginning to broadcast nationally from 1989 (Mathieson, 2000; Walker, 1996). FBi is a local independent radio station that first aired in 2003, specialising in promoting Australian music, arts, and youth culture with a special focus on Sydney artists (Fbi Radio, 2018). It is licensed to cover the whole of Sydney (Fbi Radio, 2018). 2SER is also a community radio station, jointly owned by the University of Technology Sydney and Macquarie University, which began to air from 1979 and is licensed to cover the Greater Sydney Metropolitan Area - which spans from the north to the Central Coast, to the Blue Mountains in the west and Wollongong in the south (2SER Radio, 2017). Finally, 2RRR is another community radio station that debuted in 1984 (2RRR, 2019a). Its license covers

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Sydney suburbs Ryde, Hunters Hill, Gladesville and Eastwood (2RRR, 2019a). Besides broadcasting on their FM frequencies, all these stations are also available online via their websites and on apps.

There is an unspoken hierarchy between these radio stations that are directly proportional to their reach. Triple J, as a national public broadcast station, sits atop this ladder to be followed by FBi, 2SER and 2RRR. Local radio stations like FBi, 2SER and 2RRR are very supportive of Central Sydney independents. All these radio stations’ programming features independent music in some form or the other. Based on my observation and analysis, corroborated by anecdotal conversations with musicians and enthusiasts at live gigs and record shops, radio stations Triple J and FBi that take up the top part of the ladder usually feature independent music – the aesthetics of which incline towards the more mainstream versions of the indie genre discussed in Chapter 1. Radio stations 2SER and 2RRR, at the bottom rungs, generally feature more genre diverse and aesthetically experimental independent music – characteristic of the Central Sydney independent music scene. This shows that airtime of local radio stations is shared by variations of both independent and mainstream artists. Perhaps this sharing of airtime also indicates that independent artists are somewhat dependent on the mainstream music industries.

To offer a sense of how such FM radio stations operate and contribute to the scene, here is a brief description of 2RRR based on my field visit there, when radio announcer Natalie Smith invited me for an interview on her show Sydney Sounds on 15 July 2017. Smith remarks that the station requires that all its crew must become volunteer members of this organisation. Smith has been working as a volunteer radio announcer at this radio station for more than 7 years, ever since she took a training program as part of a professional course about radio broadcasting. Being a community radio station, 2RRR is funded by sponsorships from local businesses such as Guitar Factory Gladesville, The Bayview Hotel, Cactus imaging, The Eastwood Club among others, and by financial contributions from its members (2RRR, 2019b). They are a non-profit organisation, and the revenue generated is invested back into sustaining the station (2RRR, 2019a). Their mission is to broadcast diverse and unique programs for the local community, by the people of the community (2RRR, 2019c). The announcers and producers at 2RRR are ethically, socially, and politically conscious as their content must comply with the Community Broadcasting Code of Conduct which compels them, and other member community radio stations, not to: broadcast material which may stereotype, incite, vilify, or perpetuate hatred against, or attempt to demean any person or group on the basis of ethnicity, nationality, race, gender, sexual preference, religion, age or physical or mental disability. (2RRR - Mission Statement, 2019).

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2RRR do not have to follow commercial radio and mainstream music market imperatives, because it is a community radio station and not a commercial one. Program producers and radio announcers at this station are supportive of local independent artists. Smith explains that she receives demos from both emerging and established independent musicians regularly. If she likes and approves their music, then songs of such artists receive airtime at this station. Adams, Bushra and Simpson mention that radio announcers and producers at 2RRR are always eager to promote their bands, play their songs and publicize their gigs on their radio shows.

Figure 14, 15, 16: From left to right: Photo in front of 2RRR station at Gladesville; Photo with Natalie Smith; Photo inside 2RRR station office where street press magazines like The Music and The BRAG is seen (Source: Photo by Author, 2017).

Regarding influential offline and online press, several research participants mentioned following The Drum Media street press during their early years. In 2013 Sydney and Perth’s The Drum Media, along with Melbourne’s Inpress and Brisbane’s Time Off, were rebranded under one name as ‘The Music’ published by Street Press Australia (Bella, 2013). The Music follows a magazine format, instead of the traditional street press newspaper style, and each state has its own edition (both physical and digital) that focuses on local content ranging from music to art, culture, food and travel (Bella, 2013). Specifically, its online version (The Music, 2018) recurrently came up during my fieldwork. Other similarly key publications are The BRAG magazine (2018) and The BRAG Made in Sydney (2018). Published by Seventh Street Media, The BRAG magazine is a free, quarterly local music and culture-based street press that has ran in Sydney for the past 20 years. It is available at most pubs, cafes, record stores, live music venues, universities, creative spaces as well as online (Seventh Street Media, 2018). Its associated website, which covers music, arts, popular culture, theatre, comedy, food, current affairs and more, is known as The BRAG Made in Sydney (2018). This site is not limited to the local and covers a broader national landscape.

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Both the online and offline versions of The Music and The Brag provide coverage of the Central Sydney independent music scene, among other things. They regularly feature local independent artists, recommend their songs, and promote, cover, and review their gigs. For instance, see Figure 17. Heaps Gay is a Sydney-based promoter of all-inclusive, LGBTIQ-oriented parties, events, and charities, founded by Kat Dopper in 2013 (VICE, 2017). Local independent artists, independent record labels, venues and promoters often inform The Music and The BRAG about their latest activities and events so that they consider providing coverage, and journalists from these publications also communicate with such individuals and organisations to stay updated. The Central Sydney independent music scene depend on The Music, The Brag and other similar street press-styled publications26 for intermediation within the scene. Coverage in these kinds of press is shared by variations of both independent and mainstream artists and perhaps this also signifies that independent artists depend on the mainstream music industries.

Figure 17: The BRAG promoting a party organised by the Sydney-based promoter Heaps Gay (Source: John, 2017).

26 There are some other street press-styled magazines and websites which sometimes cover local independent music. These include Tone Deaf, The Industry Observer, Scenestr, Music Feeds, The Music Network. Tone Deaf is an Australian online magazine-styled website from the same publishers as The Music and The BRAG Made in Sydney – Seventh Street Media, which focus on the contemporary local and international music culture and industries trends (Tone Deaf, 2018). Also published by Seventh Street Media and founded in 2017, is The Industry Observer – which is an online website operating as a business-to-business news and analysis tool for the Australian music industries. Scenestr is a national youth and pop culture-related street press-styled multimedia website, which also publishes five separate street press-styled print titles of the same name, in Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Adelaide and Perth, focusing on local music, entertainment, arts, technology and fashion (Scenestr, 2018). Originally established in 1993, Scenestr is currently owned by Eye Ball Media Enterprises. Another important online publication is Music Feeds, which is a free bi-weekly digital music and lifestyle magazine based in Sydney and established in 2008 (Music Feeds, 2018). The Music Network, which is a Sydney- based national music industry-related print and online magazine established in 1993 but acquired by Jaden Social in 2017, should also be mentioned here because they are one of the best sources of national radio airplay charts, statistics, music sales data (both physical and digital), information about tours and live events, as well as national and international music industries news and job listings (The Music Network, 2018). Finally, two national youth, popular culture and lifestyle-based online multimedia websites which merit honourable mentions here include The AU review (2018) and Junkee (2018). A more comprehensive guide to all the Australian music-related websites can be found in Reid’s (2018a).

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Besides FM radio stations and offline and online street press-styled publications locally produced free media cover the scene on freely available digital platforms such as YouTube. For example, an online music show Kick the Scarf was produced by and features people active in the Sydney indie scene itself. Kick the Scarf is essentially a lo-fi, DIY YouTube music show produced by Beef Yelp productions, which looks something like an MTV show made specifically for the locale of inner west Sydney (Thompson, 2018a). It focuses on Australian independent music and gigs in the inner west of Sydney (Thompson, 2018a). This is a non-commercial, volunteer-based, community show which is funded by local businesses and personal contributions from the producers. Here is a brief exploration of their debut episode, which was uploaded on YouTube in October 2018, to understand how this show operates and contributes to the Central Sydney scene.

Figure 18: Teagan McNichol and Wintah Thompson on Kick the Scarf Season 1 Episode 1 on YouTube (Source: Kick The Scarf S01E01, 2018).

The show begins with a personal endorsement message from local indigenous artist Natalie Pollard-Wharton, wearing a Western Waler jersey while holding an AFL ball, and a scarf of the Western Walers hanging from the red brick wall in the background. She is wearing the ‘Amanda Brown & Lindy Morrison Best On Ground’ winner’s medal on her neck. To understand the context, Western Walers is a football team of local musicians, who play a game of AFL-rules football against the Western Sailors comprising of local media personalities, during the annual Sydney Reclink community cup organised at Henson Park on Marrickville (Reid, 2018b). This day-long community event is a fun day out for the family which includes children’s activities, food and beverage stalls, the football match with live music from Sydney-based bands playing in the half-time break, as well as at the end of the match ("Sydney

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Reclink Community Cup - Sunday 11 August 2019 @ Henson Park," 2019). In 2018, the Western Walers won the match with Pollard-Wharton winning the ‘best on ground’ award (Reid, 2018b). So, from the beginning of the show, Kick the Scarf establishes that their ongoing emphasis is on the local.

During the first segment, producers and announcers McNichol and Thompson are sitting at a desk inside a kitchen, with a fridge on the right side with big round magnets sticking on its door. There is a Sydney Walers scarf set on the front side of the desk, and more such scarves hanging in the background. Sitting at the desk, McNichol and Thompson casually explain what the show is all about, that it will cover inner west music, interviews with artists and promote gigs. This segment is shot with a fixed camera. The set, including the desk and its contents, the background, the fridge, the scarves are organised in a way that suggests DIY aesthetics. Such aesthetics are common throughout the show. After the beginning introductory segment, a music video of Sydney-based band Easy Street’s single ‘Made 22’ comes on.

Transitioning from this video is a product-placement segment called Wine Boi, where a person reviews and promotes a local boutique alcohol brand. The show is partly funded by local sponsors like alcohol breweries. Then, a music video of the all-female, lesbian punk trio SCABZ’s song ‘Starting Line’ comes in. During the video, details of the band’s next big gig is advertised, which is a common feature with all the music videos broadcasted within Kick the Scarf.

A cut-away of Pollard-Wharton is shown where she is smoking a hand-rolled cigarette and has a glass of wine in her other hand. She starts by saying that she does not endorse smoking. Thompson (offscreen with only his arm showing) pours more wine into her glass, and she responds by thanking him. This is followed by a humour segment known as a good dog, where McNichol goes around the neighbourhood park, seemingly Henson Park in Marrickville, and asks pet dogs ‘are you a good dog?’ before putting a microphone in front of the dogs. Another cut-away of Pollard-Wharton, this time a close up of her face, where she asks if she is getting paid for appearing on this show. This humour segment signifies the non-commercial aspect of this show, that Pollard-Wharton is not getting paid for her appearance. She then shakes her head, and mutters ‘fuckin’ white people’. Her comment about white people can be interpreted as an appropriated joke based on the political issue of race, since exploring information about her online reveal that she is an indigenous Australian (Indigenous Allied Health Australia, 2019).

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This segment transitions into the music video of the song ‘Walkin Around’ by Melbourne- based band Jade Imagine, released on the independent record label Milk! Records (Jade Imagine, 2017). The music video is a low budget production with only one camera following the female lead singer walking over a sidewalk at Coburg, Melbourne. This video also features cameos by other Milk! Records artists. Another cut-away of Pollard-Wharton smoking a cigarette and sipping wine. This transitions into a shot where McNichol is sitting at a desk which is placed in and around council garbage bins beside a road. From this desk, she declares that now it is time for the song of the week. Then the music video of the song ‘Laminated Beans’ by Eyes Ninety begins, which features hazy video quality and low-budget production values. Following this video, we get Thompson sitting in a living room with Conrad, the bassist from the psychedelic Sydney-based band Richard In Your Mind. This band is one of the more established independent bands of the Central Sydney scene. Thompson conducts a casual interview with Conrad while playing an old school video game console, and they talk about the band’s upcoming album and other bands Conrad prefers in the local scene. This is followed by the music video of Richard In Your Mind’s 'I Hope You Weren't Waiting Long' released by independent record label Rice is Nice records (Richard In Your Mind, 2018). The video features grainy and hazy individual shots of the band members performing the song filmed by a seemingly low definition camera, multiple colours and layers which are always shifting following the tune and beat of the song. At one point, the video only portrays multi-coloured psychedelic patterns.

This transitions straight into the gigs calendar segment which mimics the style of a low-budget weather report, where Thompson promotes and gives details about the upcoming local gigs using a DIY gig map with post-it notes, for illustrative purposes. The final segment comes on where McNichol and Thompson thank everyone for watching. They also call out to audience members to volunteer their time and skills for the continued production of this show. The rolling end credits begin by the producers acknowledging the traditional custodians of the land. In the background, Conrad and Thompson can be seen in the living room, where Conrad is attempting to literally kick the Sydney Walers’ scarf while Thompson holds it open at his chest height.

According to Thompson (2018a), his ideas for this show came when he realised that it is difficult to keep track of local independent music and gigs in the Central Sydney area, partly because so many vibrant venues such as the Hopetoun Hotel, were closing down, coupled with the decline of street press, music-based websites, as well as urban gentrification, residential and commercial development and government’s attempts to regulate the nightlife culture. Inspired by the ABC’s mid- 1990s music and youth-oriented show Recovery, Kick the Scarf is a show where interested enthusiasts

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can get different types of information about local independent music in one place (Thompson, 2018b). Such an online TV show is contrasting to the infrastructures of punk and post-punk which encompass the formative stages of the Central Sydney independent music scene, as well as this scene’s early years during the 1990s and early-2000s, due to the development of digital audio/visual technologies and the advent of the internet and an online platform like YouTube. Thompson (2018a) remarks that Kick the Scarf only focuses on certain types of local independent music, which is guitar-driven, DIY-based and often called slacker indie and dolewave, but acknowledges that many other genres exist within this scene including Electronic dance music (EDM), hip hop, RnB, pop, punk, and metal. His comments bear evidence that multiple genres exist within the Central Sydney independent music scene. Besides showcasing music videos of Australian independent artists and the weatherman-styled Sydney gig guide segment, the second and third episodes of season one include a record review segment hosted by Nic Warnock from Repressed records (Thompson, 2018b). Warnock reviews recently released records from Australian independent artists in this segment. Kick the Scarf, and the way this show promotes local artists and their music, serves as an example of community media within the Central Sydney independent music scene.

The advent of innovative digital music and online communication technologies has recently become essential for the mobilisation of this scene. For instance, participants of this study use Facebook and other online social media platforms to promote their music and live shows. They promote and distribute their music via producer-oriented platforms such as Bandcamp, which is organised in collaboration with the independent record label they are signed with, if they are affiliated with one at all. They can order the manufacturing of vinyls and CDs to be pressed from third party companies and distribute them via post to audience members per their order made via Bandcamp, circumventing the independent record label should they choose. They also interact directly with their fans as well as venues, promoters, booking agents, gig organisers etc., via online social media platforms. These digital tools provide several online opportunities for the research participants to assert more aesthetic control over their music-making practices. Discussion of digital technology- driven practices of independence are discussed in detail in Chapter 5.

Socio-cultural form Shifting focus from institutions and technologies to socio-cultural formations, a key feature of this current scene is its social aspect. This is reminiscent of its traditions albeit with variations. The importance of locale and the interconnectedness between like-minded musicians and enthusiasts within a locality is emphasised in several socio-historical narratives on Australian popular music

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(Ballico, 2013; Homan & Mitchell, 2008; Walker, 1996). This sentiment is reflected by the study participants when they refer to the close-knit community of like-minded individuals who make up this scene. Participants of this study explain that local musicians become part of this independent music scene by attending and socialising at live gigs. They get opportunities to develop their music and reputations by initially performing at gigs like open-mic nights at The Townie and The Sideshow of Soloists. Additionally, the way local gigs like the NOW now and The Sideshow of Soloists are organised, as well as the call out to audience members to volunteer and support the production of Kick the Scarf at the end of their debut episode – signifies the networked aspects of the Central Sydney scene. The resultant complex social networks and long-standing relationships established through such networks are important for scene members as they provide different kinds of work opportunities, such as an invitation to perform at a gig/festival, signing with an independent record label, session-playing with a mainstream artist or composing music for a media advertisement.

My observations suggest that the present-day Central Sydney independent music scene is representative of its contemporary local milieu. The ethnicities of scene members are quite culturally diverse, which is to be expected in a highly multicultural city like Sydney. At any given night at a local live gig in the Central Sydney area, roughly 70% of performing musicians and audience members tend to be white while the rest are from multicultural backgrounds. This is in contrast with the white, working-class, and male-dominated nature of the early 1970s pub rock culture.

Based on my field research, including observing appearance, clothing styles and attitudes of scene members, conversations with them at live gigs, pubs and record shops, and analysis of public texts comprising FM radio shows, street press-styled offline and online magazines, websites and online social media posts, the majority of the Central Sydney independent music scene members seem to be educated, and from middle-class socio-economic backgrounds. Out of the 15 participants of this study, 11 are university-educated, 6 are classically trained musicians, and 5 are both – indicative of their shared middle-class statuses.

Observing audiences at live gigs, it was estimated that approximately 60% of concert-goers present were male and 40% female. Even though male members hold a slight majority, the female research participants stated that they did not experience any sort of gender discrimination within this local scene. When potential research participants were being contacted via the snowballing method, slightly more male research participants responded compared to other genders. However, I did not limit by gender when research participants nominated important scene members who I should

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consider interviewing for this study. Some of the research participants, namely Molasses, Konrad, Adams, Davies, and Payne explicitly asked whether I was seeking potential participants who identify with a specific gender so that they could recommend accordingly – which means that even though it is not overtly visible from my sample, there are other important scene members who identify as female. Molasses, Konrad, Adams, Davies, and Payne also explained that there are some influential trans-gender scene members. For instance, research participant Aziz Bushra openly identifies as a trans-woman.

The research participants thought that this scene is generally an all-inclusive safe space with very few incidents of violence or abuse taking place at gigs. They mention the involvement of LGBTIQ communities as performers, organisers, and audience members, while particularly emphasising the importance of some specifically LGBTIQ-friendly events and venues. Examples of events include Heaps Gay events (as promoted in The BRAG, Figure 17)27, Chicks with Picks, which is a regular live music gig series organised at The Townie that focuses on feminist woman-fronted (trans-gender inclusive) bands (Raymond, 2018a), and The Sideshow of Soloists, which operates as an all-inclusive platform for local developing musicians.

Important LGBTIQ-friendly venues include the Red Rattler Theatre at Marrickville and the Imperial Erskineville Hotel at Erskineville, which regularly hosts lesbian, gay and queer live performances. The Red Rattler Theatre, or The Rat as it is fondly referred to by the local artists, is an artist and activist-run not-for-profit initiative. Located in a former industrial area near Sydenham station and a stone’s throw away from the tiny Wicks Park in Marrickville, the Rat is a community- based warehouse venue and studio, run by a team of volunteers. It is essentially a two-storeyed warehouse, with the main theatre space being on the ground floor with sound and stage facilities, and the first floor consisting of a rooftop garden area (The Red Rattler Theater Inc., 2016). It was established in 2009 by five local queer artists, who are often fondly referred to as the five rats, whose dream was to create a legal warehouse venue to showcase alternative local arts, performance and grassroots activism which would have all the necessary licences to stay open, without the hassles of high rents and gentrification projects (The Red Rattler Theater Inc., 2016). The Red Rattler regularly showcases a variety of gigs revolving around creative projects by queer musicians, performers, artists, designers, multimedia makers, film-makers, activists, academics, and local punters (The Red Rattler Theater Inc., 2016).

27 Offline and online street press-styled publications such The BRAG and The Music are also representative of some of the social, cultural and political values of present-day Central Sydney’s milieu, which, according to my fieldnotes, is one of the most all-inclusive areas in Sydney. SHAMS QUADER 98

The Imperial Erskineville has been an institution for Sydney’s LGBTIQ community since 1983 (The Imperial Erskineville, 2019). Recently renovated in 2018, it includes a restaurant on the ground floor called Priscillas!, while the Imperial’s Basement is the live performance space which hosts live music and DJ performances and parties two nights a week, and the rooftop space known as Imperial UP serves food and cocktails, open five nights a week and also serves as an exhibition space for art and photography (The Imperial Erskineville, 2019). During her research interview, Shania Payne identified as a lesbian, and mentioned that she has performed in the Chicks with Picks gig series, as well as at The Red Rattler Theatre and the Imperial Erskineville. Certain queer elements exist within the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene.

Progressive gender and sexual politics are often illustrated in the song lyrics of contemporary Central Sydney independent artists and bands. For instance, Fingermae is an all-female 3-piece jazz- punk band, a regular performer at the Chicks with Picks gig series, whose songs represent their feminist political views and lesbian orientations (Fingermae, 2019). The following is an excerpt from the lyrics of one of their songs, titled The Beast of Her Loins A.K.A. Hungry Vagina, which serves as an example: Nancy was dismayed, but she knew what she had to do, She began to feed it fruit and veggies every afternoon.

The beast of her loins wasn’t veggo, it needed meat, It supported her ideals but didn’t share them when it bit off Zoe’s finger, & in the scramble for ice and bandages, the neighbours heard her girlfriend scream You shouldn’t have gone to bed with a hungry vagina. (Fingermae, 2016). This song is about a sex-craving lesbian named Nancy. The lyrics narrate her story quite creatively, and explicitly, in a variety of ways including the use of vegetables as dildos and biting girlfriend Zoe’s finger off with her vagina. Lyrics to the song Work on it by Haiku Hands also serves as another example. This is another 3-piece all-female band who self-describe their music as pop, punk, hip-hop and electronic (Mathieson, 2019). The chorus of their song Work on it repeats ‘You can be my man bitch’ repeatedly (Dalberg, 2019) with the band admitting they love to confuse audiences with these lyrics (Mathieson, 2019). The song connotes being the dominant partner in a relationship with a man, but it also holds a double-meaning with ‘man-bitch’, which can mean a dominant role in a lesbian relationship. As illustrated by the short lyrical excerpts above, songs from Central Sydney’s independent artists and bands also reflect a kind of self-awareness and political views with progressive leanings. The scene, therefore, allows a much wider expression of gender and sexuality compared to the heteronormative masculinity characteristic of Oz rock cultures.

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A version of independent music practices Activities of scene members, institutions and infrastructures discussed in this chapter depict a version of independent music practices that encapsulate the Central Sydney independent music scene. The question arises, what kind of version of independent music is manifesting from this portrayal?

The contemporary scene represents a version of independent music practices characterised by live performances and cross-genre aesthetic experimentation that entails experimentations with multiple music styles and genres. This version of independent music practices is embedded with a type of DIY ethos, and signifies a low cost, break-even economy that is not about seeking financial profits. Such practices are informed by ethical commitments regarding mutually and often voluntarily supporting each other, egalitarian and all-inclusive community-building and progressive gender, and sexual politics. This particular version of independent music practices is also exhibited by deliberately negotiating government intervention strategies attempting to shape Sydney’s culture, and implementing digital technologies to gain more opportunities for aesthetic freedom. These hallmarks collectively portray the spirit of the version of independent music that characterises the Central Sydney independent music scene. A closer look at how musicians in this local independent music scene practice independence are covered in the following three chapters.

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CHAPTER 3: BEING YOUR OWN AESTHETIC BOSS – INDEPENDENT MUSIC PRODUCTION WITHIN THE CULTURAL ECONOMY OF THE SCENE

As we have seen, independent music emerged at a moment in the history of popular music forms when some record labels wished to operate separately from mainstream music modes and infrastructures. This is related to post-Second World War youth countercultures in the USA and punk subcultures in the UK. Broadly speaking, both were about resisting the normative parent culture, and rebelling against mainstream cultural values, to carve out an alternative culture to call their own. American countercultures around the mid to late 1960s were driven by middle-class youths’ rebellion against normalised socio-cultural lifestyles and government ideals (Brake, 2013). British punk subcultures around the 1970s, meanwhile, were about working-class youths’ symbolic rebellion against normalised social and cultural circumstances, expressed through their aesthetic tastes in music, fashion, styles and attitudes (Haenfler, 2013; Hebdige, 1979). An aspect of their rebellion was directed against mainstream commercialised forms of culture including the popular music industries (McIntyre & Nette, 2017). Independent record labels came about from the rebellious agenda of such youth cultures, operating through the development of independent modes and infrastructures of music production, distribution, and promotion to offer an alternative to mainstream music (Shuker, 2017, pp. 15-16). In line with such an oppositional ethos, artists signed with independent record labels were generally more interested in practices of aesthetic independence rather than conforming to the formulaic demands of mainstream music market imperatives (Bell, 1998; Hibbett, 2005).

Major record labels require a steady stream of artists to promote their business models to run efficiently (Frith, 2001; Wikström, 2013). That is why majors have been known to regularly recruit independent artists, classifying them into a popular music genre that fits a marketing category and niche audience, in a cyclical system of co-option (Hesmondhalgh & Meier, 2014; Wikström, 2013). Based on historical narratives in the USA, UK and Australia, independent artists signing with majors must make economic calculations weighed against sacrificing some aesthetic independence in return for fame and fortune. Therefore, through such historical narratives, independence connotes different configurations of compromise between the aesthetic and commercial. These ‘aesthetic versus commercial’ exchanges between independent and popular music industries illustrate how classic independent music economies were organised. The question remains: How are independent music economies organised today?

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Issues of mainstream versus alternative are not resolved, and never will be, and thinking of such concepts in terms of purist opposing binaries is a little naïve. This is because there is always some linking co-dependence between opposing poles in such a dichotomy. Just as McRobbie (1988, 2002a, 2002b) challenged the economic purity of oppositional subcultures by arguing that cultural consumption, circulation and identity formation in industrialised societies take place in negotiation with capitalism even at if it is conducted at the margins, collaboration and synergies are possible between apparent conceptual ‘opposites’. Additionally, Hesmondhalgh (1996, pp. 473-477) states that even though tensions between majors versus independent record labels are highlighted in popular music discourses, in multiple historical instances majors and independents have existed in co- operation rather than competition. As discussed in Chapter 1, examples include the co-option of some emerging independent artists into the popular music industries and the creation of the mainstream indie genre, signifying either a broad music genre that includes multiple and often hybrid musical styles, or various manifestations of local music scenes. Furthermore, I discussed in the previous chapter that various kinds of co-dependence may exist between independent and mainstream, such as independent record shops also selling mainstream music or shared presence in the music press.

As discussed earlier in Chapters 1 and 2, there are multiple versions of independent music not just across time but also place, where this study is about a particular variant. This chapter examines how participants of this study practice independence within the cultural economy of the Central Sydney independent music scene. ‘Cultural economy’ is the field of study which explores relationships between culture and economy (Gibson, 2012). The phrase developed across the social sciences and humanities during the mid-1990s referring to an ‘epistemological agenda to destabilise the presumed separateness of culture and economy categories’ (Gibson, 2012, p. 282).

According to Gibson (2012, p. 283), the agenda was to comprehend the economic as represented through cultural processes, and to examine these processes through the methods and theories of cultural research. Since then, cultural economy represents something of a jumble of approaches, arguments, and advances (Gibson & Kong, 2005), implemented to describe everything from research on the popular music industries to maple syrup production (Gibson, 2012, p. 283). For example, Gibson and Connell (2003, p. 164) use cultural economy to investigate economic impacts related with tourist consumption of popular music produced specifically for youth markets informed by the attitudes and styles of backpacker cultures, in the Australian coastal town of Byron Bay, New South Wales. Florida and Jackson (2010, p. 310) implement the cultural economy approach to analyse the importance of location for musicians and establishments in USA from 1970 to 2004, to

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comprehend the economic advantages of large markets, arguing that New York, Los Angeles and Nashville remain dominant locations of popular music production, although musicians in smaller cities across the country continue to persist due to location-specific assets and advances in digital music and online communication technologies.

Gibson (2012, p. 283) remarks that cultural economy became an object of scholarly investigation manifesting in a specific sector of the economy that came to be categorised as ‘cultural industries’. According to Hesmondhalgh (2008, p. 552), the term cultural industries refers to a primary domain of cultural analysis that is concerned with how cultural goods are produced and disseminated in modern economies and societies. Hesmondhalgh (2008, p. 553) explains that misconceptions about this term derives from its resemblance to Adorno and Horkheimer’s (1977) ‘culture industry’. He borrows from French sociologist Miège (1989) to outline main limitations of the culture industry idea including its failure to consider technological advancements transforming artistic practice, its paradoxical emphasis on markets and commodities rather than on culture as an industry encompassing a process of production with limitations, and the singularity of the term culture industry signifying that analysts were working with a presumed unified field governed by one single process rather than a complex diverse set of industries (Hesmondhalgh, 2008, p. 553).

Hesmondhalgh (2008, p. 553) remarks that cultural industries are not merely a label for a sector of production, but also a phrase that signifies an approach to cultural production developed through the works of British cultural analysts like Nicholas Garnham that came to be known as critical political economy of culture. In its broadest sense, political economy is a term that represents a tradition of economic analysis that differs from mainstream economics by emphasising on ethical and normative questions (Hesmondhalgh, 2008, p. 553). Sociologists and political scientists in the late 1960s developed critical political economy approaches to studying media and culture due to their growing concerns about increasing concentrations of communicative power in modern societies, both in the form of government control as well as business ownership (Hesmondhalgh, 2008, p. 553). Hesmondhalgh (2013) states that both supporters and challengers of political economy of culture often describe it as a single integrated approach, but it is more complex than that. He identifies two variations – the North American political economy of culture illustrated by the works of Herbert Schiller, Noam Chomsky, Robert McChesney on one hand, and its British counterpart exemplified by the works of Garnham (Hesmondhalgh, 2013).

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According to Hesmondhalgh (2008, p. 553), this British tradition is more equipped to ‘deal with contradiction, and with historical variations in the social relations of cultural production’, and it provides ‘an analysis of the specific conditions of cultural industries’. This is important because it means that the cultural industries approach can offer explanations of certain recurring dynamics rather than lamenting processes of concentration and integration that are a feature of production in a capitalist world (Hesmondhalgh, 2008, p. 553). According to Garnham (2005), cultural industries comprise activities dealing with symbolic goods, informed by aesthetic impulses, whose primary economic worth is derived from their cultural and creative values. These industries are organised as core activities which are eligible for public funding (such as visual arts, performing arts, heritage, literature and crafts), intermediary activities made up of industries generating cultural outputs and non-cultural outputs (such as broadcast media, film, publishing, recorded music) and peripheral activities that include cultural and creative aspects in their work process (such as design, architecture, advertising and new media) (Daviet, 2010; O'Connor, 2000).

The popular music industries are of course part of the cultural industries (Haynes & Marshall, 2018). Music in recordings or performance is fundamentally reliant on creativity (Gibson & Connell, 2003). Leman (2005, pp. 103-104) argues that even though musical creativity is often believed to be mobilised by irrational forces such as instinct, feelings and emotions, it is ultimately steered by historical, social, and economic conditions. In other words, to turn a creative expression into a creative commodity/product, rational decisions must be made about how to receive appropriate economic value for it (Howkins, 2002, p. 1). As Ballico (2013, p. 66) explains, a musician may be inspired to write a song based on their creative impulse – something which they have no rational control over, but once they decide to record that song, that necessitates a more rational approach where key decisions have to be made regarding ‘how to arrange and record that song and with whom’. It is through such processes of production that aesthetic cultural practices interact with certain kinds of economic rationalisation.

Industry and workers are two sides of the same coin. The economics of industry forms are deeply intertwined with the roles of industry workers. Their collective agency comprises the industry together in exchanges and resulting relationships they form with each other. In that sense, thinking about industry necessitates considering labourers, the conditions in which they work, and how these conditions inform their agency.

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According to Hesmondhalgh and Baker (2011, p. 9), the term ‘creative labour’, which is a compressed version of ‘creative work in the cultural industries’, refers to work centred on the activity of symbol-making found in large numbers in the cultural industries, where the primary aim of businesses is to make a profit from such activities – raising issues of collaboration, and possible tensions, between economics and culture, and creativity and commerce. Such tensions are what independent music is partly about. Hesmondhalgh and Baker (2011) recognise that there is a division of labour in cultural production. For example, the works of musicians, sound engineers, A & R personnel and other record label executives within the popular music industries, can be understood as creative labour as part of an organisational division of labour, while acknowledging that ‘input of different groups of workers into creative output varies and that this variety can be the source of important hierarchies and distinctions in cultural production’ (Hesmondhalgh & Baker, 2011, p. 9). Stahl (2013) examines recording artists’ creative work (writing and recording music) in the US recording industry as creative labour. He discusses struggles between recording artists and record labels over copyright laws that govern their contractual relationships and articulates tensions between the recording artists’ creative autonomy versus the power of the record label to control their labour and appropriate their products (Stahl, 2013).

Concepts of precariousness associated with cultural work emerged from empirical scholarship concerned with unique theorisations of labour performed by artists, designers, and new media workers (Gill & Pratt, 2008). Findings from Hesmondhalgh and Baker’s (2011) empirical study indicate that there exists a surplus reservoir of creative workers available to the cultural industries, including the popular music industries. This inevitably has an adverse impact on the creative labour force. Problems include inequalities of pay for creative labourers, where especially the young and emerging workers are willing to gift their labour to enter and obtain regular opportunities within the cultural industries (Hesmondhalgh & Baker, 2011, p. 19). Excess number of aspiring entrants translates to a sense of vulnerability and even disposability among some labourers (Hesmondhalgh & Baker, 2011, p. 19). Hesmondhalgh and Baker’s (2011, p. 19) study further reveals several problems regarding their working hours including the necessity to be flexible, long, and sometimes unpaid hours, and the need to take on second and third jobs to make ends meet.

In light of the issues around how musicians practice their arts under certain economic conditions, questions of inquiry at the core of this chapter include: What do their practices comprise? What resources do they have? How do they mobilise those resources? What kinds of economic exchanges make it possible for them to maintain practices of aesthetic independence within the scene

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while simultaneously subsidising their living? This chapter focuses on how participants of this study mobilise the resources available to them and develop strategies to manage precarity within the contemporary music-related milieu of Sydney. It explores how they go about being their own aesthetic boss, that is, how they organise their labour and resources economically to allow a version of independent practices through their approach to music production and other associated activities of the creative economy.

Economic organisation of the research participants’ music-making practices According to the study participants, all earn a modest income from live performances. They get paid for each gig or residency28. How much they charge depends on several factors, including their levels of experience and the number of audience members their live performances attract. Based on conversations with venue managers of LazyBones lounge, MoshPit, The Townie and The Hideaway Bar, venues generally keep a small admission fee at the door, that is, door charge ranging from AUD 20 to AUD 30, to cover some of the logistical expenses of the bands performing. Profits are generated from sales of their alcoholic beverages and food. Negotiations are made between the venue and the performing band regarding the how much they will get paid plus other logistical facilities, which when finalised, takes the form of a booking contract. Bands who attract a lot of audience members typically charge higher than up-and-coming ones, who might take a smaller fee. An established independent band can charge around AUD 1000 to AUD 2000 for one night, while total door money for a night might equate to around AUD 700 to AUD 1000.

Typically, one member of the band contacts venues and booking agencies and expresses their interest to perform. If the venue/booking agency is interested to book that band, then they negotiate conditions, including the matter of payment for the band’s live performance. The research participants’ practices reveal that they follow a type of DIY ethos. For example, they self-manage different aspects of their music career, like managing the booking of their gigs and recordings by themselves. Molasses, Davies, McGuire, and Raven explain that sometimes venue managers and booking agents propose a gig to them. They then organise other musicians and logistics for the proposed live performance, after the fee and contract has been finalised between the venue or booking agency and themselves. This instance of taking on an organising role, combined with their DIY practices mean that the participants organise different aspects of their music-making practices by multi-tasking. For example, independent musician Josh Shipton, of Josh Shipton and The Blue Eyed

28 Residency, in terms of the live music sector, refers to a series of gigs by an artist at the same venue (Robley, 2016). SHAMS QUADER 106

Ravens, is not only the main vocalist but is also the band’s manager. Additionally, he also organises gigs for different venues, including the monthly The Sideshow of Soloists gig series hosted at The Townie in Newtown.

Additionally, research participants generate small amounts of income by selling their records and merchandise. They generally organise recordings of their music by themselves, primarily using similar home recording studio setups and digital audio workstations like Pro Tools and Pro Logic, although some of them, like Molasses and Bushra, also mention working at professional recording studios. They typically collaborate with independent record labels to market and distribute physical and digital formats of their music and merchandise, making them available in record stores. Regardless of whether they are signed with a record label or not, they implement producer-oriented platforms like Bandcamp, to sell different formats of their music, and merchandise. Furthermore, their records and merchandise are often made available for sale at the venues hosting their live performances. Manufacturing of merchandise like T-shirts, tote bags, caps, button badges, wristbands, stickers, posters, special record sleeves and guitar picks, among other items, are typically organised by the independent record labels, even though Simpson, Reiss and Adams mention ordering merchandise like T-shirts, tote bags, special record sleeves, posters and stickers from third-party companies and organising their production and distribution by themselves.

As previously mentioned in Chapter 2, the research participants’ scene-based earnings from performing live, and selling records and merchandise are not enough to support their living. Their music-making practices within the scene are not oriented towards pursuing financial profit. They are instead about artistic gratification derived from engaging with passion projects encompassing experimental and aesthetically independent music. These practices are more about reaching a type of ‘break-even economy’ where revenues from performing live, organising gigs, selling music and merchandise within the scene contribute towards subsidising some of the expenses of scene participation. Their independent practices are based on emphasising affective returns from producing aesthetically independent music and ethical commitments regarding earnings from their scene-based music-making practices, where breaking even is considered enough.

Types of independent musicians within the scene While analysing how the research participants manage to sustain their livelihood, my findings suggest that there are largely two types of independent musicians within this location and temporal- specific scene. They are the ‘professional independents’ and ‘semi-professional independents’. Table

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2 summarises these two categories of independent musicians in the Central Sydney independent music scene.

Professional independents are musicians who are engaged full-time with music-making while also being independent contractors and sole traders. Within the scene, professional independents are highly skilled, generally classically trained musicians who engage with passion projects comprising experimentation of different styles and genres of music. Beyond the scene, they do different kinds of casual/fixed-term jobs in the mainstream music industries including session-playing, composing music for advertisements and theatre productions, and organising festivals and corporate events, among others. Some are also known to teach music as well as depend on their partner’s income and/or family wealth to subsidise their living.

As the name suggests, semi-professional independents are musicians who are involved with music-making in a part-time capacity. They are engaged in ‘semi-professional’ music careers, which by definition refers to an individual who derives some income from musical activity, but mostly from other sources like having a full-time career in a different field ("Definition of 'semi-professional'," 2019). Semi-professional independents can also be framed as pro-am, which stands for Professional Amateurs. Pro-am refers to individuals in diverse fields such as music, astronomy, media, sports, arts and crafts amongst others, who fall in between the spectrum of professional to amateur, including pre-professionals, semi-professionals and post-professionals (Hoare, Benford, Jones, & Milic-Frayling, 2014). They are characterised by their pursuit of producing professional standard work while not working professionally in that field, while having a full-time career in a field often different from their passion of choice, although they may spend significant amounts of time on this recreation (Ivey & Tepper, 2006). So, semi-professional independents refer to pro-am musicians who, as similarly articulated by Haynes and Marshall (2018, p. 479), signify those involved with music-making in their leisure time and generally for pleasure and sometimes for small amounts of money, instead of pursuing a sustainable income or a living from it. Within the scene, semi-professional independents are generally pro-am musicians who also engage with cross-genre musical experimentations. But their livelihood is subsidized by income from a full-time job or casual jobs not necessarily limited to the music industries.

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Category of independent Professional independent Semi-professional independent musician Characteristics Musicians who are Musicians who are involved with engaged full-time with music-making in a part-time capacity. music-making while also They are engaged in ‘semi- being independent. professional’ music careers. Table 2: Categories of independent musicians within the Central Sydney independent music scene.

The next sections unpack how participants of this study, classified under each category of independent musician, construct income for their living from their music and other sources. This is illustrated by using select participants as case studies and examining the different economic exchanges and aesthetic choices that shape their music-making practices.

Professional independents The following table lists the research participants who are categorised as professional independents (Table 3). The purpose of this section is to give a sense of the variety of positions taken and strategies implemented within this category.

# Participant Year Age Self-identified Formally University Years pseudonyms of Gender Identity trained educated involved Birth Musician with the scene Joanne Davies 1958 61 Female Yes No 30

Clay Molasses 1969 50 Male Yes Yes 25

Aziz Bushra 1986 33 Trans-woman Yes Yes 10

Lizzie McGuire 1987 32 Female Yes Yes 10

Table 3: List of professional independents.

Case study: Clay Molasses Clay Molasses, a 50-year old man, is a full-time professional independent musician who has been involved with the local music scene for over 25 years. He views himself as a self-managing music entrepreneur and independent contractor. He works as a full-time musician and composer who primarily plays the saxophone professionally alongside some other instruments. In the past he has written for theatre, and even worked as an actor at a dance company, but he admits that he enjoys being involved with music the most. Molasses is a versatile musician who performs with a wide range of live bands across different music genres. Within the local independent music scene, Molasses is

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involved with passion projects and musical artistic experimentations. For example, he is involved with a jazz-punk band. It is interesting to note that the hybridised style of jazz-punk that exists within the local independent scene is reminiscent of its post-punk roots, such as the music of The Laughing Clowns during the late 1970s.

Outside the scene, Molasses works contract-to-contract and is always pursuing music-related work opportunities to subsidise his living. When asked how he financially maintains his living, Molasses explains: Well, I play music every week. I mean I go through phases. Say two years ago I was gigging, on average, 8 times a week. So, I would have a show every day, sometimes three in one day, and then I was just too busy. So, then I would put my price up, from 100 dollars to 150 dollars. I would be doing gigs here and session nights come up like once a month. Outside that, I worked with my friend who is a composer at Channel 9. I sometimes do session playing in pop cover bands as well. You see there are big project stuff and there is small project stuff. Each of these projects occasionally would have a residency and residencies are sold out. Every week you have the Thursday booked, and maybe you would only get a hundred dollars for each day, but it is better than searching for opportunities all the time. It also could be other things but then I again end up getting busy with other things. So, usually I would put myself up for some big projects about 4 or 5 times a year, which pays me four to five thousand dollars for a month of solid work, like composing or direction etc. That comes, and then I just work on those and block other things out. This encapsulates the wide range of entrepreneurial strategies Molasses is involved with, both with mainstream music industries and broader cultural industries. Based on his comments, the ratio of Molasses’ activities within the local independent music scene can be approximated as 30% compared to 70% of his engagement with mainstream music markets.

Some of his creative projects are government-funded, and he regularly applies for grants when they become available through the Australia Council for the Arts29 or MusicNSW30. Molasses comments that getting to know individuals both within the local independent scene and across the industries, through socialising at different events such as local live gigs and open-mic nights is key to developing social networks that are effective at securing music-related work opportunities. Furthermore, he supports young or upcoming musicians and bands by using his established

29 The Australia Council for the Arts is the Australian government’s primary funding and advisory body for the arts, which focuses on increasing the visibility of Australian arts and culture both nationally and globally, by providing supports for all aspects of the creative process (Australia Council for the Arts, 2018). 30 MusicNSW is a not-for-profit industry association aiming to represent, promote and develop contemporary music industries in New South Wales. They are responsible for managing and organising many music development projects which includes, regular grant opportunities, workshops, music festivals, conferences and networking events, including BIGSOUND, Indent, Feedback, Women in electronic music and Sound Advice (MusicNSW, 2018).

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connections with music industry professionals, venue owners and managers, bookings agents, gig organisers, business owners and other musicians. He also helps them find session-playing opportunities and apply for government funds. Finally, Molasses has a university degree and is a classically trained musician.

Case study: Aziz Bushra Aziz Bushra is a 33-year old full-time professional independent musician involved with the local music scene for over a decade. She is a trans-woman and is a second-generation Australian of Bangladeshi descent. Bushra views herself as an independent contractor, for the music-related work she does on a day-to-day basis, but also thinks of herself as a self-managing creative businessperson.

Bushra’s talents range from singing to playing the guitar, keyboards, and drums. Within the scene, she is currently engaged with two bands. The music of her main band, where she sings and plays the drums, can be described as experimental electronic pop. This band is regularly featured on radio stations Triple J and FBi as well as in street press such as The Music and The BRAG. It is slowly gaining prominence in national popular music industry circles. Her other band is essentially a punk ensemble where she plays the guitar. While discussing her main band, Bushra remarks: I guess the kind of music I play, there will always be a small market for that. But it is very experimental, not commercial at all. I don’t make much money out of that, to be honest. I don’t expect to. But I as long as it pays for itself, you know, like if I can make a small income, just enough to cover logistical, recording costs – I am happy!

Like Molasses, Bushra shares a similar attitude towards her music-making practices that entail passion projects of aesthetic experimentations within the scene. She adopts a commercially non-profit seeking, break-even sustainability model in exchange for artistically satisfying practice.

Bushra’s work also engages with the mainstream music industries beyond this local scene. To sustain her livelihood, Bushra works contractually as a session musician as well as a record producer. For instance, as a session musician, she often performs with different live bands set up specifically for a gig and/or tour in addition to recording as a guitarist and drummer with different artists. Meanwhile, as a record producer, Bushra works primarily with jazz, electronic and punk bands. The ratio of her activities within the scene to her engagement with mainstream music industries can be approximated as 60:40.

In line with Molasses’ comments, Bushra reveals that intricate social relationships and networks are built by attending and socialising at local live gigs. This is how independent musicians

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find out about different kinds of opportunities including invitations to perform, organise events, plus other entrepreneurial ventures. She also supports local, young, or developing musicians and bands by using her long-standing social networks and organises session-playing opportunities for others. Bushra has often had to rely on her partner’s salary to support their family of four which includes two children, ever since she became a full-time musician in 2015. Bushra completed university education and is a classically trained musician.

Case study: Lizzy McGuire Lizzy McGuire is a 32-year old female professional independent musician who has participated in the local music scene for just over a decade. She mainly plays the clarinet but also performs on piano and guitar. Within the local independent music scene, she is involved with her aesthetically experimental project that is essentially a jazzy folk-rock band. Like Molasses and Bushra, she adopts a financially non-profit seeking, break-even sustainability model within the scene. McGuire mentions multiple times that she loves working with her band because of the numerous artistic experimental possibilities their music presents. In her own words, ‘I am so grateful to have such wonderful musicians in my group. Our music is so out there and all over the place. Sometimes it sounds like improvised jazz, sometimes it’s quite folky, other times it sounds like soft rock.’

Beyond the scene, McGuire engages with mainstream music industries as well as broader cultural industries to subsidise her living. In her own words: I guess it's independent in the sense that it’s musicians creating opportunities for themselves. How does that song go? Every day I’m hustlin’! Every day we are hustling. Having a full-time career in music in Sydney means that you have to be smart, you have to pick your opportunities, and be entrepreneurial with your music. She works contractually, often as a session musician in a variety of commercial projects and live bands. She also works as an event organiser and festival coordinator from time to time. She teaches the clarinet at a primary school and provides private lessons to some students. Interestingly, she admits that although her focus is her band that performs regularly within the local independent scene, the majority of her earnings come from teaching the clarinet. Her ratio of music-making practices within the scene as compared to her involvement with the mainstream music industries can also be approximated as 60:40.

McGuire initially engaged with the local independent music scene by attending gigs with her high school and university friends. She specifically emphasises the importance of open-mic nights in the early stages of a local musician’s career as regards getting involved and being noticed. She shares

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multiple experiences of the opportunities and benefits that came as she performed at open-mic nights during her early years: when a musician approached her to work on a collaborative project; when a venue manager wanted to book her band for a gig; or when a music enthusiast just simply appreciated her music and inspired her to continue. More recently, McGuire recalls two specific incidents that highlight the opportunities that can come: when the venue manager of Petersham Bowling Club invited her to take up residency there; and, when the owners of Young Henrys brewery – the beer of choice at many scene venues – proposed to sponsor her band’s gig. Both parties had heard her perform during a local event. Like Molasses and Bushra, McGuire supports developing musicians and bands by setting up opportunities for them using her social networks. She also has a university degree and is a classically trained musician.

Case study: Joanne Davies Joanne Davies is a 61-year old female professional independent musician who has been involved with the local music scene for almost three decades. She is primarily a vocalist. Within the local independent music scene, she is the vocalist and manager of an experimental band whose music can be classified as a hybrid of folk and classical music. Like McGuire, Davies mentions that she is grateful to be a part of this band, whose music is characterised by aesthetic experimentations. She also adopts a commercially not-for-profit, break-even model within the scene much like Molasses, Bushra and McGuire. Davies remarks: Because of the kind of music I perform with my band, which is quite out there, if you know what I mean, quite experimental, there are only a handful of venues that regularly host us. But I don’t mind at all. It’s not about the money. Earning money is always good, but I am happy as long as it covers some of the costs of performing and touring.

Davies is a classically trained vocalist. Beyond the local independent scene and within the music industries, she works as a sessional backup singer performing and recording with mainstream pop artists. While working contract-to-contract, she casually organises and promotes live gigs for a music venue in Marrickville and provides private singing lessons, for additional income.

Her ratio of music-making practices within the scene as compared to her work as a sessional backup singer in the mainstream music industries, can be approximated as 30:70. She is also supportive of local young or developing musicians and bands, often inviting such acts to perform at the venue where she is casually engaged with.

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Findings regarding professional independents These four case studies present some trends that emerge with how these research participants sustain their livelihoods. All four of them work contract-to-contract. However, it is important to note that not all their income is reliant on music-making, but rather includes different approaches such as teaching music and support provided by a partner’s income. Teaching music is quite a common way for trained professional musicians to make a living, either solely by teaching or in combination with being a performer (Bennett & Stanberg, 2006).

Molasses, Bushra, McGuire and Davies’s strategies for sustaining their livelihoods include identifying and creating opportunities for themselves through pro-actively developing social networks and establishing long-term relationships. In doing so, their creative labour often traverses beyond the local independent music scene to not only the popular music industries, but also the broader cultural industries. These professional independents engage with multiple bands and projects across the local independent scene and through to the popular music industries. Performing on a wide variety of events in similar or different capacities with different projects, such as playing the guitar with one group and playing the drums with another, provide platforms that generate more work opportunities. Furthermore, they self-manage their own careers through various DIY activities like taking up roles as their own managers and promoters. Davies calls this phenomenon being a ‘slashy’. For example, Molasses is a multi-instrumentalist/(SLASH) composer/his own booking agent/session musician/member of multiple bands/gig organiser/music teacher.

The case of Molasses serves as an example to illustrate some of the strategies implemented by the professional independents’ to fund their living. Molasses is an independent contractor. He manages his own bookings, so venue managers contact him regarding live performances. Sometimes venue managers/promoters contact him for an event, and he books and organises other musicians to perform with him. Even though he mainly plays the saxophone with most bands and musical groups, he also plays the guitar in one band, and flute with another. He often performs as a session musician with mainstream artists in album recordings or as part of live bands during a tour or residency at a local venue. He also performs at weddings, parties, corporate events, and music festivals. Music directors/producers get in touch with him regarding session playing jobs. He sometimes composes music for television, radio, advertisements, and theatre productions. He also often receives remunerations from music licensing31 deals. Additionally, he teaches music at a vocational music

31 Music licensing refers to royalty payment for original music used in advertisements and television/film soundtracks (Wikström, 2013, p. 94). SHAMS QUADER 114

school. The strategies deployed by Molasses entail being a slashy – that is, being flexible, and utilising networking to get paid-work opportunities.

Being slashys show that these professional independents are quite entrepreneurial with their activities. According to Hayes (2019), an entrepreneur is an innovator of new business and a source of new ideas, goods, services, and business strategies. The entrepreneur bears most of the risks but also enjoys the majority of the rewards (Hayes, 2019). Even though traditional understandings of entrepreneurialism have generally been associated with profit-seeking, the concept’s early development by economist Joseph A. Schumpeter did not frame it in this limited way. Instead, Schumpeter’s (2011) earlier conceptualisation emphasised the entrepreneur’s readiness to take creative risks and deal with uncertain consequences. They are an individual who pursues ambitions rather than accepts reality as it is.

Entrepreneurialism is a much-discussed facet of creative labour markets that scholars often engage with, in relation to cultural industries and creative work. For instance, based on her work on the cultural sector of the European Union, Ellmeier (2003) contends that since the former cultural worker is transitioning into a cultural entrepreneur within the cultural industries, cultural and employment policies should find innovative ways to accommodate the works and needs of these cultural entrepreneurs. Gill and Pratt (2008) emphasise entrepreneurialism of cultural workers as necessary strategies to cope with the insecure neoliberal labour markets within the cultural industries. Based on Whitson, Simon, and Parker’s (2018) empirical study of indie game developers, they discuss entrepreneurial practices of such game developers, and remark that the shift towards small-scale game making has redistributed the work of gaming industry producers to take the form of cultural entrepreneurship, cultural intermediation and relational labour.

Entrepreneurial practices are adopted by musicians. Based on their original qualitative research that investigated the working practices of musicians in England, Haynes and Marshall (2018) explore whether musicians self-consciously implement entrepreneurial practices towards their work and audience. Their findings reveal that even though the sampled musicians are regularly involved with practices which could be understood as entrepreneurial, they were reluctant to label themselves as entrepreneurs as this connotes an overemphasis on the financial dimensions of their work and not enough on the cultural ones (Haynes & Marshall, 2018).

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As a part of being entrepreneurial, slashy is just another way of saying that these professional independents are multi-taskers. The kind of multi-task management they perform is reminiscent of Tarassi’s (2018) study of local independent musicians in Milan. According to Tarassi (2018), local independent musicians and DIY cultural entrepreneurs in Milan must adopt new strategies to survive in a changing urban landscape where they are always under threat of being pushed out of inner city areas by gentrification. To survive in contemporary Milan’s cultural landscape, they must draw on a range of skills and abilities as musicians, artists, promoters, producers, critics, sound engineers and so on, implementing multi-task engagement between a variety of contractual jobs (Tarassi, 2018).

The recurring finding that emerged from my fieldwork revolved around the precarious nature of the creative labour market within contemporary Sydney’s music-related milieu. While their monthly income varies quite a bit, these professional independents share that their average yearly earnings range from AUD 50,000 to AUD 70,000. This is not much within contemporary Australia’s national economy, being less than the average yearly income of full-time employees in New South Wales in 2018 which was AUD 83,517 (Living in Australia, 2019). Major record label contracts and sustainable monetary returns from music-making are hard to come by, and opportunities for profits are limited within the local independent music scene.

Jones (2017, pp. 1, 5-6) contends autonomy experienced by contemporary independent musicians not only legitimises new areas of precarious and underpaid work within creative labour, but often normalises poor creative labour market conditions. Davies remarks that being a slashy, and self- managing one’s own music career through numerous DIY activities, entails ‘. . . everybody doing a shitload of work for very little money’. She, along with the other professional independents within this study, admits that it is difficult to sustain a living depending solely on music-related vocations32. They experience precarity due to not being certain how and when the next music-related work opportunity will be secured. McGuire explains: No full-time musician in Sydney is practically well off. They are always after the next job, you know. Because all these jobs are temporary, they have to survive without too much in the way of financial and job securities. Like, they may be on a contract now, but they don’t know if, and when they will get the next one. According to Bushra: I know local musicians who had been homeless, and others surviving on the dole33. It’s all good and fine when you have a contract and you are getting paid for your musical activities. But it’s

32 To clarify, the word ‘music-related vocations’ here is used as a synonym for music-related jobs. 33 By mentioning ‘on the dole’, Bushra is referring to a slang term for the Australian government’s welfare payments. Any Australian who receives welfare payments is often referred to as being ‘on the dole’. SHAMS QUADER 116

tough because you don’t always know whether you will get the next one. If you are not getting work for a few months, then suddenly you might find yourself struggling to pay the rent and negotiating with poverty.

Additionally, music-related vocations are often low paid yet require long hours with little or no benefits such as sick leave, paid leave, or holidays. These professional independents essentially operate at a ‘cultural discount’ which Ross (2000, p. 6), following Kreidler’s (1996) work, defines as artists sacrificing monetary rewards relative to their level of skills and qualification in exchange for compensation in the form of gratification felt in producing art. This leads to the question of whether professional independents successfully negotiate precarity. If so, how do they manage to maintain their practices of aesthetic independence?

Freelancing and entrepreneurial skills are key features of artists’ and other creative workers’ resilient pathway to negotiate the uncertainty and instability that are just some of the precarious creative labour market conditions (Pasquinelli & Sjöholm, 2015, p. 77). Drawing from their empirical study of visual artists in London conducted in between 2008 and 2012, Pasquinelli and Sjöholm (2015, p. 76) posit that these artists navigate precarity through temporary and flexible work arrangements and developing entrepreneurial skills as part of strategies of adaptability. Central Sydney professional independents seem successfully to navigate precarity and maintain a version of independent practices by being entrepreneurial34 and multi-tasking. Molasses, Bushra, McGuire and Davies self-manage multiple areas of music-making practices through DIY activities. They construct revenue-producing strategies, a big part of which include flexible, multi-tasking engagement with several (often short- term) contractual jobs in more mainstream work to sustain their livelihoods, so that they can practice independence within the scene. The kind of flexibility involved shows the professional independent’s willingness to work in mainstream roles to afford maintenance of an independent music practice. So, it is not about either/or as in the selling-out model.

However, it would also appear that the participants share certain characteristics that allow them to navigate such conditions. The works of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu has been significantly influential in generating both empirical and theoretical interventions in the study of music production and consumption (Prior, 2013). According to Prior (2013, p. 182), Bourdieu’s work ‘has

34 The emphasis on being entrepreneurial is also frequently discussed on public talks/seminars/workshops at events such as Indie-con Australia (2018), Australian Music Week (2018), Vivid Sydney (2018) and MusicNSW’s (2018) Sound Advice, Feedback and Indent. These kinds of events are especially targeted towards early career development and sustainability of local musicians, where the focus is generally on how to develop entrepreneurial skills relevant to the music industries, supplemented by expert advice on self-management and early music career development. SHAMS QUADER 117

become the touchstone for sociological examinations of taste and consumption’. In his influential book Distinction: A social critique of the Judgement of Taste (Bourdieu, 1984), Bourdieu shows that understandings of musical preferences both reflect and reproduce social divisions and inequalities in a stratified society. Based on Bourdieu’s (1984) analysis on personal tastes and cultural distinctions, Prior (2013, p. 184) explains that appreciating classical music is not just about aesthetic judgement, but a product of privileged social conditions that form the foundation for instilling accumulations of cultural, social and economic resources.

Bourdieu (1986) theorises such cultural, social, and economic resources as forms of capital. Molasses, Bushra, McGuire and Davies each have access to such forms of cultural, social, and economic capital, which inform their strategies in successfully navigating precarity and maintaining practices of aesthetic independence. All these professional independents are classically trained musicians and everyone, except for Davies, has university degrees. This represents their ‘long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body’ (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 243), ‘invested by a person’s family and transmitted from a person’s domestic environment’ (Sadowski, 2019, p. 4). Their tertiary-level education and established music skills indicate their possession of institutionalised and objectified forms of accumulated cultural capital that allow them to make the most of cultural industry networks.

These professional independents also emphasise the importance of socialising at different events, which result in intricate social networks and long-standing relationships that ideally provide access to perform at numerous live gigs, music-related jobs, and entrepreneurial opportunities. These social networks signify their social capital. Additionally, all four participants also play the role of scene intermediaries, reminiscent of Bourdieu’s (1984, p. 315) ‘cultural intermediaries’. They regulate the scene, not so much in terms of gatekeeping and policing, but by creating a supportive network for other scene members through established social networks and long-term relationships, both within the independent scene as well as the mainstream music industries. Cultural and social capital are often modified forms of economic capital. These professional independents utilise their education and skills (cultural capital), as well as music-related work and entrepreneurial prospects provided through social networks (social capital), to secure music-related jobs in the mainstream music industries from which they earn financial remunerations (economic capital). Furthermore, their resources also include other forms of economic capital that subsidise their living including casual employment, music education and support from a partner’s salary. It still appears that accumulating economic capital is not the point as it were, because they show little interest in accumulating it. Economic capital is just what allows them to engage in their chosen life cultural practice.

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Configurations of all these forms of capital provide each professional independent with a certain set of affordances. Bucher and Helmond (2018, p. 3) state that the concept of affordance – originally developed in ecological psychology and later adapted to technology and design studies, sociology, communication, and media studies among other disciplines – generally refers to what material artefacts allow people to do. It is interesting to note the various, often conflicting, ways affordance has been conceptualised and operationalised across multiple fields (Bucher & Helmond, 2018, p. 3). Gibson (2015, p. 119), who coined the term ‘affordances’ in 1966, explains it as relational property by stating that we should not perceive the environment but rather understand it as agency made possible through its affordances.

The professional independents’ particular sets of affordances provide them with relational agency while navigating the precarious creative labour market conditions of contemporary Sydney’s music-related milieu. For instance, Molasses’ university education, music-making skills, social networks, and long-term relationships – both within the local independent music scene as well as across the music and cultural industries – afford him notable returns from contractual works. These earnings are generally enough to sustain his livelihood while he additionally pursues government funding when opportunities arise. As long as he accepts some level of precarity, even though engaging with mainstream music industries accounts for 70% of his music-related work, Molasses can consequently maintain satisfying and aesthetically independent music-making practices (i.e. the remaining 30%) within the local independent music scene with his two jazz-punk bands.

Bushra’s set of affordances are a bit different. She does share similar cultural and social capital as Molasses including university education, classical music training and established social networks. However, her engagement with mainstream music industries accounts for only 40% of her music- related work, while the rest represents her aesthetically independent music-making practices within the local scene with her two bands. Bushra can afford to successfully navigate some levels of precarity with the creative labour market, and dedicate more of her practices towards the scene, because her living is subsidised by her partner’s income.

McGuire shares similar cultural and social capital as Molasses and Bushra but her set of affordances also slightly differ from them. Interestingly, the majority of her income is not generated from session playing or organising and coordinating events, but rather from teaching the clarinet – both as a teacher at a primary school and providing lessons privately. Therefore, as long as she accepts

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some levels of precarity related to teaching the clarinet, McGuire can afford to dedicate approximately 60% of her music-making practices to the confines of the local independent music scene where she enjoys aesthetic independence. Finally, Davies, with her classical training in vocals, can afford to devote 30% of her music-making practices to the independent music scene where she maintains aesthetic independence. This is because her livelihood is subsidised by an amalgamation of working as a sessional backup singer, and casually organising gigs for a venue and giving private singing lessons.

Each of the four professional independents among the research participants have different strategies and sets of affordances due to their configurations of economic, cultural, and social capital. These relationally shape their agency, allowing them to both sustain their livelihoods and maintain practices of aesthetic independence through their music-making activities within the local independent music scene. This is as long as they accept some level of precarity in exchange for maintaining satisfying practice.

Semi-professional independents The other type of independents within the Central Sydney independent music scene is the pro-am, semi-professional independents who can afford to insulate themselves against precarious creative labour market conditions. They navigate this terrain, while protecting themselves against the harsher realities of creative labour precarity, by generating their income through separate full-time careers in various industries. The following table lists the research participants who are classified in this category, including the industries each of them are engaged with in a full-time capacity (Table 4).

# Participant Year Age Self- Formally University Years Industry pseudonyms of identified trained educated involve where they Birth Gender Musician d with work Identity the scene Don Matthew 1960 59 Male No No 27 Radio

Bob Sage 1963 56 Male No No 30 Hospitality

Bryan Adams 1967 52 Male No Yes 25 Warehousing

Vincent Giovanni 1970 49 Male No Yes 30 IT

Katy Konrad 1971 48 Female No No 15 Radio

Jack Nicholson 1973 46 Male No Yes 11 Office administration

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Steve Johnson 1973 46 Male No Yes 19 IT

Shaun Raven 1976 43 Male No Yes 25 Radio

Shania Payne 1977 42 Female No Yes 12 Government

Raymond Reiss 1983 36 Male Yes Yes 10 Education

Peter Simpson 1985 34 Male Yes Yes 13 Television

Table 4: List of semi-professional independents.

Four participants have been selected as case studies of semi-professional independents to provide a better sense of their music-making practices.

Case study: Shaun Raven Shaun Raven is a 43-year old man who has been engaged with the local independent music scene for almost 25 years. He is a singer and songwriter as well as a guitarist and bass player. Raven got his start with the scene in his late teens when he initially performed in bands both with other schoolmates as well as older musicians. When he went to university, Raven was also involved with a few bands that included his university friends. He has since been part of several other bands. Currently, Raven is engaged with two bands – which both operate within the local independent music scene. The band that he plays bass for can be described as doom metal/goth rock. The other band, for whom he provides vocals and plays the guitar, can be classified as blues-rock. Raven is also the booking agent, promoter, and record distributor for these two bands and frequently organises live music gigs for some local venues.

Both of Raven’s bands perform at least once a month. Even though they occasionally rent professional studios, most of their recording and production takes place in Raven’s home studio. His bands have released albums and singles in the form of vinyl, CDs, and digital formats. Physical copies of their music are sold via mail orders, at live gigs and local record shops while digital sales are facilitated through his bands’ Bandcamp profiles. Raven also organises merchandise for his bands including t-shirts, caps, hoodies, button badges, custom pins, wristbands, stickers, posters, and guitar picks among other items. These are sold at live gigs as well as through the bands’ online social media and Bandcamp profiles. The promotion of their music and gigs primarily takes place through Facebook and YouTube. His bands’ music receives regular airplay on local FM radio station 2RRR.

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Raven engages with music-making semi-professionally by self-managing and operating in a pro-am, DIY-based capacity while also being employed full-time at a local radio station. He is quite aware and pragmatic when he talks about opportunities for generating income via involvement with the local independent music scene, declaring it is not possible to earn a living from it alone. In his own words: Independent musicians don’t make a living from music. Everyone has a second job. Everyone needs a secondary form of income. It doesn’t happen otherwise. You don’t make money from selling records or t-shirts; you cover the cost, if you’re lucky. Otherwise, yeah, your job. There are plenty of musicians out there that live off teaching music. Raven’s livelihood is mainly based off salary from his employment that is supplemented by income from family inheritance. He explains that his pro-am music career is completely self-funded, where he often skims money from his salary for music-making. Even though he has small amounts of income coming from performing live, organising gigs and from the sale of his bands’ music and merchandise, Raven explains that he invests them back to cover some of the direct expenses associated with live performance, recording, promotion and distribution. His bandmates generally do the same so that their respective bands can operate in a self-sustainable manner. In other words, Raven’s engagement with the scene is financially non-profit seeking and aims to achieve a break-even economy or one that requires small subsidy from personal resources—where revenues from performing live, organising gigs and selling music and merchandise cover or at least offset some of the expenses of participation. Raven’s music-making practices within the scene entail artistic gratification in lieu of commercial profit – he mentions the creative satisfaction he experiences numerous times. For instance, Raven remarks: Just the other evening at the MoshPit, I came down from the stage after performing a set and sat down for a beer, and this young lady – she was hot by the way, she comes up, looks straight at me, and says ‘Your music really spoke to me today. Your songs are so deep.’ That look in her eye when she said it, man, I mean sure I was horny, but the point is, this kind of appreciation – its why I do music. It’s sheer satisfaction for me.

Case study: Shania Payne Shania Payne is a 42-year old female singer and songwriter who has been involved with this local music scene for about 12 years. She sings, plays the guitar, and performs with her band. Payne also writes, and directs, cabaret shows infrequently. She has played the guitar since a very young age and went to her first local gig during her teens with friends. Payne shares that during her early 20s, some of her friends encouraged her to get on stage at an open-mic event, held at a pub just down the road from where she resided at that time. Since then, she has regularly participated at similar events before forming a live band. Her music can be described as folk-rock with local influences and her lyrics are both feminist-based and queer-friendly.

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Recently, Payne performs almost every weekend at local venues. Her band regularly features in gigs such as Chicks with Picks. Hosted at The Townie in Newtown, Chicks with Picks is a live gig series which provide a platform for woman and non-binary performer-fronted bands (Raymond, 2018b). She has released several singles, and a couple of EPs, in the form of vinyl, CDs and digital formats. Payne records all her band’s songs at her bandmate’s home studio. She implements similar production, distribution, and promotion strategies as Raven for her band’s music and live performances. She also sells merchandise such as T-shirts at live gigs and through her band’s online social media profiles and website. Payne promotes her music and live gigs primarily through Facebook.

Like Raven, Payne also engages with music-making semi-professionally via pro-am, DIY-based activities. She has finished her tertiary education and is currently involved with a full-time government job where she works as a public servant. She explains that her livelihood is completely supported by her income from this job and that she engages with independent music strictly out of passion. Her involvement with this independent music scene is motivated by a passion for experiencing the opportunities aesthetic independence offers. Like Raven, Payne’s income generated from involvement with the scene is commercially not profit-driven and strives for a break-even economy. That is, proceeds from her music are invested towards covering some of the expenses of participation.

Case study: Peter Simpson Peter Simpson is a 34-year old male musician who has been part of the local independent music scene for about 13 years. Remarkably, he is a bass guitar player for over ten independent bands. He received classical music training from a young age and is now a versatile musician who can play several different styles. The genres of his bands range from punk and post-punk to progressive rock and math rock. The main reason he can be a part of so many bands is that they are not active simultaneously. Several are seasonal which means they are only active during certain periods. The music of his two main groups, which are highly active, can be framed as punk rock and progressive rock, respectively. Simpson’s punk band plays in festivals all over Sydney while his progressive rock band has toured major cities across Australia as well as some parts of Japan. His bands have been featured on platforms such as The Music and The Brag, in addition to receiving airplay at Triple J, FBi, 2SER and 2RRR. His progressive rock band is signed with local independent record label Art As Catharsis. Most of Simpson’s music is recorded at his home studio. He has released several singles, EPs, and full albums with multiple bands in the form of vinyl, CDs and digital formats. He implements similar production, distribution and promotion strategies as Raven and Payne for his bands’ music and live performances. Simpson also sells a variety of merchandise products at live gigs and through his

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bands’ online social media, Bandcamp profiles and their official websites. He promotes his music and live gigs through Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube.

Similar to Raven and Payne, Simpson makes music in a semi-professional capacity via pro-am, DIY-based practices. He has a university degree and works full-time as a creative producer at a national television channel. Simpson comments that his living is fully supported by his job and that his two main bands can generally sustain themselves economically. Like Raven and Payne, Simpson’s engagement with the scene is financially non-profit seeking and aims to function as a break-even sustainability model. Simpson also mentions that his involvement with the local independent scene is about experiencing artistic satisfaction through engaging with aesthetically independent music- making practices.

Case study: Raymond Reiss Raymond Reiss is a 36-year old male singer and songwriter who has frequented the local independent music scene over the last decade. He primarily plays the guitar but often dabbles with the piano as well. Being a self-described left-leaning activist, Reiss has been interested in alternative music forms since his early teens. He became involved with the scene with his first band alongside friends from university. Since then, he has performed with several bands. However, Reiss is currently involved with only one band which he founded. It has four members. Reiss describes his band’s music as an experimental mix of Americana, folk, and jazz.

Reiss is particular about what he wants to do with his music. He follows a punk-esque, anti- corporate and anti-major record label mantra. Reiss takes ideas of aesthetic independence very seriously. His band regularly performs at some of the more art-centric gigs and festivals such as the NOW now. He records his band’s music at home studios and often uses novel lo-fi techniques. For example, in one track, there is a whooshing ambient sound which was created by turning up a stand fan very close to two adjacent crates of opened empty wine bottles. His band has released several singles, EPs and four full-length albums on vinyls, CDs and in digital formats. He utilises similar production, distribution and promotion strategies as Raven, Payne, and Simpson. Reiss also sells his band’s merchandise at live gigs, via online social media and Bandcamp profiles, as well as their official website. He promotes their music and live gigs primarily using Facebook.

Like Raven, Payne and Simpson, Reiss is involved with music-making semi-professionally by self-managing and operating in a pro-am, DIY-based capacity. By profession, Reiss lectures on

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linguistics at a university in Sydney. He supports his livelihood solely through this teaching position, while often skimming some income towards his music-related activities. Much like Raven, Payne and Simpson, Reiss’s scene involvement is commercially not-for-profit and operates as a break-even economy.

Findings regarding semi-professional independents The semi-professional independents among the research participants illustrate some similarities among each other regarding their pro-am music-making activities. They are also multi- taskers who self-manage different areas of their music-making practices through DIY activities. Raven, Payne, Simpson, and Reiss’s main source of income derives from avenues other than music-making. They are dependent on remunerations from separate full-time jobs in different industries. Based on the research interviews, I estimate their average yearly income from their separate, full-time careers as ranging from AUD 70,000 to AUD 100, 000 per year. This is without considering supplemental income received through inheritance or a partner’s job. Within contemporary Australia’s national economy, this range just about covers the average yearly income of full-time employees in New South Wales in 2018 (Living in Australia, 2019).

These semi-professional independents’ lifestyles are not only supported by their economic capital but are also interdependent on other resources in the form of complex cultural and social capital arrangements. Raven, Payne, Simpson, Reiss, Adams, Giovanni, and Nicholson have completed tertiary-level education. Additionally, Simpson and Reiss have received classical music training. Raven and Reiss both mention that their initial bands consisted of their university friends. These signify their accumulation of a shared cultural capital and social capital in networks. Their social capital is closely related to their shared cultural capital, which became evident when I enquired about how one becomes a member of this local independent music scene. A scene member for over 15 years now, Konrad recalls getting to know about the scene and becoming involved during her teenage years. This was achieved by going to local gigs with her friends and family and socialising with the community there. In a similar vein, Reiss, who is engaged with this scene for about a decade, responds, ‘You just turn up. That’s it, it’s as simple as that. You turn up. You listen, you socialise, you network.’ A figure within the Central Sydney independent music scene for almost three decades, Giovanni states: I think it’s just a natural place to start for any band that wants to play shows. You have to start somewhere and the most natural place is smaller local pubs and venues that can act as a stepping stone for those bands that have the drive to seek further success but also act as a viable network to sustain smaller bands who are happy to exist and play on a smaller scale. In terms of involvement, it comes down to going to shows and networking within a like-minded

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community of musicians and live music supporters. Seeking out and approaching promoters and small venue owners and developing a relationship with them is important. His observations resonate with the personal experiences of Johnson. Now involved with this scene for almost two decades, Johnson recalls his experiences playing gigs with long-time school and university friends, with whom he used to attend gigs during his teens, and later having the opportunity to perform. In line with Johnson’s comments, Simpson remarks, ‘You just gotta be there man! Go to local live shows gigs, big or small. Try to get to know people. Try to help, volunteer. Try to share your music. Pretty soon, you will get your opportunities’. Like professional independent McGuire, Simpson goes on to share a personal story where, during the early stages of his career, he was performing at an open-mic event. People from The Music and Booze Company liked his performance and proposed to organise a gig series that included his band. Additionally, Raven, Simpson, Konrad, and Matthew also function as scene intermediaries who utilise their established social networks and durable relationships within, and beyond, the local independent music scene to support local, young, or developing musicians and bands. It is important to note here that social and business networks overlap. One cannot launch themselves in the local independent music scene without accumulating particular types of shared cultural and social capital comprising education, skills, tastes and being part of networks, which provide different types of live gig opportunities.

On the importance of these social relationships, Raven states, ‘We occasionally run off crowd- funding but again that’s just our fans really and our friends and families that are funding our things; that are funding our releases, that are funding our recordings, and funding our tours and things like that.’ Multiple research participants confirm that the majority of audience members at any given night at a local live gig usually comprised friends, family members and fans of the performing artists. They support their music not only through attending these gigs but also by buying their songs, records, and merchandise. These research participants emphasise that they rely on this supportive network of peers, friends, family, and fans. They are converting social capital into economic capital. Backing from this supportive network is beneficial for professional independents as well, with the difference being that they are less dependent on support from friends and family, rather their utilisation of social networking is more related with securing different types of live gigs, music-related jobs and entrepreneurial opportunities.

The semi-professional independents’ particular set of affordances due to their configurations of economic, cultural and social capital – specifically being educated, having a job and having skills while supported by a like-minded community – relationally shape their agency. Their set of affordances allows them to maintain practices of aesthetic independence within the local

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independent music scene. In other words, they are protected against the precarity of creative labour within Sydney’s contemporary music-related milieu because they are not dependent on the music industries for subsiding their living. Instead, they are dependent on certain types of resources in the forms of their shared and accumulated economic, cultural, and social capital.

A mixed economy Using analysis based on both these categories of independents, the following table depicts a summary of their characteristics (Table 5).

Category Professional independents Semi-professional independents Characteristics Musicians who are engaged full- Musicians who are involved with time with music-making while music-making in a part-time capacity. also being independent. They are They are engaged with semi- all classically trained, highly professional music careers as pro-am skilled musicians. musicians. Dependent on the Australian Not dependent on the Australian music industries for sustaining music industries for sustaining their their livelihoods. livelihoods. Sustain a living being Their main source of income comes entrepreneurial and developing a through avenues other than music- portfolio of different music making. They are dependent on practices, seeking, and creating separate full-time jobs in different opportunities while navigating industries, not limited to creative the mainstream music industries ones. (and broader cultural industries) in search of paid work. Function as self-managed Function as pro-am engaging with entrepreneurs and independent music for creative expression, not contractors. seeking to sustain their livelihoods. They are multi-taskers who manage multiple areas of their music-making practices via DIY activities. Proceeds from music-making practices within the scene is not about pursuing financial profit and are invested back to cover some of the direct financial expenses of participation. Breaking even is considered sufficient because scene participation is more about gratifying practices of being one’s own aesthetic boss. Social networking within the scene provides a platform for different types of live gigs, music-related works, and entrepreneurial opportunities. Table 5: Summary of characteristics of both categories of independents within the Central Sydney independent music scene.

Analysing the different strategies of constructing a living across both professional and semi- professional independents, while participating in the Central Sydney independent music scene,

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reveals different economic modes. For instance, professional independent Molasses operates as an independent contractor engaging with different kinds of contract-to-contract music-related work across both mainstream music, and broader cultural, industries. He applies for government grants and organises a variety of gigs for interested clients. Molasses also supports himself by teaching music as a means to an end. Semi-professional independent Raven works full-time at an FM radio station while his income is also supplemented by inherited wealth. Both categories of independents generate limited revenues from performing live, organising gigs, selling music and merchandise within the local independent music scene. These different economic modes coexist in a mixed economy within the Central Sydney independent music scene today.

Professional and semi-professional independents share some common characteristics in terms of self-management and multi-tasking with embedded DIY sensibilities. According to the study participants, income from their scene-based music-making practices are not oriented towards pursuing financial profit. Breaking even is considered a sufficient goal, because they are content if these proceeds cover the financial expenses directly associated with scene participation. The fact that the study participants’ attitude towards earnings from scene-based music-making activities is not solely about seeking financial rewards additionally connote their ethical commitments rooted in their independent practices.

Rather than just pursuing financial gains, the participants emphasise the importance of being in control of their music in terms of aesthetically expressing themselves. When asked to elaborate, Payne remarks: When you're independent, you can say to yourself, when you're in the studio, chances are, there's not like a million people out there waiting to listen to what this sounds like. So, I can do whatever I want. I can make it sound however I want to make it sound today. But if you take the bait when someone is offering you, like a record deal or whatever, and then the next thing you know, six months later, you're whoring out. Your music sounds nothing like what you want it to sound like. And somehow, people say ‘Oh look at you. You're doing so well.’ But you're not doing well. You're doing shit. Now you've got nothing 'cause the thing that you really loved has become so perverted, that you probably never wanna do it again. So, for me, independence is taking control of my music, my career, my life and not commercialising my passion. Reiss explains: It’s about passion for creative expression. Because, record labels and industry music they tend to have guidelines they have to follow. A friend of mine was signed by a label a while back and was told, ‘we love everything about the band, we just want to change 1 or 2 things’ and they want to change everything and then get them to perform songs that had been written by their songwriters and then sung by themselves. I’m violently opposed to this kind of creative control.

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Their music-making activities within the scene are about artistic gratification derived from engaging with, and being in control of, passion projects encompassing experimental and aesthetically independent music. Informed by the self-determination theory35, MacIntyre, Schnare, and Ross (2018, pp. 699-701) state that motivations for musicians are a complex, multifaceted, and integrated system of extrinsic and intrinsic processes that shape their behaviours, where extrinsic values are governed by external pressure while intrinsic values are regulated by more internal and personal meanings. Accordingly, Payne and Reiss’s motivations for gaining artistic gratification from experimental and aesthetically independent music-making can be articulated as intrinsic. Artistic gratifications concerning creative work in the cultural industries are widely discussed by some scholars. For instance, Arditi (2015, p. 92) states that cultural workers’ ability to derive joy out of their labour is precisely why their labour fetishized, while also allowing exploitation of such labourers. While discussing ‘cultural discount’, Ross (2000, p. 6) also articulates compensation in the form of gratification obtained from creative work. Furthermore, Payne and Reiss’s comments connote an emphasis on passion rather than financial profits driving their practices, which is reminiscent of findings from Bennett’s (2018) work on the cultural industries, where he argues that passion is what drives workers to undertake creative work. Rengers and Madden (2000, pp. 325-326) categorize similar non-monetary motivations as ‘psychic income’ while discussing about the working habits and motivations of artists and cultural workers. For instance, when Raven states ‘That look in her eye when she said it . . . this kind of appreciation – its why I do music’36 – this can be considered as ‘psychic income’ that partly contributes to his motivations for music-making. Importantly, the research participants can afford to be their own aesthetic boss within the Central Sydney independent music scene as long as they accept dependence on other strategies and recourses beyond independent music.

Within this mixed economy context, an interesting finding is that 11 out of the 15 participants are over the age of 40 while the remaining four are in their 30s. While speaking about the resilience of independent musicians within this local scene, Raven remarks: . . . people with persistence and that, you know, inability to die, you know, they don’t quit for the mortgage and the kids. And you see a lot of guys around my age in the 40s that are still making good music and are still playing all the time. There are people I’m seeing this weekend, and the age ranges in the bands go everywhere from the mid to late 40s, down to early 20s. A lot of the bands who are in the independent scene, they tend to stick around for a very long

35 The self-determination theory is based on the notion that people have some core psychological needs, namely, autonomy, competence, and relatedness, that need to be satisfied to different degrees (MacIntyre et al., 2018, p. 700). 36 The full version of this quote by Raven is mentioned earlier in this chapter, in p. 111. SHAMS QUADER 129

time. The ones that do stick around, the ones that make it past the age of 32, which I believe is your death age as an independent musician, really do stick around for a long time. Most participants in this study are at a mature stage of their lives and have been involved with the Central Sydney independent music scene for at least a decade. One way of theorising this trend is to suggest they are in the ‘post-youth’ stages of their lives. While broadly discussing DIY music-making practices, Bennett (2013) explains post-youth as individuals who continue to observe and promote values originally arrived at during their youth while being in the conventionally ‘adult’ stage of their lives. Raven, Payne, Simpson, Reiss, Johnson and McGuire entered the Central Sydney independent music scene during their late teens or their early 20s. Raven, Payne and Johnson are now in their 40s. Importantly, long-standing involvement with the scene, marked by the comparatively matured ages of the majority of research participants, allows for the accumulation of resources (especially in the form of social as well as economic and cultural capital) and development of strategies (including entrepreneurial practices, separate full-time employment) over time.

Another aspect of this mixed economy includes the ‘gift economy’ which, according to Hesmondhalgh (2010) based on Barbrook’s (1998) perspective, revolves around gift forms of labour. Scene intermediaries Molasses, Bushra, McGuire, Davies, Raven, Simpson, Konrad, and Matthew mention devoting their time and effort towards mentoring and supporting young and emerging artists and bands, utilising their experience and social networks established over long-term scene engagement. While discussing that socialising is key to becoming a member of this scene, Reiss, Giovanni, Johnson, and Simpson mention volunteering to support at live gigs, signifying yet another aspect of their gift forms of labour. Furthermore, the research participants note performing free-of- charge at events where proceeds are donated either towards charity, activist groups, or to raise awareness about important issues. For example, Johnson states: ‘We have recently been invited to perform at the next Newtown Festival. Sure, we won’t get paid, but it’s for a good cause. Proceeds go to the homeless.’ For Nicholson, ‘Every now and then, I perform free-of-charge for fundraising kind of events. I remember recently playing a gig where the proceeds contributed towards renovations for a venue.’ These practices of mentoring, volunteering support, performing for free – entail gift forms of labour – adding another dimension to the scene’s mixed economy. Such practices also connote the participants’ ethical values embedded within their independent practices.

Specific sets of affordances based on different configurations of accumulated economic resources, musical literacies, social networks, and experience associated with long-term and recurrent involvement with music-related work, shape the agency of each research participant as they operate in a mixed economy. Conceptually, this economy also involves multiple, though often indirect,

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dependencies on mainstream cultural and economic life and institutions, because depending on the alternative-based ones will never sustain a full living. Within the context-based specificity of this scene, the diversity of genres and aesthetic experimentation are illustrative of this phenomenon. That is, the research participants’ music-making practices are flexible on the back of economic security. Perhaps the inclinations towards genre diversity can also be linked to class – consistent with previous findings.

Bennett, Emmison and Frow’s (1999) empirical study on Australian cultural tastes – which was both inspired by, and a critique of, Bourdieu’s (1984) theoretical framework on tastes – is one approach that can be used to theorise this phenomenon. Bourdieu’s (1984) framework was the correlation between different social aspects of France’s population with their tastes about different things. Whereas Bourdieu assumed 1960s French culture to be an insulated and closed system, Australian culture has been influenced by cultural flows in different phases largely from European and Asian migration (Bennett et al., 1999). According to Bennett et al. (1999, p. 5), Australian national cultural boundaries have always been quite porous as a result of global patterns of cultural production and distribution, which is evident in historical narratives surrounding the development of its national music industries. Their arguments are based on the findings of a national survey they conducted, recording responses about the cultural practices and preferences of 2,756 adult Australians between 1994 and 1995. Their main purpose was to map the social backgrounds of the respondents in as much detail as their cultural tastes and interests, so that associating both variables would produce a richly textured social cartography of Australian cultural tastes (Bennett et al., 1999, p. 2). Findings from this study demonstrate that the educated middle-classes have a much more varied range of cultural tastes, including music preferences and knowledge. Bennett et al. (1999, p. 187) term this demographic cluster ‘cultural omnivores’37. In line with their terminology, participants of my study whose largely middle-class statuses influence their music-making practices, can be termed as ‘genre omnivores’.

Both professional and semi-professional independents among the research participants experiment with several music genres including folk, rock, blues, metal, goth, punk, pop, jazz and electronic, among others. They are able to defy genre boundaries. That is, they do not adhere to the categories of indie, punk and post-punk as conceived by popular music industries. Rather they create hybrid fusion genres such as jazz-punk. It is interesting to note that the existence of the hybridised jazz-punk music style within the local independent scene is reminiscent of its post-punk roots. Participants of this study do not have to conform to iterations of the ‘Triple J sound’ and its associated

37 Bennett et al. borrowed this term from Peterson and Kern (1996) who first introduced it. SHAMS QUADER 131

career trajectories. According to Reiss, this ‘sound’ is generally perceived as a ‘radio-friendly’38 sonic aesthetic, which is typically a variation of the indie-pop or rock genre made recognisable by the mainstream music industries that bears career implications for those that produce it. This is a nod towards the more mainstream versions of indie, those that may be less packaged than formulaic pop but are still somewhat adapted to mainstream media requirements. Based on my field observations, aesthetic compromises characterising the Triple J sound include limiting the approximate track length in between 3 to 4 minutes making it suitable for radio airplay, often following a reliable song structure and music arrangements comprising an intro-> verse->chorus->verse->chorus->interlude->chorus- >outro and lyrical themes which are not explicitly dark or offensive. Sydney artists Richard In Your Mind’s ‘I hope you weren’t waiting long’ (Richard In Your Mind, 2018) and Ruby Field’s ‘Dinosaurs’ (Fields, 2018) serve as examples.

The mixed economy model specifically affords the research participants this cross-genre experimenting and genre-defying stylistic creativity, whereas mainstream music industry markets would not. They successfully position themselves to be their own aesthetic boss in relation to their music-making activities without economic pressures of selling out. Multiple historical narratives of popular music reveal that it is impossible to prevent co-option by popular music industries, as any form of alternative music with an oppositional ethos may ultimately be commodified once its commercial potential is recognised. That is the cyclical nature of the mainstream music industries as exemplified by the paradoxical trajectory of indie music. The participants have a pragmatic way of navigating the paradoxes to make the best of the situation aesthetically. In fact, they are not at risk of co-option themselves because they do not desire or need to conduct their indie practice through mainstream channels because of the economic strategies they deploy, even if this means being involved in the mainstream music industry in other roles beyond the independent music scene.

On the opposite side of the spectrum to selling out, authenticity can mean different things in different geographic and historic contexts. When asked about the criteria implemented to judge musicians and bands, scene intermediaries like Konrad, Simpson, Reiss, and Matthew explain that they value ‘authenticity’. For instance, Konrad states, ‘Obviously you have got to be from around here and got to have talent. You have to sound good. If your sound is unique, then that’s great! If not, at least come to gigs regularly. Help out when you can.’ As mentioned earlier in this chapter, Simpson comments that attending gigs, networking, and volunteering help is very important to become a part of the scene. Similarly, Reiss also emphasises attending, socialising, and networking at gigs. Matthew

38 Refers to music genres that suit a specific station’s format and personality (Negus, 1999). SHAMS QUADER 132

contends: ‘Being a local and having talent is not enough, you also have to be professional. It’s the little etiquettes you know, like coming to the venue early, having your gear ready before the show. Stick to your slot-timing, don’t go over.’ Their form of authenticity is articulated as a combination of talent, creativity, being local (that is, being based in Sydney or actively performing there), professional work ethic (how sincere and dedicated they are to their music i.e., showing up to booked gigs on time and delivering sets appropriately within the allocated time-frame), long-term and recurrent engagement with the scene (attending, socialising, and volunteering at live gigs and other scene-related functions). Within these meanings of authenticity, long-standing commitment and involvement with the scene emerges again as a core value.

The study participants’ comments suggest that participation in the Central Sydney independent music scene is predominantly about practising aesthetic independence relational to their set of affordances. These practices, entailing the development of passion projects and creative experimentations with multiple music genres, while maintaining a DIY or self-managed, financially non-profit seeking break-even economy, connote the research participants’ ethos associated with gratifications of practising aesthetic independence within the local independent music scene. The platform provided by the scene for undertaking this is precisely why professional independents function at a cultural discount, sacrificing appropriate levels of financial compensation relative to their high level of skills in exchange for the satisfaction experienced through creative work.

Practices of the study participants represent a version of independent music practices that characterise the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene, which is not simply about art versus commerce tropes reminiscent of some representations of independent music cultures, such as depictions of youth culture with an oppositional ethos toward, and tensions around, going mainstream. For instance, this version of independent music practices is in contrast with the homologous subcultural tendencies of working-class British punks in the post-Second World War era. Interestingly, members of the Central Sydney independent music scene are part of an educated middle-class community who are engaged with different practices of independence associated with the production and distribution of independent music, which represents a form of homology. As a group of educated, middle-class genre omnivores, members’ syncretic style mixing signifies their grounded aesthetics. Independence within the scene, then, is more about how the participants of the study navigate its cultural economy entailing particular arrangements of exchanges between art and commerce. The scene remains unaffected if a few members move on or disengage because they cannot afford to participate anymore. Instead, the research participants’ specific set of affordances

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supporting their long-term engagement, and gift forms of labour (mentoring and supporting emerging artists plus performing for free), not only contribute towards comprehending their ethos but also explains how the scene sustains itself in its present-day form. Members of the scene situate themselves through particular configurations of resources, strategies and economic exchanges, which allow them to both construct their living and practice aesthetic independence in ways that would be difficult if following the imperatives of mainstream music markets. Their independent practices signify a distinctively sustainable form of independent music, as opposed to a transitory cultural moment – the kind associated with the origin stories of independent music emerging from youth rebellion where independence is practised by performing alternative activities independent of mainstream conventions and infrastructures. Additionally, this sustainable version of independent music also signifies not going mainstream – where independence is replaced by becoming professional on mainstream industry terms.

Analysing how the participants of this study sustain their livelihoods reveals interesting findings about meanings of independence specific to the Central Sydney independent music scene today. This, in turn, contributes towards larger discussions on how independence might take particular forms. While this chapter takes an analytical stance from an economic perspective, the next chapter focuses on government policy by specifically emphasising how scene members respond to government attempts to shape Sydney’s culture as part of an agenda to boost the national economy through mobilising the creative labour.

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CHAPTER 4: RESPONSE TO GOVERNMENTALITY OF SHAPING SYDNEY’S CULTURE

This chapter explores how the Central Sydney independent musicians negotiate with government intervention strategies attempting to shape Sydney’s culture. This is achieved by inquiring how the study participants respond to policy environments to swim within contesting currents from multi-level government regulations intended for mediating Sydney’s live music and night-time economy. Historically, independent music scenes were niche and generally operated outside the purview of government policies and funding. The latter were typically concerned with so-called ‘high arts’ such as literature, classical music, theatre and paintings (Hartley et al., 2013). However, this has changed as national governments attempt to boost the creative economy. The notion of ‘creative economy’ – which emerged in the late 1990s and early 2000s through Landry (2000), Howkins (2002) and Florida (2004) – is fundamentally about the industrial giving way to the growing power of ideas and creativity in the economy. It is exemplified by the ‘turn from steel and hamburgers to software and intellectual property’ (Peters, 2010, p. 71). Cultural and creative practices are therefore framed as commercial endeavours (Wang, 2004). The genesis of creative economy policy discourse emerged within the UK’s cultural policy shifts that were initiated by the ‘New’ Labour Party under Tony Blair’s leadership following the 1997 election (Cornell, 2017, pp. 164-172). It continued through to its turn from cultural to creative industries in the early 2000s, which was based on the institutionalisation of new ways of thinking about culture as an economic activity (Cornell, 2017, pp. 164-172).

The Blair Government published the 2001 Creative Industries Mapping Document under a new departmental name – the Department of Digital, Culture, Media, and Sport (DCMS). It outlines the ‘creative industries’ as ‘industries which have their origin in individual creativity, skill and talent which have a potential for job and wealth creation through the generation and exploitation of intellectual property’ ("Creative Industries Economic Estimates," 2016, p. 3). According to the DCMS (2001), such creative industries include advertising, antiques, architecture, crafts, designs, designer fashion, film, leisure software, music, performing arts, publishing, software, television, and radio.

The rhetoric of creative economy policy is about mobilising these industries to boost the economy through their creative labour forces, and its products, driving innovation and achieving economic success (Ross, 2008). According to Cornell (2017, p. 168), even though the Blair-led Government may have institutionalised the creative industries, policy-thinking around these industries was established in other countries decades prior. For example, Australia’s Paul Keating-led Labor Government introduced Creative Nation in 1994, a pioneering cultural policy that emphasised

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the notion that culture creates wealth (Homan, 2013, p. 387). It was the first policy document to acknowledge popular music, and other non-traditional cultural sectors, as contributing to the economic well-being of the nation (Homan, 2013, p. 387). Australia implemented the creative industries model comparatively early. It had flow-on effects like the Queensland University of Technology (QUT) rebranding their traditional Arts and Humanities Faculty into the Creative Industries Faculty in 2001, which contributed to the development of the inner city creative industries precinct in Brisbane, Queensland, in collaboration numerous government and industry bodies (Cornell, 2017, p. 293). Simon Crean, then-Minister for the Arts in the Julia Gillard-led Labor Government, launched Creative Australia – National Cultural Policy 2013 in March 2013. It has been hailed as the successor to Keating’s Creative Nation. Among its five overarching policy goals, emphasis is placed on supporting creative artists and the creative industries to contribute to ‘national life, community wellbeing and the economy’ (Coombs, 2013).

Homan (2013) maps the Australian national cultural policy and explores the motivations behind its formation, informed by understandings of cultural activity. Specifically, his study examines the Australian cultural policy history from 1968, with the establishment of the Australia Council for the Arts, to the drafting stages of Creative Australia: National Cultural Policy in 2012, while situating popular music within this discourse. He notes these national cultural policy documents are not subtle about their approach to creativity and culture through discourses of economic benefit (Homan, 2013, p. 389). A. Bennett (2018, p. 147) observes that the profusion of grassroots DIY music-making activities have not gone unnoticed by various national governments who invariably attempt to incorporate them into policy frameworks that focus primarily on their potential contributions to the national economy. Resonating with A. Bennett’s (2018) comments, the economic potential of music consistent with the creative economy policy rhetoric seems to be have been recognised at the local, state, and federal government levels in Australia. The creative economy effect has been apparent in Australia, not only within federal policy frameworks, but within state and local government tiers as well (Homan, 2013, p. 389). Particularly relevant to the Central Sydney independent music scene are, for instance, funding boosts from the Australia Council for the Arts (Eliezer, 2017) at the federal level, The Music Now Contemporary Live Music Funding program (Create NSW, 2019) at the state level and The City of Sydney’s Live Music and Performance grants (City of Sydney, 2019) at the local government level – which are covered later in this chapter.

Music, whether in terms of live music and night-time economy in major cities or as commodified products for national and international markets, has enjoyed a constant presence within

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Australian government’s creative economy-centric policy discourses at federal, state, and local government levels since Creative Nation. Recently, the Australian Government is taking steps towards developing the music industries, with a specific focus on developing its live music and night-time economy, as a part of an initiative to mobilise creative industries to boost the nation’s economy. According to Shaw (2014, p. 89), ‘night-time economy’ is a phrase used to describe the alcohol and leisure industry in cities after dark. It has its origins in academic work tied to Landry’s creative cities research organisation Comedia. This phrase first gained currency in policy planning circles from an article on cities and cultural planning by Montgomery (1990). Its usage is associated with the attempts of such organisations, like Comedia, to encourage de-regulation and the development of the night- time alcohol and leisure industry in both political and academic fields (Shaw, 2014, p. 89). More recently, the relationship between music and the night-time economy regarding how they feed off each other has been recognised by government authorities of several cities around the world (Stahl & Bottà, 2019).

In January 2017, the City of Sydney announced some new funding initiatives aimed at supporting and developing the local live music and the night-time economy (Jolly, 2017; The Music, 2017a). By mid-year, more than sixty music projects all over Australia received funding boosts from the Australia Council for the Arts worth AUD 7.2 million (Eliezer, 2017). The Australia Council and Arts NSW offer a variety of grants for local musicians, encompassing both classical as well as contemporary music forms (City of Sydney, 2019). The Australia Council and Arts NSW offer a variety of grants for local musicians, encompassing both classical as well as contemporary music forms (City of Sydney, 2019). The assessment criteria for The Music Now Contemporary Live Music Funding program (Create NSW, 2019, pp. 1-3), offered through Create NSW and the Office of Responsible Gambling Liquor and Gaming to ‘support the presentation of contemporary live music in NSW’, include: ‘artistic and cultural merit’ (including quality of cultural outcomes, contribution to an art form, cultural diversity, cultural practice or location experience and expertise); audience engagement and participation strategies; viable plans for effective use of resources; detailed, comprehensive and accurate budgeting; and, supporting documentation.

ImagineSydney: Play, a recent analytical report by Deloitte Access Economics, reveals that Sydney’s night-time economy is worth approximately AUD 27 billion a year while supporting 230,000 jobs (Wade, 2019). It further notes that Sydney’s cultural domain employs about 47,000 workers, 20% of whom are engaged with music, performing and visual arts (Wade, 2019). Meanwhile, the Live Music Office, based on a study conducted by the University of Tasmania, notes that New South Wales is the

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largest contributor to the live music sector in Australia (Green, 2018, p. 10). It accounts for approximately AUD 3,623 million and 23, 207 jobs (Green, 2018, p. 10). Live Performance Australia similarly reports that, in 2016, New South Wales generated the most contemporary music revenue (AUD 157.6 million – 35% of the national market share) and attendance (1.91 million – 33% of the national market share) (Green, 2018, p. 10). A City of Sydney commissioned study, also conducted by the University of Tasmania, further reveals that in 2016 live music performance in Sydney enabled approximately AUD 353 million worth of valuable outputs across the community (Green, 2018, p. 10). According to the Australian Contemporary Music Industry’s statistical snapshot for August 2017, music contributes AUD 4-6 billion to the Australian economy (Music Australia, 2017). The nation’s live music sector annually generates approximately AUD 2 million and its recorded industry has grown by 5.5% since 2016 (Music Australia, 2017).

When the Scott Morrison-led Coalition Government revealed their federal budget plan ahead of Australia’s 2019 federal election, AUD 30.9 million in funding to support the Australian music industry was announced (The Music, 2019). This was broken down into AUD 22.5 million proposed for live music grants and small businesses; AUD 2.1 million for a Women In Music Mentor program; AUD 2.7 million for Indigenous contemporary music; AUD 2 million to the Australia Council to increase live performance prospects; and, AUD 1.6 million to increase Sounds Australia’s development to capture evolving markets in Asia (The Music, 2019).39

There is, however, another side to government policies, specifically their associated regulatory interventions that are less concerned with enabling creative industries like the live music sector than with policing its spaces alongside shaping local culture. Sydney’s live music and night-time economy are shared by both mainstream as well as independent artists. Issues related to government policy interventions therefore often spill over to the local independent music scene. Recently, government regulatory strategies such as ‘lockout’ laws, new licensing for music festivals and pill- testing40 have prompted a collective response from musicians, music industry professionals,

39 Substantial reports about how these subsidies are being implemented were not available at the time of writing this thesis. This may be because the federal election took place on May 2019 and these are still relatively early days for the current government. 40 The development of the live music and night-time economy became a hot topic, both for the NSW state election (held in March 2019) as well as the Federal election (held in May 2019), with major political parties releasing live music policies. The NSW Government implemented new licensing laws for music festivals hosted in this state from March 2019 (Rowe & Clark, 2019). This was a response to several incidents at the Defqon.1 music festival in Castlereagh in September 2018, where two festival-attendees in their early 20s died of suspected drug overdoses while seven others were hospitalised for drug-related illness (Convery, 2019). The NSW Government refused to consider pill-testing as an alternative to law enforcement strategies. This is despite harm minimisation advocates contending that pill-testing is about informing potential drug users about the SHAMS QUADER 138

journalists as well as politicians that the Sydney live music and night-time economy is in ‘crisis’ (Donoughue, 2018; Holder & Richman, 2018).

Sydney’s lockout laws were introduced in 2014 as a measure against the alcohol-fuelled violence that claimed the lives of two young individuals. These laws mean that venues, clubs, and pubs within Sydney CBD including Kings Cross, Darlinghurst, Cockle Bay, The Rocks, Haymarket, and some parts of Surry Hills, cannot permit new customers after 1:30 A.M. and call last drinks at 3 A.M. (Dalziel, 2018). The lockout laws have had a myriad of adverse, interconnected impacts on Sydney’s night-time economy. These include the closure of several live music venues, the decrease in customers in night- time entertainment quarters, a lack of opportunities for local musicians and creative professionals who are slowly dispersing to other Australian cities (Earp, 2017b), fear and confusion (Woods, 2017) and the displacement of alcohol-driven violence to neighbouring suburbs of the Sydney CBD and Kings Cross (Whitbourn, 2017).

The contemporary form of the Central Sydney independent music scene is a part of the cultural milieu that the federal and state governments attempt to mediate through policy frameworks. The government’s ‘governmentality’41 involves improving the national economy by boosting the creative economy. On one hand, the government seems to recognise the economic potential of Australian music and aims to support it with several funding initiatives at the local, state, and federal government levels. On the other hand, another side to government policies involves regulatory interventions that are less concerned with backing the live music sector than with policing its spaces and shaping local culture. This chapter focuses on how the study participants respond to this governmentality of shaping Sydney’s culture. It addresses how these participants negotiate with such contesting of government intervention strategies.

implications of what they may consume in a health care context – not about drug endorsement (Convery, 2019). The changes in the laws are associated with licensing, health and safety requirements and considers various risks at a music festival including number of people attending, location, experience of the operator and the weather. Because of these new music festival-related licensing laws, two music festivals have already been cancelled, namely the Mountain Sounds and Psyfari music festivals (Convery, 2019). However, since all my research interviews were conducted in 2017, participants of this study did not comment on topics such as music festival licensing and introduction of pill-testing at music festivals. 41 According to Dean (2010), Foucault’s (1991) notion of governmentality refers to different kinds of government rationalities associated with particular approaches to governing. As Miller and Rose (1990, p. 8) articulate it, these ‘means of action and intervention’ are key to modern ‘mentalities of government and crucial for the possibility of modern forms of rule.’

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Policing of live music and the night-time economy The following account of government regulatory strategies that police the Sydney live music and night-time economy is derived from findings from my fieldwork conducted between 2017 and early 2019. Local musicians must contend with federal, state and local government regulations including New South Wales’ state-sanctioned lockout laws, million-dollar housing and business developments that are transforming traditional live music and night-time entertainment centres (Drysdale, 2015), higher real estate values resulting in some iconic venues being sold for commercial re-purposing (Homan, 2013), the closing down of other notable venues (Homan, 2008a) and changing resident demographics. On Sydney’s lockout laws, Simpson states: Lockout laws were implemented to pretty much cull violence in the nightlife, which was predominantly in the King’s Cross area, and predominantly outside nightclubs, where people would kind of punch on, literally, and kind of hurt each other cause they’re idiots. So, the result was shutting down night clubs, as well as live music venues early, and bringing in a curfew. I mean, what the actual fuck! Simpson’s comments reveal that, even though lockout laws were sanctioned to curb alcohol-driven violence in and around pubs and nightclubs, they do not discriminate. These laws conflate night clubs with live music gigs despite there being no significant records of violence at the latter. Simpson’s views resonate with those conveyed in the documentary Turn it up! (Holder & Richman, 2018), suggesting a groundswell of discontent with the state legislation.

The closing down of live music venues, however, involves several converging cultural, political, socio-historical, and socio-economic factors where lockout laws remain but one. The decline of live music venues in Sydney has been well documented since the 1980s culminating in Vanishing Acts: An Inquiry into the State of Live Popular Music Opportunities in NSW, a report by Johnson and Homan that was published in 2003 (Johnson & Homan, 2003). To understand this phenomenon, it is necessary to go back to the history of Australian popular music. Despite its huge successes in the 1970s and 1980s, Oz rock’s social and commercial foundations were certainly under threat by the 1990s, and this was equally felt among musicians, venue managers and audiences. Several landmark venues, such as the Manly Vale Hotel, the Comedy Hotel (formerly known as the Harold Park), the Chevron Hotel, the Manzil Room, the Mosman Hotel, the Sydney Cove Tavern and the Tivoli had either stopped hosting live rock music, switched to other entertainment options or were under mandatory restricted trading hours where music was concerned (Homan, 2003b, 2008a). These were the result of four broadly interrelated factors.

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Firstly, there were noise debates. Homan (2008a) notes that the steady gentrification projects in Sydney CBD, ongoing since the 1970s, meant that local music pubs were often situated within residential areas. This created a real zoning challenge, not only for local councils but also the state government, as the growing section of professional, middle-class residents began to complain about the noise levels instigated by said pubs. The NSW Liquor Act was amended in 1981 to empower the authority of the licensing court to preserve the quiet and good order in the vicinity of licensed premises including restaurants (New South Wales Liquor Administration Board, 1981, p. 9). Consequently, venue managers found it difficult to obtain approval for bands, whose sound levels would exceed the allowed ambient noise levels of the venue’s surrounding areas, to play after midnight.

Secondly, the costs associated with complying with these new noise restrictions were not alone. The provision of external security personnel (for if the venue became overcrowded), soundproofing and venue acoustic reports for council all added to the costs of running a live music venue. Moreover, revised building code standards were implemented for premises with entertainment, which meant closer inspection at all venues for fire safety standards including fire- proofed furniture and ceilings, fire ‘panic’ doors and audience capacities. That is, no more squeezing 1,200 beer drinking Oz rock fans into a venue licensed for 400 (Homan, 2008a, p. 607). The most problematic imposition of the 1985 Liquor Regulation (Entertainment Areas), according to Homan (2008a), was the re-examination of exit doors and their widths which stemmed from the need to ensure that large crowds could exit venues in case of fire or other emergencies. This meant that even exit doors had to be re-designed and reconstructed along with the aforementioned costs associated with ascertaining council approval for venues or pubs hosting live music.

Thirdly, the mentioned connection between excessive drinking and Oz rock underpinned by the punters’ philosophy of ‘suck more piss’ (Homan, 2003b, p. 41; Oldham, 2013) was intentionally toned down as the Wran Government debuted random breath testing across NSW in 1982 (New South Wales Liquor Administration Board, 1981, p. 1) before the Hawke Government reduced taxes for a low-alcohol beer at a national level. The impact of anti-drink driving measures was immediately felt with reduced beer sales and the loss of 2,000 jobs after the first year of implementation (Homan, 2008a). Homan (2008a, pp. 607-608; 1993) explains that, throughout the 1990s, several measures were taken to curtail underage drinking including checking identity cards, banning ‘dollar drink’ nights, and the NSW Government’s introduction of a range of ‘responsible service’ codes of practice represented in campaigns like ‘No more. It’s the Law’. These campaigns clearly emphasised the

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consequences for both drinkers and venue managers if harm minimisation practices were not properly observed.

Homan (2008a) states that with the increasing costs of compliance required to run a music venue, while the core revenues derived from sound production and alcohol were both also diminished through government interventions and initiatives, it is not surprising that owners turned to other revenue sources that were more profitable and less likely to cause problems with regulations. Different strategies included opening upscale dining facilities, boutique restaurants with boutique beers, focusing on serving fewer diners and drinkers but with higher quality food and beverages. This, coinciding with the Carr Government’s introduction of poker (slot) machines at hotels in 1997, provided a further lucrative alternative for pub owners (Homan, 2008a, p. 608). These types of regulatory interventions did not just stay within Sydney, but were replicated beyond in other major cities such as Brisbane, Melbourne and Perth throughout the 1970s and 1980s, with noise legislation reform increasingly becoming a priority for both local and state governments alongside ongoing gentrification projects (Homan, 2003c; Stratton, 2007).

Since the 1980s, several iconic live music venues have permanently shut down in Central Sydney. These include the Newtown Social Club (Earp, 2017a), B.E.D Beats Eats Drinks (Martin, 2017a), the Harold Park Hotel, the Exchange Hotel and the Hopetoun Hotel (Street, 2017). More recently, the State Parliament held an inquiry into music within New South Wales on 23 November 2017, inviting submissions from musicians, DJs, producers, performers and music enthusiasts that covered their concerns, real-life issues and constructive feedback (Parliament of New South Wales, 2018). Organised by MusicNSW, the Portfolio Committee No. 6 – Planning and Environment received 437 submissions and 8 supplementary submissions, held 11 public hearings and conducted 19 site visits (Green, 2018). The resulting report – The music and arts economy in New South Wales (2018) – was published in November 2018 with four key findings and sixty recommendations responding to the problematic situation of music, the arts and the night-time economy in New South Wales. Sydney, especially, represents a significant portion of this landscape. There is consistency between the findings of Vanishing Acts (Johnson & Homan, 2003) and this report, specifically regarding the closure and decline of local live music venues. The report articulates several intertwining factors causing the shortage of live music venues including the impact of lockout laws, the cumulative urbanisation both in city and industrial areas, the rigidity of certain current land zoning laws, the complexity of liquor licensing and noise complaint regulations (Green, 2018, p. 34). Similar views are shared by my research participants.

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Speaking in broader terms, the research participants explained that the impact of lockout laws, urbanisation and its resultant tensions between live music venues, real estate developers and residents, liquor licensing issues as well as interrelated noise restrictions are among the complex concerns that emerge from government intervention strategies. Johnson, Giovanni, Payne, Reiss, Simpson, Raven and Adams echo each other in claiming lockout laws largely mean fewer live gigs in the Kings Cross, Darlinghurst, Cockle Bay, The Rocks Haymarket, and some parts of Surry Hills. However, they also state that the majority of their shows take place beyond the jurisdiction of lockout laws42, displaced to suburbs such as Erskineville, Newtown, Glebe and Marrickville. Additionally, Davies, Payne, and McGuire each point out the lack of mid-size live music venues in Sydney’s inner city and inner west areas which have given rise to several shows being hosted at warehouses, bowling clubs and temporary venues. Reminiscent of local live music and night-life culture in the 1980s and 1990s, recurrent live music gigs and parties at warehouses in and around Marrickville and Sydenham suburbs were common throughout the time I conducted my fieldwork. Event series such as Carpe Noctem The Gathering (The-bacon-Emporium, 2019) which is a live music gig and party at a warehouse in Marrickville, serves as an example. Furthermore, regular live music is also hosted in such unconventional venues as the Petersham Bowling Club (2018), the Marrickville Bowling and Recreation Club (2016) and temporary venues such as the Tempe Jets Sports Club and other ventures by Brand X (2018c). Such transference of gigs into more general community spaces signify that the study participants’ independent music practices are outside the lockout zone already because their practices rely on less mainstream venues and thus are not impacted so much by policy.

Speaking about how government policies and their associated regulatory strategies affect Sydney’s live music and the night-time economy, Giovanni explains: There have been a lot of legitimate concerns, such as pokies, lockout laws, fire regulations, noise restrictions etc. aired in the media by those involved in the local music scene over the years. But in all honesty, they have had little effect on me personally as a musician. In my experience, if a venue closes down or stops booking live music, it isn’t long until another venue springs up to bridge the gap. In my case, I play as a hobby or creative outlet and am not a working musician relying on income from gigs, so I don’t need to be playing regularly to generate income. It’s true to say that there are increasingly fewer places to play compared to 15 to 30 years ago and I imagine that working musicians or musicians looking to sustain a career would have difficulty surviving in Sydney in its current climate. Similar to Giovanni’s comments, professional independents including Molasses, Bushra, Davies and McGuire explain that government regulatory strategies do not prove to be a huge deterrent to them. For example, they generally perform and organise gigs at the ‘fringes’ (i.e. outside of lockout law

42 See map of the Sydney lockout laws coverage in Dalziel (2018). SHAMS QUADER 143

restrictive zones). However, the majority of research participants express frustration due to several iconic venues shutting down in addition to the constant struggle with noise complaints.

As I conducted my fieldwork for this study, several venues received noise complaints and were fined, including the famous Sydney Opera House (Circular Quay) and The Basement (Kings Cross). The Sydney Opera House received a fine of AUD 15,000 from the NSW Department of Planning and Environment in 2017, following a succession of noise complaints from residents of the nearby Bennelong Apartment block (locally known as ‘The Toaster’), over the live performance of Florence and the Machine held in the venue’s forecourt in November 2015 (Valmorbida, 2017). Furthermore, local punk band Birdman or the Unexpected Virtue of a Tony Hawk Pro Skater Cover Band’s live performance at The Basement (at Kings Cross), part of the Vivid Sydney43 gigs calendar, was shut down at 9:30 P.M. after just four songs due to noise complaints (Hennessy, 2017).

For Payne, Simpson, Bushra and Sage noise complaints are one of the major challenges facing contemporary Sydney’s live music sector. Payne observes: ‘The main business of a pub is to sell alcohol and food. If hosting live music becomes too difficult what with all the liquor licensing and noise- dampening costs, then they just forgo the music part.’ The Live Music Matters Planning for Live Music and Performance in Sydney report (City of Sydney Live Music and Live Performance Taskforce, 2013), prepared by the City of Sydney Live Music and Live Performance Taskforce formed in October 2012, identifies several short, medium, and long-term corrective actions the City of Sydney council can implement to support live music performance. The resultant City of Sydney Live Music and Performance Action Plan (City of Sydney, 2014, pp. 15-20), informed by several of the report’s recommendations, consolidates actions countering the challenges brought by intertwining issues of development controls and noise, Australian building codes, liquor licensing, audience and sector development.

More recently, The music and arts economy in New South Wales (2018) report urges the State Government to come up with policy regulations that combine Victoria’s ‘agent of change’ laws and Brisbane’s ‘entertainment precinct’ regulations, to stop the decline of live music venues and support Sydney’s overall night-time economy. According to this report:

43 Active since 2009, Vivid Sydney is an annual 23-day festival held in Sydney, managed collaboratively by the NSW government, Destination NSW and City of Sydney council, which includes creative industries forums with public talks, free public exhibition of outdoor lighting sculptures and installations, and contemporary live music performances by local, national and international artists (Vivid Sydney, 2018). The music section of the festival is titled Vivid Music and hosts a wide range of live music performances at the Sydney Opera House as well as other large venues and small bars around the Sydney CBD and Kings Cross (Vivid Sydney, 2018). SHAMS QUADER 144

The agent of change principle acknowledges that the first occupant has rights in regard to sound attenuation and noise levels and aims to protect live music venues from residential encroachment. The agent of change principle is triggered automatically when a new planning permit application is lodged, and requires an 'agent of change' to include noise attenuation measures in their new establishment. For example, a new residential development within 50 metres of an existing live music venue must include noise attenuation measures. It has been observed that it is often far more efficient and cost effective for the new developer to assist the venue to control noise at its source. Conversely, live music venues entering into new environments must also take measures to ensure that the venue does not emit noise at a level that is likely to be disturbing. (Green, 2018, p. 114). Brisbane’s ‘entertainment precinct’ regulations originate from the Fortitude Valley, which borders the Brisbane CBD and is the city’s most vibrant night-time economy and entertainment hub. Since the 1990s, there have been concerns with protecting its heritage in light of urban renewal projects and new residents arriving with potential residential developments. As a definitive response, the Brisbane City Council created the Fortitude Valley Special Entertainment Area (the precinct) in 2006, seeking to ensure: the ‘long-term future of the live music scene within and around the Valley’ by reasonably controlling their amplified sound levels; a ‘balance between the expectations of music venues, nightclubs, residents, developers and businesses’; and, that new residential developers building within the precinct implement proper sound insulation in their properties (Green, 2018, p. 115). Since this latest inquiry included consultations with local musicians, many of the recommendations stated on the subsequent report match comments from participants in my study. Both Simpson and Payne, for example, use live music and night-time cultures in Melbourne and Brisbane as references when suggesting they would prefer similar approaches implemented in Sydney.

Like these approaches, which require developers, venue owners and residents’ cooperation with and adaptation to each other’s presence, some of the research participants must also adhere to venue conditions. This is especially true of noise restrictions. For instance, Davies tweaks with her band line-up per the venue size and request of the gig organiser, who is wary of acceptable sound decibels so as not to receive noise complaints. If the venue is very small, she performs by herself on vocals along with her bandmate on the acoustic guitar. In a medium-sized venue, Davies performs with a four-piece band and swaps acoustics for electric instruments. In a large venue, her whole six- member live band takes the stage with amplifiers and acoustic drums. On a similar note, Molasses mentions tailoring his live set to conform to a venue’s sound parameters, alternating from a full live band set to an electronic set with backing tracks and drum beats provided by a laptop/synthesizer, or to an acoustic set with his saxophone supported by any combination of bass or percussion

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instruments. In this way, even though the research participants are mostly unaffected by lockout laws and their related issues, they remain limited by the sound parameters of the venue.44

As touched on earlier, noise complaints are closely associated with rapid urban gentrification. With Sydney becoming a global city with a huge influx of immigrants, many new residential and retail developments are being enacted at a swift pace (Street, 2018). Drysdale (2015, p. 352), while investigating the drag king scene of Newtown, states that urban gentrification projects are transforming suburbs traditionally famous for live music and night-time entertainment into residential apartments and gastropubs. This is occurring in suburbs like Newtown, Kings Cross, Surry Hills, Chippendale, Annandale, and Glebe. This, in turn, contributes to the current environment of inner city and inner west Sydney entailing new residents, high property prices and rising rent, transport and living expenses.

Davies blames property development, and its associated impact, as one reason behind the closure of many venues and identifies it as a major factor influencing the local live music sector. Similarly, Payne argues that residential and commercial development in areas like Newtown are deteriorating and shifting the core tradition and heritage associated with this suburb. This is because developers, businesses and new residents do not share the same local values of music, culture and community that have existed there since the 1970s. On a related note, Bushra states: There are small cafes who host live music. They do that for a couple months and evolves into a vibrant cultural community. You know, there is a buzz around the location because of what happens there. Then suddenly, some resident from down the road lodges a noise complaint because it just gets a bit loud one night. The problem is, they don’t see the benefit of a vibrant thing happening around here. Like, they don’t consider the numerous businesses that are thriving in the surrounding areas, partly because of this buzzing cultural community. Bushra explains that she chooses to use the word ‘vibrant’ to match advertising pitches made by property developers. Real estate companies’ market residential developments near pubs and venues within Sydney’s cultural and artistic hubs as areas where residents can enjoy live music and a ‘vibrant’ night-time culture. Farrelly’s (2017) piece on urban gentrification and re-development in suburbs such as Annandale, bringing it closer to its historical musical roots while making it attractive for potential residents, serves as one example. She references Annandale’s musical heritage by indicating that Annandale’s Trafalgar Studios were home to iconic Australian bands like Cold Chisel, Midnight Oil and INXS, and mentions multiple times about the contemporary live music and art hubs in and around

44 These practices mitigating sound decibel levels in order to conform to noise restrictions can be found in this article by Street (2017) titled ‘How inner city apartment developments have killed Australian rock ‘n’ roll’. See bibliography for details. SHAMS QUADER 146

Annandale, while promoting the area as the perfect suburb at the fringe of the inner city for young couples and families to buy a property (Farrelly, 2017).

Simpson’s comments on this topic reveal his frustrations regarding noise complaints. He believes that residents moving to a house near a pub, café or other live music venues should be motivated to do so because they appreciate the value of live music and night-time entertainment. As he points out, if new residents choose to live in culturally vibrant areas like Kings Cross or Circular Quay, then they should neither complain about the noise nor be allowed to, just as he was not allowed to complain about noise from ongoing construction work. Bushra and Simpson’s views reflect what is often portrayed in the media. As Inner-West Councillor Darcy Byrne stated, ‘It’s an Australian cliché to talk about the person who moves in next door to a pub and then complains about the noise’ (Donoughue, 2018). On the tendency of wealthy young families to move to artistic and fashionable suburbs only to then complain about the noise, thereby displacing organically created local music and cultural scenes, McKinnon (2017) remarks, ‘Where once there was culture and movement, double- wide prams reign.’ As a response to The music and arts economy in New South Wales (2018) report, the ABC’s music and pop culture reporter Donoughue (2018) proposes that balance between culture and progress should be attempted by finding a middle ground between maintaining a vibrant live music scene in an increasingly crowded global city.

Government initiatives to boost local music Among the research participants, only professional independent musician Molasses mentions that he often pursues public funding for his music projects. Semi-professional independent musician Reiss admits that even though local government councils, rather than state or federal administrations, are slightly better at supporting musicians45, they cannot do much because their funds are so limited. Speaking about government subsidies for musicians, Reiss argues: . . . they give money, you know, to an artist to go overseas and do an album or whatever, but it’s kind of like, it’s like a drop in the ocean. If those musicians didn’t get it, like, maybe say like half of them or less of them wouldn’t be able to do what they do. So, you know, like it’s good that they have it, but at the same time, as far as I know, in the history of like of Western Europe as well like you know yeah, this sort of government funding, everyone has a hidden alibi or some kind of like unconscious bias towards like, you know, if you support our government agenda then you’ll get funding. But if you’re some like second-generation Vietnamese person,

45 For example, The City of Sydney’s competitive Live Music and Performance grants amounting up to AUD 30,000, which is meant to increase the quantity and quality of local live music performances and venues (City of Sydney, 2019).

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who has this amazing community space in Marrickville or something, you get no help. And no one expects help from the government, so it’s kind of like, it’s not even a question. His comments are like those made by fellow semi-professional independent musician Johnson, who explains that he does not know of anyone within his music-related networks who would be eligible for government funding. He states: ‘I reckon these funds are earmarked for creative artists and musicians who can contribute to government agendas like promoting Australian tourism, and not for local punk bands.’ Johnson believes that these grants are for select highly skilled musicians whose music, according to the government, contribute to the national identity, culture, and heritage, as well as potentially promote tourism. It becomes clear from Reiss and Johnson’s comments that public funding for local musicians is very limited. It seems that semi-professional independents like them, who have separate full-time careers and are involved with music in a pro-am capacity, can afford to not be concerned with such forms of government subsidies. In other words, they can operate independently of these grants while being dependent on their particular configurations of economic, cultural and social capital.

Even though government funding provides opportunities for some local musicians, live music and the night-time economy is fundamentally dependent on venues and pubs. There have been some developments on that front. Giovanni remarks that several venues have been renovated and re- opened around Central Sydney since 2017, with owners demonstrating renewed interest in hosting regular live music in response to the city’s dwindling live music and night-time economy. The closing of old venues has created business opportunities for new ones. The Federal government-backed Live Music Office provides different types of support to the majority of these venues (Davidson, 2018). Furthermore, The Brighton Hotel in Darlinghurst, along with ten other venues in the Sydney CBD and Kings Cross area, have been granted extended opening hours meaning they can serve drinks until 3:30 A.M. – even though they fall within the lockout restricted zones (Martin, 2017b).

In May 2019, NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian declared that Sydney’s lockout laws will be reviewed with a view on relaxing restrictions. A report is set to be presented to the State Parliament in September 2019 (Smith, 2019). Based on this report, Sydney’s lockout laws were lifted from 14 January 2020 (Raper, 2020). This means that people can enter licensed pubs and venues in the Sydney CBD and inner city areas after 1:30 P.M., there are no restrictions on serving cocktails, shots and drinks in glasses after midnight and last drinks are extended till 3:30 A.M (Raper, 2020). However, the lockout laws will persevere in Kings Cross, which will be reviewed in one year according to the NSW state government (Raper, 2020).

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Additionally, a summary of key components from comparatively recent local government- related policy plans and reports – such as the Final Report of the Leichhardt and Marrickville Off Broadway Live Music Reference Group (Leichhardt Council, 2014), Our Place, Our Vision – Marrickville Community Strategic Plan 2023 (Marrickville Council, 2014) and The City of Sydney’s Live Music and Performance Action Plan (City of Sydney, 2014) – reveals that there are plans to develop two cultural/live music precincts. One at a section of Parramatta Road, between Annandale and Camperdown, and the other at Sydenham in the vicinity of its train station, which includes Eastern Marrickville. These plans are coupled with initiatives to address key issues including noise complaints, venue development and building code compliance costs, and engaging youth.46

Some of the research participants have interesting observations regarding these proposed cultural precincts. Reiss contends: I think it’s all bullshit having like governments having cultural policies and developing cultural precincts. It’s fine for minorities I guess, who are discriminated against and need the support, but like that’s a different thing. Sydney City Council’s arts policy and the music policy is drawn up by wealthy white men who are extremely out of touch. They couldn’t care less about some theatre or music performance space in the city or inner west, but it’s kind of like they literally have no conception of what it’s like to experience these forms of art and be a part of this local community. So how can they possibly develop a cultural precinct? Reiss’s views on government policymakers’ detachment from local creative arts communities in Central Sydney are echoed in Bushra’s comments as well: So, the hard thing is, you know, like local government policies have conservative views regarding venues which can host live music, they don’t seem to understand the value of what a venue can add to a local area. You know like Annandale live music is being re-developed again apparently. For instance, there is a planned live music precinct to be developed there. You know, five hundred meters down the road from where Black Wire Records was already situated. I don’t know how much research or how they think when they work. Because it doesn’t sound like a lot.

Both Reiss and Bushra are suspicious of the rationales behind government initiatives such as the development of cultural precincts in Annandale and Sydenham. They believe that these rationales are commercially driven, consistent with creative economy rhetoric47, and their comments suggest they philosophically disagree with such policies.

46 As mentioned before in this chapter, these plans are also re-iterated at the state level evident from The music and arts economy in New South Wales (2018) report. 47 Their views resonate with journalist Street’s (2018) article titled ‘Why I’m leaving Sydney, the city that actively punishes people for living in it’. See bibliography for details. SHAMS QUADER 149

Bushra calls on the government to instead make use of already existing and organically created music scenes and arts communities around Central Sydney. She believes that an institution such as Black Wire Records (2019), which was located just off Parramatta Road in Annandale (Figure 19), would have benefited from government support before its proprietor Tom Scott was forced to permanently shut it down in 2017 (Critchley, 2017). On the surface, Black Wire Records was an independent record shop, label, gallery and small-size live music venue, which was a DIY-based, artist and volunteer-run, not-for-profit space (Fry, 2017). Since its inception in 2010, it developed into a niche cooperative space for local musicians and enthusiasts, who built a community around it (The Music, 2017b).

Critchley (2017, p. 204) remarks that Black Wire Records emerged as a relatively stable venue replacing several semi-legal spaces around the Marrickville industrial area which closed in quick succession in between 2009 and 2012. My field observations anecdotally suggest that this shop signified an organically created communal space for alternative music. The activities of Black Wire Records persevered in the face of multiple challenges threatening its existence. It held a charity fundraiser in 2015 to help pay for the rising rent prices (Critchley, 2017, p. 205). The record store-cum- venue was finally forced to close in 2017, when a new neighbouring business exposed its operations to be beyond the permissible uses stipulated by the building development’s development application, to the local council (Critchley, 2017, p. 205). Therefore, when Bushra hears about the government’s cultural precinct plans on Paramatta road around Annandale, she cannot help but feel frustrated with their lack of support for Black Wire Records and other institutions of its ilk.

Figure 19: Black Wire Records before it permanently closed (Source: Photo by Author, 2017).

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Expanding on organically created music spaces like Black Wire Records, Bushra recalls that Annandale was what Marrickville is now turning into, in terms of being a cultural hub for local musicians. On a similar note, Payne also comments on Marrickville’s warehouse spaces: I think over the last few years, illegal venues have popped out. And that's provided with really great space for people to go and play. So, you know if you've got a warehouse full of people, but people are putting on a show, and that's working. They are not bothering anyone, so why not consider making those legal? The government policymakers should come up with some sort of strategy to make those venues legal and protect them. Evidence of music-related organic and illegal initiatives, emphasised by both Bushra and Payne, signify aspects of the Central Sydney scene members’ spirit of independence.

Reiss, Bushra and Payne believe that the government should come up with better strategies for balancing live music and the night-time economy with urban development while remaining suspicious of their rationale behind developing Sydney’s live music and the night-time economy. One reason behind this scepticism is because the different government intervention strategies that facilitate and regulate Sydney’s culture are paradoxical. On one hand, the government’s creative economy agenda focuses on fostering the development of the national economy by stimulating creative industries including the music industries. On the other hand, local musicians are provided limited amounts of funding specifically geared towards contributing to the ongoing development of the live music and night-time economy. These sectors are also heavily regulated in Sydney through a mixture of lockout laws, liquor licensing issues related to hosting live music, and land zoning laws. It seems that the creative economy-centric governmentality mediating Sydney’s culture mitigates the Central Sydney independent musicians’ music-making practices by providing supportive grants while simultaneously clipping their wings. Bushra, Payne and Reiss agree with this assumption, while the other 12 participants explained that they did not care for such government intervention strategies. Only Molasses, among the 15 participants of this study, occasionally seek funding by applying for government grants. The majority of the study participants’ lack of concern about government involvement, or their attitudes of being independent of the government, connote aspects of their independent music spirit.

Adaptability as a response to governmentality The research participants take a pragmatic view of the consequential issues regarding contemporary Sydney’s highly regulated live music and night-time economy. Simpson explains: At the end of the day, I mostly understand why Sydney has so many restrictions regarding live music performances. I mean we can be a punk band and we can be stubborn. But at the same time, I think a true punk is not someone who is just like a twelve-year-old in a leather jacket

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who kicks over the drum kit and chucks a dummy-spit and goes ‘Fuck the man!’ I think a true punk is someone who has an idea about what’s going on around them, somebody that’s against the establishment and tries to do something about it actively. It doesn’t happen in one day. You keep at it; you keep doing what you are doing and never quit. For Payne: ‘I think there's no way to fight that. This is a growing city. Sydney is a very big place. People need somewhere to live. And people have money. But I think what could be better done is there could be better planning from all three levels of government.’ Simpson and Payne’s views are shared by the majority of participants in this study. Nicholson contends, ‘Every big city has similar problems. But we musicians persevere.’ For Konrad, ‘Love it or hate it, Sydney is still our city. We don’t let noise complaints from some residents stop us from doing what we love.’ Raven remarks, ‘It is difficult to do music in Sydney, but that is what makes it special. It means that only serious musicians, those who persevere, can survive.’

As discussed earlier in this chapter, government regulatory strategies do not prove to be a massive disincentive because the Central Sydney independent music scene is a slightly inner west scene where members already use various kinds of venues creatively and for economic reasons. For instance, live music venues’ restrictive sound parameters mean that Davies and Molasses must often modify their live performance setup. This includes changing from a full band live set, with amplifiers and drums, to either a toned-down acoustic set or a decibel-managed electronic set. The policing of live music and the night-time economy does not have much impact on research participants, who utilise accumulated resources and different strategies to maintain practices of aesthetic independence within the scene. They are prepared to mobilise whatever resources necessary and adapt to conditions to maintain their satisfying practices of independence, even if that means performing at community spaces and unofficial or temporary venues. Perhaps lockouts and noise restrictions, if anything, reinforce tendencies that already exist in the scene. Such tendencies represent the scene’s flexible resilience in the face of government policing because of its marginality to the mainstream creative economy and willingness to adopt grassroots strategies to survive. Their adaptive mentality is consistent with their ethos, which lacks commercial ambitions and operates as a break-even economy, while pursuing aesthetic independence through their scene-based music-making practices. The participants value the gratifying practice of being involved with creative work. Instead of resisting the implications of urbanisation, as well as governmental policing of live music and the night-time economy, they are content if they can maintain practices of aesthetic independence within the scene. Therefore, government policies mediating contemporary Sydney’s culture do not have too much of an impact on the research participants’ practices of independence. Furthermore, the participants’ acceptance of the implications of urbanisation and governmental policing of the live music scenes and

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the night-time economy is also indicative of the increasing professionalisation of independent music, and the DIY cultural ethos embedded in this. Rather than resisting state intervention in an overt political fashion, the research participants look for opportunities to circumvent this in ways that allow them to continue developing and honing their craft as independent musicians.

The study participants’ practices of being largely independent and adaptive, where necessary, of such government intervention strategies informed by creative economy-centric governmentality – signify aspects of the version of independent music practices that characterise the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene. While this chapter discusses how participants of this study respond to government attempts to shape Sydney’s culture as part of a creative economy-based agenda to boost the national economy, the next chapter addresses their implementation of digital music and online communication technologies providing additional means for practising independence.

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CHAPTER 5: DIGITAL TECHNOLOGY-ENABLED DIY PRACTICES

This chapter explores how the research participants utilise digital music and online communication technologies as a part of their practices of independence, as well as the possible implications the implementation of such technologies can have. It discusses how and why participants of this study utilise these technologies to self-manage, through DIY practices, some aspects of their music production, distribution, and promotion. The chapter begins by outlining only some of the ways contemporary independent musicians use digital music and online communication technologies to practice independence. This provides necessary context for the rest of the chapter which explores how Central Sydney-based independent musicians integrate such technologies in their practices of independence.

Digital technologies and independent music According to Hracs (2015, p. 463), the emergence of contemporary independent music production, aligns with the advent of the internet, digital migration and the technological revolution that gave rise to the new music industries. Hracs (2012, p. 454) explains that prior to the digital revolution, independent musicians could not reach large numbers of listeners at geographically disparate locations. Only recording industry infrastructures, such as record labels, had access to that kind of financial power and networks to produce, promote and distribute an artist’s music on that level. But within the digital milieu of the new music industries, Webster (2019, p. 45) emphasises the role of technology democratising music production, distribution, and promotion which, in turn, provided wide-ranging opportunities to a new generation of political and entrepreneurially ambitious independent musicians.

Early celebratory accounts of digital music and online communication technologies focused on such technologies democratising the music industries with a more equal distribution of power to help break the long-established music monopoly maintained by major record labels. For example, McLeod (2005) predicted that independent record labels and online distribution would build more direct relationships between musicians/music producers and music consumers. Whereas the traditional recording industry business valued chain arrangements including intermediation through record label, distributor and retail in a sequence that resembled: musicians/music producers->record label->distributor->retail->music consumer (Bernardo & Martins, 2014, p. 13). Online distribution, meanwhile, leads to a type of disintermediation by cutting out the middle-men, so that musicians and music producers have direct exchange and transaction with music consumers (Bernardo & Martins, 2014, p. 16). McLeod (2005) anticipated that this curtailing of intermediaries, coupled with lower unit

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costs of production due to switch from material artefacts like CDs to digital files, and overall lower material costs of distribution, would mean higher earnings for recording artists even if sales of records were lower. Fox (2004) predicted that the relatively lower costs of online distribution would result in record labels being able to pay higher royalties to their signed artists.

Even though not all of Fox (2004) and McLeod’s (2005) predictions were fully realised, digital music and online communication technologies were successfully adopted by different independent musicians to practice independence in various ways. The ‘long tail’ business model developed by Anderson (2006) serves as one example, which has been successfully adopted by some independent artists. This model aims to create a certain degree of parity in some instances, between earnings of mainstream artists and their independent counterparts, generated from, for instance, sales of one album. The ‘long tail’ operates on the principle that even though high volume sales of an album by a mainstream artist can generate massive income, high production and distribution expenses must be considered when calculating earnings from such sales. Since an independent artist’s album typically costs much less to produce and distribute, the artist can often make a decent profit from low volume sales in niche markets.

According to Hracs’ (2015, 2016) findings from an empirical study of independent musicians in Toronto conducted between 2007-2008, participants mobilised innovative digital music technologies to produce high-quality music recordings using software-centric home studio setups. They also made extensive use of online communication technologies to distribute their music and merchandise as well as to promote their shows and records across a plethora of online platforms. These musicians implemented what Hracs (2016) calls a ‘connectivity-networking’ model. This refers to the cooperative practices of Toronto-based independent musicians, circa 2008, whereby individuals took advantage of the integrated social and support networks within the scene. Independent and creative professionals such as artists, designers, photographers, film directors, digital marketing and IT professionals worked freelance and mutually supported each other by sharing their expertise (Hracs, 2016). Additionally, they also worked casually with freelance business development managers and other intermediaries who looked after the business end of their music careers (Hracs, 2015, pp. 469-472). Therefore, besides doing a substantial workload themselves in a DIY capacity by utilising home studios, online tools and platforms, these independent musicians outsourced some music production, distribution, and promotion roles in casual appointments with different industry professionals (Hracs, 2015). These roles would have traditionally been the responsibility of record labels and managers plus other industry infrastructures and intermediaries (Hracs, 2015, 2016). In this

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way, participants circumvented some of the functions of mainstream music industries infrastructures and intermediaries like managers, producers, recording studios, major record labels and distribution channels networks, distributors, booking agents, promoters, marketing and PR representatives and music media. They also subverted, to some extent, their independent music counterparts such as independent record labels and shops, radio stations and street press (Hracs, 2015, p. 466).

Much like the original DIY ethos associated with the rise of punk in the late 1970s, digital technologies-driven DIY was initially hailed as an exciting opportunity for artists to take charge of their careers, to lessen their dependency on intermediaries such as record labels, and to retain a larger share of the revenues (Hracs, 2016). Certain online tools and platforms allowed independent musicians to self-manage key components of their careers including financial support, management, promotion distribution and direct communication with fans (Bernardo & Martins, 2014, p. 8).

In terms of recording, independent musicians have been known to use home recording studio setups and digital audio workstations, such as Pro Tools and Pro Logic, instead of the more expensive professional recording studios (A. Bennett, 2018, p. 143). Such applications pack a large and cumbersome multi-track, audio recording and editing panel setup into a computer. For example, once a guitar is plugged into this setup, its sound can be digitally manipulated to simulate the output from a variety of amplifiers, equalisers, and effects. Or if a more authentic sound is preferred over synthetic ones, a microphone can be placed in front of an amplifier with a guitar plugged into it, and the riffs played on the guitar can then be digitally manipulated in several ways, like layered over multiple tracks. Independent musicians can potentially save costs of recording and production by utilising such home studios and digital audio workstation setups (Hracs, 2016). However, setting up even pro-am level home recording setups can be expensive as well (A. Bennett, 2018, p. 143).

Several online platforms-integrated models have been implemented by independent artists to finance their recording and production of music. One strategy includes having a donation button on the artists’ website and online social media profile so music consumers can provide contributions electronically (Bernardo & Martins, 2014, p. 17). Another arrangement utilised by many artists is the name-your-price model, where the music consumer has the choice to decide how much they want to pay for a song when they download it from the artist’s website (Peltz, 2013, p. 103). Another increasingly popular strategy in recent times, which has come to the forefront of cutting-edge independent practices, is the crowdfunding model supported by online platforms such as Kickstarter, Indiegogo and Rockethub (Galuszka & Brzozowska, 2017). The idea of crowdfunding is that fans raise

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money to support an artists’ specific endeavour such as an album production or live tour (Peltz, 2013, p. 112). The platform acts as a trustee by providing the money to the artist once the funding goal has been reached. If, however, the target is not attained then the platform returns the money to the fans (Peltz, 2013, p. 112). Contemporary independent artists can also assume some of the administrative roles traditionally performed by a record label through music career management applications like ArtistGrowth and Bandcentral (Bernardo & Martins, 2014, p. 21). These platforms enable collaboration with other artists and freelance music industry professionals, and management functionalities including smart calendarisation, revenue projections, expense tracking, royalty submissions, merchandise inventory, as well as identifying potential live venues for gigs and press and/or radio outlets for promotions (Bernardo & Martins, 2014, p. 21). Bernardo and Martins (2014, p. 20) assert that such online platform integrated models integrated many functions that were traditionally provided by record labels covering aspects like financial support, management, promotion and distribution, as well as enabling the self-management of artists’ music careers through collaboration and DIY practices. These models, therefore, constitute a viable alternative to independent music artists interested in adopting an autonomous model that bypasses the intermediation of the record label and fosters a more direct relationship with their consumers (Bernardo & Martins, 2014, p. 8).

Furthermore, the advent of the internet facilitated the possibilities of hybridised channels of marketing and distribution (Hracs, 2012, p. 456). These days, some independent musicians are increasingly using ‘producer-oriented’ marketing and distribution platforms such as Bandcamp and Soundcloud instead of independent record labels (Hesmondhalgh, Jones, & Rauh, 2019). Founded in 2008 and based in California, USA, Bandcamp refers to a paid music service for musicians that functions as both a music market as well as a streaming platform (Bandcamp, 2019a). Artists and record labels upload music to this platform and set the selling price. This service not only provides a platform for digital music but also sells physical music products and allows artists to showcase their social media profile pages with links to their merchandise sales (Bandcamp, 2019a). Such online platforms signify an independent, DIY ethos which serve as an alternative to online subscription-based music streaming platforms (Hesmondhalgh et al., 2019). This is partly because more proceeds from music sales are retained by the contributing artist, as compared to Spotify, which arguably does not compensate them appropriately (Ingham, 2018; Marshall, 2015). Regarding online promotions, many independent artists commonly use online social media like Facebook, YouTube, Instagram, and Twitter to promote their music, live gigs, and merchandise (Hracs, Seman, & Virani, 2016). They also use such online social media to maintain direct engagements with their fans regardless of geographical location

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(Baym, 2018). According to Baym (2018), marketing and distribution models utilising such online social media and (producer-oriented) distribution platforms have disrupted some functions of traditional music industry infrastructures and intermediaries by moving from a centralised model of power and control to a more decentralised version.

However, it seems that utilisation of digital music and online communication technologies by independent musicians to practice independence in different forms, is perhaps more complex than what was presumed by early accounts. For instance, specific professional skills and expertise are needed to successfully manage an independent career using such technologies (Hracs et al., 2016). These require special training as well as other resources such as time and money. Even though self- managing one’s own independent music career with such technologies generally means having more aesthetic independence, it also entails burdens of administrative chores and potential work overload (Haynes & Marshall, 2018). Furthermore, access to industry networks is still a vital part of making it as an independent musician, regardless of the implementation of these tools and platforms (Hracs, 2015). This is one of the reasons why Hracs’ (2016) connectivity-networking model, previously discussed in this chapter, emerged. In accordance with Hracs’ (2016) empirical findings, many Toronto-based independent musicians around 2008 outsourced different music industry functions to freelance professionals because they found it difficult to self-manage every aspect of their music careers.

Such tools and platforms enable different alternative musicians, including independent and DIY, to operate in the new music industries (Bernardo & Martins, 2014), which are also characterised by increased amateur activities (Wikström, 2013, pp. 8-9). The combination of these factors translates to the existence of massive amounts of alternative music, and therefore, high levels of competition over the attention of music consumers (Hracs, 2015). The numbers of independent artists, whose practices involve integrating with the aforementioned tools and platforms and not cooperating with any record label, deserves scrutiny (Bernardo & Martins, 2014). Some independent musicians practice independence by implementing different types of re-intermediation instead of disintermediation (Kaitajärvi-Tiekso, 2016, p. 137). These re-intermediation strategies are based on working with evolved independent record labels and digital music aggregators.

Independent record labels and stores in contemporary times implement several different strategies to survive in the digitised milieu of the new music industries. For example, as already mentioned, some independent record labels adopt variations of the 360-degree contract which

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ensures that record labels participate in, and receive income from, different music-making activities beyond sales of records (Galuszka & Wyrzykowska, 2016). This includes live performances and merchandise sales (Marshall, 2013a). The difference with major record labels, however, is that they cater for specialised target markets (Galuszka & Wyrzykowska, 2016, pp. 30-34). Additionally, some independent record labels tend to sign different types of alternative artists and curate, promote, and distribute their music on niche markets, both locally as well as internationally (Hracs & Jansson, 2017). Furthermore, other independent record labels are also known to focus on releasing niche formats such as cassette tapes, vinyls, and deluxe formats with hand-crafted covers, either exclusively or alongside digital formats (Galuszka & Wyrzykowska, 2016). Another type of re-intermediation is provided by music aggregator firms. Music aggregators are business-to-business operations which bundle digital music rights (copyrights, sound recordings and performers’ rights) from record labels or independent artists and deliver them to digital music stores like iTunes and subscription-based services like Spotify (Galuszka, 2015, p. 262). These firms are especially useful for independent record labels and artists as they save on time and resources necessary to manage their digital music rights in exchange for commissions (Galuszka, 2015, p. 266). Some independent record labels, however, manage digital music rights of their signed artists in-house, by their own dedicated personnel. Similar types of re-intermediation strategies are found to be practised in the Central Sydney independent music scene and is discussed in the next section.

Digitally driven DIY practices This section discusses how, and why, participants within Central Sydney’s contemporary independent music scene make use of digital music and online communication technologies and the sense in which doing so, contributes to cultural and economic practices that may be considered independent. Additionally, I discussed earlier in Chapter 2 about the voluntary and collaborative aspects that partly make up the spirit of the Central Sydney independent music scene’s version of independence. The question arises, to what extent, then, are such impulses expressed in online activities that connect with others? Findings from my research reveal that these technologies are implemented in the scene in different ways. I explore the impacts such technologies have on established independent music-related infrastructures and intermediaries, including independent record labels and shops, distribution channels, venues, booking agents, promoters, radio stations and street press.

The integration of digital music and online communication technologies with the research participants’ practices of independence is integral to their existences as slashys. This refers to the

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taking on of multiple roles and self-managing one’s own music career through numerous DIY activities, as well as their desire to maintain aesthetic control over their own creative work. I label such digital technology-enabled practices as ‘digital DIY’, borrowing from the DIY ethos of Australian punk traditions in the late 1970s, which was one of the precursors of this contemporary independent music scene. The findings from my fieldwork show that digital DIY practices provide opportunities for Central Sydney independent musicians to take on the roles of traditional music industry intermediaries and circumvent reliance on established institutions and infrastructures to expand beyond their local networks. Additionally, my findings reveal that these digital DIY practices are not solely about selling gig tickets, records and merchandise, and they are also about voluntary and collaborative strands connoting mutually supportive, networked community aspects that, in part, represent the spirit of the Central Sydney independent musicians’ version of independent music. According to Adams: You can do everything yourself quite comfortably. You can! You can do your own public relations through social media. You can approach an independent record label and discuss with them about producing a single. You can do your own recordings. You can record at home. You can press vinyl through a company where all your correspondences occur online. You can get CDs pressed yourself, you don’t need to do anything through a label. If you prefer, you can release a song on YouTube. Everything can be done by yourselves. There are just so many choices because of the internet. It all comes down to what you, as an artist, want to do.

Additionally, Simpson remarks: ‘My main band works with an independent record label, but these days you don’t necessarily have to. You can manage your music online by yourself, through Bandcamp, Facebook and YouTube.’ Nicholson asserts: I am not with any record labels. For me, managing my music through Bandcamp just works out, you know, because of the extent of my involvement with music, since I am not a full-time musician. There’s just so much you can do nowadays because of the internet. It is really useful for musicians.

Adams, Simpson, and Nicholson’s comments raise several points. They reflect some of the disintermediation, that is, disintermediation of the independent record label, and re-intermediation strategies enabled by digital technologies in the domain of independent music as discussed in the previous section. Some of the research participants’ digital DIY practices, as they pertain to these different forms of disintermediation and re-intermediation within the context of the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene, are discussed next.

Since live performances are the primary creative outlet for the Central Sydney independent musicians, Simpson explicitly mentions DIY philosophies within the present-day scene while discussing how local bands tend to book their own gigs and tours through online communications. On the one hand, these types of gig and tour deals typically occur when venue managers, booking agents, and gig/tour organisers look up their interested artist’s website, Facebook or Bandcamp page to get their

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contact information. On the other hand, emerging artists would often contact these individuals and organisations via email or Facebook message to seek gig opportunities. For instance, the LazyBones lounge and bar’s website has a gig request form, where artists can send an expression of interest and portfolio to perform at the venue (Figure 20).

Figure 20: Gig request form on the LazyBones lounge and bar website (Source: Lazybones lounge and bar, 2017).

The Facebook page of YOUR MATE Bookings - an Australian booking agency, promoter and gig organiser who specialise in organising gig opportunities for local talent tailored for niche crowds - has a message button on the top right side. It also has an Ask YOUR MATE Bookings section, where one can type in a query and send it the page administrator (Figure 21). This booking agency and promoter’s Facebook page is organised in such a way that anyone, including artists, gig organisers and venue managers, can easily contact them directly. This signifies forms of networking – extended by digital interactive links.

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Figure 21: Facebook page of YOUR MATE bookings (Source: Blayney, 2019a).

According to the research participants, self-managing and typically booking their own gigs via digital interactions, means that they have a degree of control over which kinds of gigs, tours, and festivals they perform at, as well as which artists they perform with. Bushra explains: I am a bit picky about the venues we play at. Like I know what kinds of venues are compatible with our sound and performance, so I prefer not to perform outside those types of venues. If I don’t know a venue, I just look it up online and see what’s it about. These days we (her main band) generally perform in solo gigs, but if we are sharing a gig line-up, I prefer playing with bands who are fun, unique, and experimental. So, I check out their music online if I have never heard of them before. According to Simpson: There are these bands, which I really like. Their sound just goes with ours. So, if a venue is trying to book us (his main band), I ask them if they are looking for other bands. If they are, then I recommend some of my favourite emerging bands by sharing links to their music and profile. Then, these bands become really psyched and invite us to play in a tour or festival when they get the opportunity. Simpsons’ comments additionally connote the networked, mutually supportive, and collaborative strands that partly characterise the scene. Moreover, working without intermediaries such as band managers or record labels, means that they do not have to pay commissions to middle-men and therefore retain the majority of their earnings from live performances. Such practices are reminiscent of the scene’s punk roots, like Radio Birdman circa the late 1970s, when they generally booked gigs and tours either by themselves or through their band manager.

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and mutually supportive networks, are essential social features of the present-day Central Sydney independent music scene, Simpson and Bushra stress the importance of making connections with like- minded people beyond physical spaces through online social networks. Simpson estimates that about 80% of the audience members at local live gigs comprise either musicians or individuals related to music in some capacity. On this note, Bushra states: Over time you get to meet more people at every show you play. Like, I’m gonna pop out and see this gig tonight and see people I know at those gigs and then meet some other people there as well. I feel like the beautiful thing about independent music anywhere in the world, not alone in Sydney, is that there is a human connection. So, all it takes is to say, ‘Hi I really like what you are doing, my name is this, so let me know when the next thing's happening.’ And it starts like that, just as a fan but then you decide to play music as well, when you have those human connections. Like you write an email or message someone and say ‘hey I’m in a band and it would be cool to do a gig with you guys’. So, I am engaging with interesting creative artists, so it’s cool. Simpson and Bushra explain that even though introductions and initial interactions generally take place face-to-face, follow up exchanges are carried out over the phone, email, and online social media. Specifically, the research participants stated that they use email and mobile smartphones, including texting platforms such as WhatsApp, Facebook Messenger, and online social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram. In other words, digital DIY practices that utilise online communication technologies allow Central Sydney independent musicians to be in direct touch with scene members and industry contacts.

Giovanni, Simpson, Bushra and Reiss affectively recall certain conversations with fans over online social media where they shared honest feedback and generally praised their music. For instance, Giovanni shares: Sometimes a dude would message me on Facebook via my band’s Facebook page, and say hey man I really like your band’s music. Then I would say, thanks, man! Sometimes I would also say, did you get a chance to hear our new single? I would then share the Bandcamp link with him. Other times we would end up chatting about different alternative music I am into, and the person would recommend some of his favourite records. I really enjoy this kind of direct connection with listeners!

Besides Giovanni, Simpson, Bushra and Reiss all admit that they are often inspired and motivated by direct and positive interactions with audience members. For instance, Simpson states: ‘I was chatting with a fan the other day. She was like she got to know about my band randomly through her boyfriend and now digs us more than he does. I have to admit, I love these types of interactions’. These study participants emphasise such direct fan engagement via online communication technologies as one of the features of being involved with independent music in recent times. They interact more genuinely with their target audience rather than through strategic communication.

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The participants of this study stated that they use similar home recording studio setups and digital audio workstations, such as Pro Tools and Pro Logic to record their music, instead of professional recording studios. Contemporary musicians around the world, and across multiple genres, engage with DIY/amateur music production practices that utilise digital recording technologies because they are easily accessible if appropriate investments are made (Goold & Graham, 2019). The finding that most of the participants use home recording studios is suggestive of their economic capital as well as their technical literacies. For example, Adams, McGuire, Raven, Molasses, Bushra, Simpson and Reiss have the financial means to invest in such music recording gear and software. Many of the participants mentioned that their music training or tertiary education, or a combination thereof for Molasses, Bushra, McGuire, Simpson, and Reiss, contributed to their acquiring of technical knowledge necessary to operate these home studio setups by themselves. Simpson, Bushra, Reiss, Payne and Giovanni agreed that once a home recording studio has been set up, their recording costs decrease significantly as compared to the recording via professional studios. They also pointed out that working at home studios allows flexibility in logistics and time, which contribute toward their practices of aesthetic independence. In other words, their instruments are already organised, and they can record music at any time they want and for as long as they need to. However, it should not be presumed that none of the research participants frequent professional recording studios. For example, professional independents Molasses and Bushra sometimes do, for session-playing work beyond the scene – engaging with the mainstream music industries.

Regarding the common trend of music recording and production using home studios and digital audio workstations within the scene, Raven remarked that working without a professional studio recordist and record label producer has both pros and cons. He explained that even though there are almost limitless aesthetic possibilities, there is also a lack of guidance or ‘pull back on the creative reigns’ without a professional recordist or producer. As a result, with every bit of good music coming out of the scene, there is also plenty of bad music according to Raven. Molasses and Bushra mentioned working with professional recordists and producers when they casually worked on some more mainstream music productions. Giovanni and McGuire shared that they sometimes had to hire a professional producer when working on certain creative projects. Such practices are reminiscent of Hracs’ (2016) connectivity-networking model where Toronto-based independent musicians go beyond self-management and casually hire industry professionals within their social networks, when their skills are lacking in a certain area. It seems that some Central Sydney independent musicians follow similar practices.

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Bushra, McGuire, Raven, Simpson, Adams, and Reiss mentioned that they make online orders for the production of their music in physical formats, such as vinyls and CDs, with third-party companies and receive postal delivery of these records once they are ready. They then distribute these physical copies to record shops via mail order and make them available to order via their Bandcamp profile, which is linked on their website and online social media pages (Facebook etc.). They follow a very similar approach as regards the production and distribution of their merchandise which usually include posters, stickers, round button pins, T-shirts, caps, wrist bands and TOTE bags. For example, the Facebook page of Sydney experimental band Tangents has the ‘Shop Now’ button, which leads to their Bandcamp page. Besides including free streaming access to select songs, contact and booking information for the band, links to their website and all other online social media profiles, their Bandcamp page is divided into two tabs: music and merch. The music tab has links for buying their songs and albums both in different digital formats as well as in physical formats such as vinyls. The merch tab has links for buying their albums in limited edition vinyl or CD formats with special record sleeves. Sydney progressive rock band SEIMS have more items for sale on their Bandcamp merch tab, which includes an additional music video tab as well, while Sydney experimental artist Bud Petal’s Bandcamp merch tab includes limited edition vinyls and CDs with handcrafted packaging or photobook companion. Most Central Sydney independent artists and bands, including the participants of this study, have their Facebook page and Bandcamp profile set up in similar ways. They also sell their records and merchandise at live gigs as well as make them available for delivery via mail orders.

Figure 22: Facebook page of the band Tangents (Source: Tangents, 2019b).

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Figure 23: Bandcamp profile of the band Tangents (Source: Bandcamp profile of Tangents, 2019).

The research participants agreed that about 60% of their music is distributed and sold in the digital format (generally via Bandcamp) with the remaining 40% in physical formats, predominantly as vinyls and some as CDs. These are distributed and sold via Bandcamp and other online platforms, record shops, live gigs, and mail orders. As regards their merchandise, many of the research participants stated that approximately 70% of sales take place at live gigs with the other 30% sold via their Bandcamp pages, linked with their Facebook and YouTube pages, as well as their website. The study participants preferred using platforms such as Bandcamp, and selling records and merchandise at live gigs, because most of their proceeds go back to the performing artist. Bandcamp keeps a small commission of the sales (Bandcamp, 2019b), while live music venues do not claim commission at all.

None of the study participants use any band management software, and they do most of the administration work behind the production, distribution and promotion work themselves following a DIY ethos. Additionally, they also manage issues of music-licensing and performer’s rights when relevant. Local independent musician Simeon Bartholomew, who is the founder of the progressive rock band SEIMS and with whom I chatted multiple times at different gigs during my fieldwork, stated that he posed for his band's merchandise himself while another bandmate took the photos (Figures 24 and 25).

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Figure 24: SEIMS t-shirt sample 1 (Source: SEIMS, Figure 25: SEIMS TOTE bag (Source: SEIMS, 2019d). 2019e).

Even though members of the scene follow a type of DIY ethos, they also collaborate with third- party companies who, for example, press records, print posters and sleeves as well as make T-shirts and bags; with delivery services who deliver their products; and sometimes they hire other professionals to help them out. For example, Simpson mentioned hiring an accountant to sort out his band’s sales, expenses, and profits, and signing with a music aggregator firm to manage his music- licencing and performer’s rights. These practices by some Central Sydney independent musicians again reflect Hracs’ (2016) connectivity-networking model of casually hiring an industry professional to help them with an area where they lack expertise.

Digital DIY practices involving direct booking of live gigs and tours, production via home recording studios, and distribution and promotion via online social media sites and producer-oriented platforms, mean that the research participants can generate revenues to invest back into their music- making practices. Some scene members implement other entrepreneurial innovations to add value to their products, appeal to targeted niche music consumers and increase proceeds. For example, the band SEIMS provide relatively more expensive limited-edition special and deluxe deals for their records and merchandise via Bandcamp. These include combinations of digital streaming and download access, novelty transparent vinyl records, or CDs with special sleeves (Figure 26). The artist Bud Petal offers limited edition vinyl LPs with accompanying photobook and CDs with special handcrafted packaging (Figure 27).

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Figure 26: Merchandise tab of SEIMS’ Bandcamp profile (Source: Bandcamp profile of SEIMS - Merchandise, 2019).

Figure 27: Merchandise tab of Bud Petal’s Bandcamp profile (Source: Bandcamp profile of Bud Petal - Merchandise, 2019).

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Even though the different resources and strategies to fund their music-making practices were discussed in Chapter 3, Bushra and Simpson mentioned online crowdfunding strategies designed to fund the production of their bands’ music videos. According to Simpson, one of the music videos of his band was paid for with crowdfunding strategies as fans contributed through the Indiegogo (2019a) – an American crowdfunding website founded in 2008 (Indiegogo, 2019b). Using these funds, Simpson’s band hired a video production company who arranged the production of the music video in collaboration with the band and their independent record label.

The research participants’ online social media pages are dominated by videos of their live music performances, proving again that performing live is an important characteristic of the scene. They are also easy and cheap to shoot, being generally captured with a smartphone camera by someone associated with them (Figure 28). Some of their videos on online social media comprise a sequence of images and/or shifting colours and patterns (Figure 29). It seems to me that only the more established independents invest in creating music videos. These videos are generally characterised by low budget production values and lo-fi aesthetics. For example, Tangents’ music video titled Lake George is a series of shots with a drone camera going over a vast landscape often interrupted by simple transition effects (Figure 30). SEIMS’ music video of the song Translucence is a series of shots inside and outside a house as well as a single actress moving around and dancing inside (Figure 31). Their other song, TUN, is a slightly more conventional music video with different shots of the band members performing the song with varied effects and transitions (Figure 32). The participants share their music- related video content for free over different online social media platforms such as Facebook and YouTube – signifying the gifting aspects of their version of independent music practices.

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Figure 28: Josh Shipton and The Blue Eyed Ravens performing at the MoshPit (Source: The Blue Eyed Ravens, 2019).

Figure 29: Music video of Solkyri’s ‘Holding Pattern’ (Source: Solkyri, 2019).

Figure 30: Music video of Tangent’s ‘Lake George’ (Source: Tangents, 2019a).

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Figure 31: Music video of SEIMS’ ‘Translucence’ (Source: SEIMS, 2019b).

Figure 32: Music video of SEIMS’ ‘TUN’ (Source: SEIMS, 2019b).

The research participants stated that the promotion of their gigs and music generally takes place through online social media platforms as a complement to standard offline approaches like posters and flyers. They primarily use Facebook due to its popularity, but some artists, promoters, venues, and gig organisers often use Instagram as well. Scene members promote their gigs and music in different ways via online social media platforms, including through a short message accompanied with a link to the event page, using footage of a previous live performance and a plethora of other strategies. For example, Figure 33 presents local experimental band E M U S promoting one of their gigs. Figure 34 also presents an example of Tangents promoting a gig using live performance footage produced by Sydney-based independent record label and production studio Hospital Hill (Figure 34).

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Figure 33: Facebook post by group E M U S promoting a live gig at Tempe Jets (Source: E M U S, 2019).

Figure 34: Tangents promoting their gig at Lazybones lounge (Source: Tangents, 2019c).

Besides independent artists, live music venues also promote live gigs using their own website’s gig calendar and online social media pages. For example, the Petersham Bowling Club’s website includes a gig calendar which is always being updated (Figure 35). Along with their own website’s event calendar, the LazyBones Lounge’s Facebook page also includes its upcoming gigs and events (Figure 36). Furthermore, The Lansdowne Hotel promotes their events via Instagram (Figure 37).

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Figure 35: Events calendar in The Petersham Bowling Club’s website (Source: PBC, 2019).

Figure 36: Events section of the Lazybones Lounge’s Facebook page (Source: Lazybones lounge and bar, 2019).

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Figure 37: The Lansdowne Hotel promoting its event via Instagram (Source: The Lansdowne Hotel, 2019).

Promotional work conducted through digital DIY practices allows scene members to have more control over how they are promoted. This is about self-representations and the freedom not to have to conform to corporate marketing formulas. They have greater control over where their music and profile should be featured – such as which local radio stations and street press. According to Konrad and Matthew, if an up-and-coming Sydney independent band is looking for airtime, they would initially send digital copies of their songs over email or online social media to a radio producer or announcer working at 2SER and 2RRR. Typically, these are individuals they have met through social networking at different events. Radio stations, such as 2SER and 2RRR, are the most supportive of new local acts. Once this emerging band gains popularity and airtime on these stations, they can then pursue FBi and Triple J, if that is what they aspire to. Reiss and Bushra explained that local independent artists may choose to broadcast their songs via radio stations with more reach, or they may choose to remain with local radio platforms like 2SER and 2RRR, and expand their reach through digital DIY practices and pursue alternatives including through online platforms like Bandcamp, YouTube and Facebook. Bushra, McGuire, Adams and Giovanni stated that local independent artists similarly contact journalists working at local street press such as The Music and BRAG, among others, who they typically have interacted with through social networking. They invite these journalists to their gigs and electronically share their information with them.

In line with traditional independent music scene intermediaries like independent record label executives, music journalists, local radio producers and announcers, Bushra, Simpson and Adams also mentioned the roles of certain bloggers, social media influencers with vast numbers of followers, as well as producers of online music shows like Kick the Scarf. These scene members perform the role of digital scene gatekeepers and tastemakers within the Central Sydney independent music scene, by

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reviewing and promoting local independent artists. Their promotion of chosen local and emerging artists, for no financial reward, is indicative of the Central Sydney independent music scene’s gift economy aspects. For instance, digital scene intermediaries tend to share their preferred local independent artists’ music and profile, like links to their music on YouTube, their public Facebook page and their Bandcamp profile. The second episode in season one of Kick the Scarf has the record review segment where Repressed records’ Nic Warnock promotes and provides short reviews of recently released records from three Sydney-based independent artists (Kick The Scarf S01E02, 2018). Warnock mentions that two out of the three reviewed artists are connected to the record store. Like Lucy Cliché, whose music Warnock describes as ‘straight-up acid techno bangers’, is a long-time friend of Repressed records, and BB and the Blips is an in-store band with two of the band members being staff members of the store, whose music he calls spiky, raunchy, up-tempo, punk (Kick The Scarf S01E02, 2018). Warnock’s comments seem to signify the Central Sydney independent music scene’s local-ness, networked community nature, and genre diversity. These types of digital scene intermediaries are reminiscent of findings from, for instance, studies by Arriagada (2016) in Santiago, Chile, and Jansson and Hracs (2018) in Stockholm, Sweden. In both cases, curation, by select local independent music scene members who play the role of scene intermediaries over online social media networks, make important contributions to the continued existence of these scenes. Furthermore, certain ‘collaborative-filtering’ recommendation algorithms, like the artist recommendation system of Bandcamp which suggest other similar artists, is another form of digital curation which acts as a digital scene intermediary (Figure 38).

Figure 38: Recommendations from the Bandcamp profile of Tangents (Source: Bandcamp profile of Tangents, 2019).

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Giovanni, Raven and Adams suggested that digital DIY practices allow members of this local independent music scene to add a personal touch and portray their personalities. The Facebook status depicted in Figure 39 by local independent musician Simeon Bartholomew serves as an example. It combines Bartholomew’s dislike for what he feels is the media’s overly negative view of Sydney’s live music and night-time economy with an amusing promotion of his band’s upcoming EP. Therefore, instead of just promoting his music, Bartholomew does so with a personal touch which simultaneously portrays his political views as well as his sense of humour (Figure 39). Raven and Simpson also mention demonstrating their unique brand of humour and personal values by putting on their ‘artist personas’ while communicating over online social media platforms. They sometimes also use hashtags associated with themselves or their bands. Raven and Simpson explains that these marketing practices collectively contribute to their niche-based brand recognition. For instance, included below are two Facebook statuses posted by local independent musician Josh Shipton. One promotes a live gig he is performing by using his gothic artist persona and the hashtag #killjosh (Figure 40). The other promotes another local independent artist using his views on supporting local artists and concerns for climate change (Figure 41).

Figure 39: Facebook status by the founder of the Central Sydney independent band SEIMS (Source: Bartholomew, 2019).

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Figure 40: Facebook status by Central Sydney independent musician Josh Shipton promoting his gig with his hashtag (Source: Shipton, 2019b).

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Figure 41: Facebook status by Central Sydney independent musician Josh Shipton promoting another local artist (Source: Shipton, 2019b).

According to Frow (2002, p. 63), brands ensure that products are consistent with their brand image and that competitors do not infringe on its features. They are generally supported by controlled advertising campaigns seeking to construct and maintain the coherence and integrity of that image (Frow, 2002). Frow (2002, p. 68) adds that brands unpack a product’s functional, pleasure and symbolic values as a reflection of the buyer’s self-image. Carah (2010), in his book about integration of popular music culture, corporate branding, and young people’s mediated cultural practices, explains how corporations utilise musicians to engage in brand image-building activities using online social media networks, user-generated content, digital cameras, and cell phones to construct brand messages that may potentially interest young music consumers. The young music consumers that Carah (2010) specifically considers as the target audience of corporate brands, often reject traditional broadcast advertising but respond positively to a brand image that they perceive as more ‘authentic’ – which is when the brand reflects their values, personality, and lifestyle. This brand image is not mass, but rather a niche one, for the members of the Central Sydney independent music scene. It is maintained through their artist persona-based marketing work via online platforms. Audience members may be swayed by the Central Sydney independent artists’ promotional activities on online social media when their brand image strikes a chord with their own self-image. For example, audience members may relate with Bartholomew’s views about the media’s excessively negative view of

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Sydney’s live music and night life, or with Shipton’s backing of local artists and concern for climate change.

This is also related to what I alluded to earlier regarding the shift from mass culture to massively parallel culture (Anderson, 2006, p. 184). Before the emergence of the new music industries, an artist could be promoted via traditional media outlets including print and broadcast media, but nowadays they need to appear in multiple parallel media outlets including online social media (Wikström, 2013, p. 91). Some Central Sydney independent artists sometimes do exactly that, by posting multimedia messages aimed at their audience members via online social media platforms, while maintaining their niche brand image using their artist personas. This kind of niche brand image goes beyond the scene members’ promotional activities in the form of online social media posts but feeds into their broader marketing strategies for their music. Reading about the research participants’ ethos and activities suggests that they are trying to cater to targeted groups of audience members with alternative music-based tastes. They achieve this by contributing to a brand which has a niche, rather than mass, appeal consistently maintained through their activities and products.

As discussed previously in Chapter 3, the ethos of the study participants is focused on practising aesthetic independence along with commitments towards non-profit-seeking and collaboration. Furthermore, their music-making ambitions do include making significant financial profits but are more concerned with reaching break-even, if possible. In other words, scene members are content with appealing to alternative music-based niche markets, where they do not have to compromise aesthetic freedom for hyper-commercial viability. As regards niche market-based, value- added products, the merchandise line of SEIMS includes T-shirts and transparent vinyl LPs, while Bud Petal offers a limited-edition vinyl LP with a companion photobook and a CD with a handcrafted packaging. These are special products which only hold value for serious enthusiasts who would want to add such merchandise to their collections. Interestingly, the relative high volume of vinyl sales compared to CD sales made by the study’s participants of my study reflect a recent trend in the American music industries, where reports based on the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) suggest that revenue from vinyl sales is set to overtake CDs for the first time since 1986 (Leight, 2019).

Catering to alternative music-based niche markets leads to creating translocal connections. Davies, Adams, and Simpson explained that digital DIY practices allow scene members to travel to other similar independent and alternative music scenes, both in Australia and around the globe.

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Specifically, these independent musicians communicate with each other through online social media and mutually support each other through digital cross-promotion and cross-sales of their music and merchandise. This digital poster promoting local independent band SEIMS’ tour of Australia and Japan serves as an example (Figure 42).

Figure 42: Digital poster of SEIMS Australia and Japan Tour 2019 (Source: SEIMS, 2019c).

Instead of going mainstream, which was a familiar trope for independent artists based on historical narratives about tensions around mainstream versus independent, current Central Sydney independent musicians often traverse multiple translocal scenes that comprise of like-minded, alternative musicians that share similar music tastes. This is possibly because digital music and online communication technologies allow cultural synchronicity through successful exchanges between translocal scenes around the globe. For instance, Adams mentioned that his band’s music is quite popular with alternative music-based crowds in some of the major cities of the Philippines. These Filipino fans first heard their music on Bandcamp and YouTube. They have successfully gone on one tour to the Philippines and one to Japan, where they performed at small-to-medium venues known for hosting alternative music, located in several major cities. Through trajectories similarto Adams’ band, Davies has performed with her band in multiple cities in Germany, while Simpson has toured Indonesia and Singapore. I enquired further about how exactly these translocal connections were developed and sustained. The responses from Adams, Simpson and Davies were similar. I choose to present Simpson’s narrative as an illustrative case study about the kinds of communications that take place over online social media networks to establish said translocal connections.

Simpson recalled receiving a message from an enthusiast in Jakarta, Indonesia through his band Metamathics’ (pseudonym) Facebook page. This fan, John Rahman (pseudonym) informed him that he likes Metamathics’ music, which he discovered by browsing through artist recommendations from fans of artists he likes, and also follows the band on his Bandcamp smartphone app. He then investigated this band on YouTube and Facebook and thoroughly enjoyed their music. He conveyed that his friends appreciate Metamathics’ songs as well and that they bought digital copies off

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Bandcamp. Taken by Rahman’s enthusiasm, Simpson decided to post vinyls of Metamathic’s two albums, along with the band’s logo stamped t-shirt, cap, and a cloth bag to him. Simpson mentioned that Rahman was very happy to receive their music and merchandise. The two of them kept in touch over social media. A month later, Rahman informed Simpson that his friends would love to buy some of Metamathic’s physical music formats and merchandise, and that he would also be happy to organise distribution agreements with niche record shops around Jakarta and elsewhere in Indonesia, which are owned by people within his networks.

After working out the business and logistical details, including calculating shipping and other associated costs, and arrangements to receive payment from overseas banks, Simpson delivered Metamathics’ records and merchandise not only to similar enthusiasts like Rahman, but also to record shops in Jakarta, Surabaya, Malang, Bandung and Bali. Simpson stated that soon after this enthusiasts from Singapore as well as Malaysia began to message him through Metamathics’ social media pages. His band’s music had dispersed through Asian underground/alternative music networks as bloggers and social media influencers, based in Indonesian cities, promoted their songs.

By now, Metamathics had a growing fan base in some of the major cities in Indonesia and Malaysia, as well as in Singapore. Before releasing their third album, Simpson, who now had quite a few connections within Asian independent music networks, discussed the possibility of organising a Metamathics Asian tour to help with promotion. Through such networks, Simpson became aware of some niche, alternative music-oriented venues in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. Metamathic’s third album was self-released in Australia in late 2018 which was followed by a month-long Australian tour, playing in independent/alternative music-oriented live music venues in the major cities as well as some regional centres. Their two-week Asian tour came into fruition in early 2019, and included live performances in the cities of Jakarta, Surabaya, Bandung, Java, and Bali in Indonesia, capped off by a further two gigs in Singapore.

Simpson shared that the biggest challenges with this international tour revolved around managing the cost of travel and accommodation. The gig organisers made these arrangements but generally the cheapest air tickets available were used and some of the inter-city travelling was handled with cheap rental cars. Accommodation often meant the band members sharing the residence of the local contact who was also typically one of the gig organisers. According to Simpson, monetary remuneration received for each gig was not much and barely covered everyday expenses like daily meals. However, Simpson shared that the band members were happy to invest some of their own

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money for such expenses in addition to tourist activities. He explained that this tour was a great way to distribute their music to niche Asian markets as demand for their band’s music and merchandise increased after this tour. However, Simpson explained that his band’s goal was to gain recognition from a translocal audience base and that they were not concerned with making a financial profit.

It is interesting to note that rather than having ambitions of reaching a large number of audience members on a global scale, Simpson as well as Adams and Davies, valued quality translocal connections, engaging with crowds and gaining recognition in similar translocal markets. Such findings are reminiscent of those from Hracs and Jansson’s (2017, p. 11) study of independent music networks in Sweden, where independent artists and record labels seek to capture other, similarly alternative music-oriented markets. These research participants’ translocal aspirations suggest that they value quality market exchanges over quantity, where they can afford to undertake the higher financial costs related with delivering records and merchandise to overseas record shops by setting a higher price for their products, knowing that their loyal enthusiasts with alternative tastes would not mind paying for them.

Simpson’s narrative also indicated how a listener’s choice-based recommendation algorithms, integrated with platforms such as Bandcamp, came into play and enabled members of local independent music scenes located in disparate geographic locations to discover each other’s music. The excerpt also highlighted the important role of digital intermediaries, in the form of bloggers and social media influencers along with independent record labels in promoting and curating translocal alternative music to niche markets across the globe. Again, this recalls Jansson and Hracs’ (2018, p. 1614) findings based on the strategies implemented by independent record labels in Sweden regarding how they negotiate curation of recorded music in the digital age of music.

Independent record labels operating in Central Sydney primarily function to accommodate alternative music-based niche markets. Until now the discussion has centred around disintermediation of the record label. However, independent record labels operating within the new music industries organise re-intermediation services at different levels for their signed artists. These local independent record labels, such as Art As Catharsis, provide support for their signed artists with almost every activity discussed above in terms of digital DIY practices. These labels especially provide support for different processes related to production, distribution, and promotions, and sometimes collaborate with promoters and venue managers to organise gigs and tours for their artists.

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Bushra, Reiss, Simpson and Johnson mentioned that at least one of their bands are signed with a local independent record label. For example, one of Reiss’s bands called Flowery Patterns (pseudonym) are signed with Sydney-based independent record label Art As Catharsis. This label organises that his band’s physical records and merchandise are made available at different niche record shops, both in Australia and overseas. Taking the role of music aggregators, this label ensures that the music of Flowery Patterns, both in physical and digital formats, is made available from their online store which operates through their Bandcamp profile (which offers a modified platform dedicated to record labels), as well as distributed to other online streaming services such as Spotify and Apple music and marketplaces including Apple iTunes store. Merchandise for Flowery Patterns is also made available from the label’s Bandcamp profile. Furthermore, Art As Catharsis makes use of industry networks including local media such as radio stations FBi and Triple J as well as street press like The Music and BRAG, and online platforms such as their YouTube channel, Facebook page, Instagram page and their Bandcamp profile, to promote Flowery Patterns’ music, gigs and merchandise. Additionally, this record label often helps the band secure gigs and tours.48

Digital DIY as independent practice Like Hracs (2015, 2016), A. Bennett (2018) credits the impact of digital music and online communication technologies with blurring the boundaries between professional and amateur modes of production. Similarly, the digital DIY practices of Central Sydney independent musicians, supported by digital-savvy independent record labels like Art As Catharsis, are blurring the divide between professional and amateur approaches to music-making. Thus, we have high-quality recordings made possible from amateur and pro-am home studio setups, operated with digital audio workstations like Pro Tools and Pro Logic, that are complemented by niche marketing strategies that utilise parallel online platforms like Facebook, YouTube and Instagram, and distribution through online producer- oriented platforms like Bandcamp.

Digital music and online communication technologies facilitate the research participants’ digital DIY practices by offering supplemental alternative approaches to music production, distribution, and promotion. Such technologies do not completely replace the classic functions and infrastructures of established independent music-related institutions like local independent record

48 Some of the band Tangents’ live music performance video productions are organised by their local independent record label Hospital Hill. This label also collaborates with Brooklyn-based independent record label Temporary Residence Ltd. to distribute their music in the USA and organised the production of their music video ‘Lake George’.

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labels and shops, radio stations, and street press, promoters, booking agencies and live music venues within the Central Sydney scene. Even though these technologies offer forms of disintermediation at different levels of music production, distribution and promotion for Central Sydney independent musicians, independent music-related institutions and infrastructures continue to exist within the scene.

How the participants of this study use digital DIY practices depends on their position within the local music-related milieu, based on their different configurations of accumulated economic resources, musical literacies, social networks, and experience associated with long-term and recurrent involvement with music-related work.

The research participants’ digital DIY practices complement offline strategies while enabling multiple online possibilities. These practices allow participants of this study to take charge of some traditional music industry functions which provides several new opportunities for digitally enhanced practices of aesthetic independence. Digital DIY practices provide the study participants more control over different aspects of their music-making activities while allowing them to practice different forms of independence. For instance, digital DIY practices mean that they can choose to work with or without an independent record label. It means that they have more control over where they want to perform and in which kinds of events. Such practices allow them to promote and distribute their music while maintaining a personalised niche brand image. They also allow them to crossover to similar translocal alternative music scenes in different parts of the world. These practices are compatible with maintaining a self-managed, break-even economy without ambitions of significant financial profits, which is consistent with the participants’ ethos tied to the gratification felt in practising aesthetic independence plus ethical commitments towards voluntary gifting, and networked, mutually supportive collaboration. The participants’ activities represent aspects of the version of independent music practices that characterise the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene in the midst of ongoing transformations of industry and technology. The findings from this chapter, therefore, contribute to the understanding of innovative, digitised independent music practices within new music industries.

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CONCLUSION

Multiple variations of independent music practices exist across different geographical locations and temporal-specific milieus. As versions of independent music practices have already existed throughout the cultural history of Australian popular music since the late 1970s, possibly due to low expectations of achieving mainstream commercial success owing to the relatively small size of the Australian domestic markets, the contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene presents a kind of independent music within a world where there can be multiple possibilities for what it means and what form it takes. This contemporary scene comprises a close-knit, networked community of like-minded members, institutions and infrastructures that encompass local musicians, DJs, venues, promoters, booking agencies, local boutique alcohol brands, independent record labels, record stores, FM radio stations, offline and online street press-styled publications, and digital music and online communication technologies – all cooperatively involved with music produced and distributed independently of the mainstream music industry conventions. Influences from past legacies, including live performances suggestive of Oz rock and punk roots and cross-genre aesthetic experimentations reminiscent of punk and post-punk heritage, play out in the contemporary scene. Importantly then, this is a study about a contemporary independent music scene in Central Sydney showing how independence can vary and how certain characteristics and conditions in certain combinations can be found when a study is done in a particular time and place. The Central Sydney independent music scene, and the practices of its members regarding how their livelihoods are sustained, how the government intervention strategies associated with mediating Sydney’s culture are negotiated with, and how digital music and online communication technologies are implemented, simply signify one local version of practising independence.

While discussing the downfall of American indie in the late 1980s and early 1990s, partly due to its co-option into the mainstream music industries, Azerrad (2002) states that it is difficult to assert what independent music culture post-1990s is effectively ‘independent of’ or ‘alternative to’, since most American independent record labels around this time had different forms of partnerships with majors. It seems that amidst continuing transformations of industry and technology, independent music has reached a point where it is all a bit mixed up. Hence the need for this study into how independent musicians in a location-based and contemporary independent music scene may be said to be practising independence. The contemporary Central Sydney independent music scene represents a version of independent music practices characterised by live performances and cross- genre aesthetic experimentation that entails experimentations with multiple music styles and genres. This version of independent music practices is embedded with a type of DIY ethos, and signifies a low

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cost, break-even economy that is not about seeking financial profits. Such practices are informed by ethical commitments about mutually and often voluntarily supporting each other, egalitarian and all- inclusive community-building and progressive gender, and sexual politics.

The Central Sydney independent musicians’ version of independent practices is not simply concerned with art versus commerce tropes that are reminiscent of classic representations of independent music cultures – such as depictions of youth culture with an oppositional ethos toward, and tensions around, going mainstream. Members of the Central Sydney independent music scene can afford to be their own aesthetic boss if they accept dependence on other strategies and resources beyond independent music. My analysis of their different strategies in building a living while participating in the scene reveals that they are multi-taskers who deploy DIY activities to manage various areas of their music-making practices. In other words, these strategies entail different economic modes. For instance, professional independent Molasses operates as an independent contractor engaging with different kinds of contract-to-contract music-related work across both mainstream music, and broader cultural industries. He applies for government grants and organises a variety of gigs for interested clients. Molasses also supports himself by teaching music as a means to an end. Semi-professional independent Raven works full-time at an FM radio station while his income is also supplemented by inherited wealth. Both categories of independents generate limited revenues from performing live, organising gigs, selling music and merchandise within the local independent music scene. These different economic modes coexist in a mixed economy within the Central Sydney independent music scene today. Conceptually, this economy also involves multiple, though often indirect, dependencies on mainstream cultural and economic life and institutions.

Both professional and semi-professional independents in the scene share some common characteristics in terms of self-management and multi-tasking with embedded DIY sensibilities. Income from their scene-based music-making practices is not oriented towards pursuing financial profit. Breaking even is considered sufficient, as they are content if these proceeds cover the financial expenses directly associated with scene participation. The fact that the study participants’ attitude towards earnings from scene-based music-making activities is not solely about seeking financial rewards connotes ethical commitments rooted in their independent practices. Scene members seem less concerned about just pursuing financial gains and more on being in control of their music in terms of aesthetically expressing themselves. Their music-making activities within the scene are about artistic gratification derived from engaging with, and being in control of, passion projects encompassing experimental and aesthetically independent music. Importantly, the research

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participants can afford to be their own aesthetic boss within the Central Sydney independent music scene as long as they accept dependence on other strategies and recourses beyond independent music.

My findings reveal that the Central Sydney independent music scene is not just a youth-centric one. Most participants in this study are at a mature stage of their lives and have been involved with the scene for at least a decade. These findings are representative of a trend that reverberates throughout the scene, where several scene members cannot exactly be considered as youth and are its long-time participants. Importantly, long-standing involvement with the scene, marked by the comparatively mature ages of the majority of research participants, allows for the accumulation of resources, especially in the form of social as well as economic and cultural capital, and development of strategies including entrepreneurial practices and separate full-time employment, over time.

Another aspect of this mixed economy includes the ‘gift economy’. Several study participants, who are also scene intermediaries, mention devoting their time and effort towards mentoring and supporting young and emerging artists, utilising their experience and social networks established over long-term scene engagement. While discussing that socialising is key to becoming a member of this scene, some participants mention volunteering support at live gigs, signifying yet another aspect of their gift forms of labour. Furthermore, the research participants note performing free-of-charge at events where proceeds are donated either towards charity, activist groups, or to raise awareness about important issues. These participants’ charitable activities are representative of members’ practices throughout the scene. Additionally, some digital scene intermediaries support local independent artists by promoting their music via online social media platforms and community media. Some scene members also share clips of their live performance and music videos via online social media platforms, like Facebook and YouTube, for free. The scene members’ practices of mentoring, volunteering support, performing, and sharing music-related content for free – entail gift forms of labour, adding another dimension to the scene’s mixed economy. Such practices also connote the members’ ethical values embedded within their independent practices.

Specific sets of affordances based on different configurations of accumulated economic resources, musical literacies, social networks, and experience associated with long-term and recurrent involvement with music-related work, shape the agency of each scene member as they operate in a mixed economy. As previously discussed, this economy also involves multiple, though often indirect, dependencies on mainstream cultural and economic life and institutions, because depending on the

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alternative-based ones will never sustain a full living. Within the context-based specificity of this scene, the diversity of genres and aesthetic experimentation are illustrative of this phenomenon. That is, the scene members’ music-making practices are flexible on the back of economic security. They experiment with several music genres including folk, rock, blues, metal, goth, punk, pop, jazz and electronic, among others. The members’ middle-class position comprising a mixture of economic, cultural, and social capital perhaps help them fulfil practices of multiple-genre aesthetic experimentation within the scene. Such practices inform their wide-ranging tastes and fragmented cultural preferences which contrasts with the homologous subcultural tendencies of working-class British punks in the post-Second World War era. Interestingly, members of the Central Sydney independent music scene are part of an educated middle-class community who are engaged with different practices of independence associated with the production and distribution of independent music, which represents a form of homology. As a group of educated, middle-class genre omnivores, members’ syncretic style mixing signifies their grounded aesthetics.

Government regulatory strategies do not prove to be a huge deterrent because the Central Sydney independent music scene is a slightly inner west scene where members already use various kinds of venues creatively and for economic reasons. For instance, live music venues’ restrictive sound parameters mean that Davies and Molasses must often modify their live performance setup. This includes changing from a full band live set, with amplifiers and drums, to either a toned-down acoustic set or a decibel-managed electronic set. The policing of live music and the night-time economy does not have much impact on scene members, who utilise accumulated resources and different strategies to maintain practices of aesthetic independence within the scene. They are prepared to mobilise whatever resources necessary and adapt to conditions to maintain their satisfying practices of independence, even if that means performing at community spaces and unofficial or temporary venues. Perhaps lockouts and noise restrictions, if anything, reinforce tendencies that already exist in the scene. Such tendencies represent the scene members’ flexible resilience in the face of government policing because of its marginality to the mainstream creative economy and willingness to adopt grassroots strategies to survive. Their adaptive mentality is consistent with their ethos, which lacks commercial ambitions and operates as a break-even economy, while pursuing aesthetic independence through their scene-based music-making practices. Since the scene members value the gratifying practice of being involved with creative work, they are content if they can maintain practices of aesthetic independence within the scene instead of resisting implications of urbanisation, as well as governmental policing of live music and the night-time economy. Therefore, government policies

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mediating contemporary Sydney’s culture do not have too much of an impact on the research participants’ practices of independence.

Another aspect of the scene members’ particular version of practising independence involves the implementation of digital music and online communication technologies. Their digital DIY practices enable supplementary opportunities for practising independence within the digitised milieu of the new music industries while complementing existing independent music-related institutions and infrastructures like local independent record labels and shops, radio stations, and street press, promoters, booking agencies and live music venues within the Central Sydney scene. Such practices afford the members more control over different aspects of their music-making activities. For instance, digital DIY practices mean that they can choose to work with or without an independent record label. It means that they have more control over where they want to perform and in which kinds of events. Such practices allow them to promote and distribute their music while maintaining a personalised niche brand image. They also allow them to crossover to similar translocal alternative music scenes in different parts of the world. These practices are compatible with maintaining a self-managed, break- even economy without ambitions of significant financial profits, which is consistent with the participants’ ethos tied to the gratification felt in practising aesthetic independence plus ethical commitments towards voluntary gifting, and networked, mutually supportive collaboration.

The scene members situate themselves through particular configurations of resources, strategies and economic exchanges, which allow them to both construct their living and practice aesthetic independence in ways that would be difficult if following the imperatives of mainstream music markets. Their practices of independence represent a distinctively sustainable form of independent music, as opposed to a transitory cultural moment, such as that associated with the origin stories of independent music emerging from youth rebellion. In those narratives, independence is practised by performing alternative activities separate from mainstream conventions and infrastructures. This sustainable version of independent music, however, signifies how artists adopt forms of independent practice that mean problems around ‘going mainstream’– where independence is replaced by becoming professional on mainstream industry terms — are circumvented and certain kinds of aesthetic and economic independence from mainstream music industry imperatives can be maintained.

Overall, returning to the question of how independent music is independent and in what ways, this study finds that independent musicians can manage a sustainable version of practising

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independence and be their own aesthetic boss, so long as they adopt certain economic, technological and social strategies in scene activity and deploy resources that help them maintain their valued ways of doing music, including resources derived beyond independent music practice. Practitioners can construct their living through multiple, though often indirect, dependencies on mainstream cultural and economic life and institutions. This is instead of just depending on their alternative-based counterparts within the scene in a way that might not generate sufficient resources to sustain practice and thus lead to economic pressures to engage with mainstream industry options that threaten aesthetic independence. This, in combination with their practices of maintaining their non- dependence on government, being largely adaptive to government policies that regulate Sydney’s culture or resisting creative economy-centric initiatives of facilitation, as well as their DIY practices of implementing digital music and online communication technologies to take control of classic music industry functions, represents what appears to be a sustainable version of practising independence that allows this scene to take the shape it does. This study’s findings contribute to larger discussions about how independence might take different forms in different contexts. It helps explain the shifting nature of independence and what it may connote today amidst ongoing transformations of industry and technology.

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APPENDICES Appendix I: Participant recruitment flyer Department of Gender and Cultural Studies University of Sydney

PARTICIPANTS NEEDED FOR RESEARCH ON INDEPENDENT MUSIC IN SYDNEY

Are you an Independent musician involved with the local independent music scene of Central Sydney, or are you engaged with this music scene in any other capacity? Are you 18 years of age or more? If your answer to both the above questions is yes, then I am looking for individuals such as yourself to take part in an exploratory study of what the term ‘independence’ means to independent musicians of Central Sydney. Being a participant of this study means taking part in an interview session at a public place, and it would take no longer than one hour. For more information to volunteer for this research, please contact:

Shams Bin Quader PhD candidate Department of Gender and Cultural Studies Mobile: 0401667876 Email: [email protected]

Ethical approval for the study was given by the Executive committee of the Human Research Ethics committee of the University of Sydney Project number: 231/2017

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Appendix II: Participant Information Statement (PIS)

Discipline of Gender and Cultural Studies School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

ABN 15 211 513 464

Dr. Guy Redden Room J4.03 Associate Professor Level 4, Main Quadrangle The University of Sydney NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA Telephone: +61 2 9351 8495 Facsimile: +61 2 9351 3918 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.sydney.edu.au/

‘Like a sustainable version: Practicing independence in the Central Sydney independent music scene’

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT

(1) What is this study about?

You are invited to take part in a research study about investigating the extent of independence experienced by Independent (or indie) musicians of Central Sydney, and the dynamics, agency, resources, and conditions necessary for the continued existence of this local music scene. This research project aims to find out how much these local independent musicians contribute, while negotiating a role, in such discourses as: live music performances and its association with urban cultures/lifestyles and night-time economies, cultural planning and creative city, effects of urban development on live music production and consumption milieus, cultural industries and creative labour, venues, record labels and media.

You have been invited to participate in this study because you have been identified as an active member of this local music scene. This Participant Information Statement tells you about the research study. Knowing what is involved will help you decide if you want to take part in the research. Please read this sheet carefully and ask questions about anything that you don’t understand or want to know more about.

Participation in this research study is voluntary.

By giving your consent to take part in this study you are telling us that you:  Understand what you have read.  Agree to take part in the research study as outlined below.  Agree to the use of your personal information as described.

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You will be given a copy of this Participant Information Statement to keep.

(2) Who is running the study?

The study is being carried out by the following researchers:  Shams Bin Quader, postgraduate research student, Department of Gender and Cultural Studies.

Shams Bin Quader is conducting this study as the basis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Sydney. This will take place under the supervision of Dr. Guy Redden, Associate Professor.

(3) What will the study involve for me?

 The study involves one-on-one, face-to-face, semi-structured, open-ended interviews, which will be conducted in a casual and relaxed manner, scheduled at a time convenient to you and will take place at a common public place like a cafe or restaurant.  The interview questions will revolve around your experiences as a member of this local music scene. These questions will cover the following topics: the nature and length of your involvement; your motivation for involvement; history, description and dynamics of the scene how it functions today; how you sustain your livelihood; how local government policies affect your work; importance of social links and media; and your definition of independence within this music scene.  The interviews will be audio recorded.

(4) How much of my time will the study take?

The interview with you will take approximately one hour.

(5) Who can take part in the study?

Individuals who are 18 years of age or above, and are involved with the aforementioned music scene is eligible to take part in this study.

(6) Do I have to be in the study? Can I withdraw from the study once I've started?

Being in this study is completely voluntary and you do not have to take part. Your decision whether to participate will not affect your current or future relationship with the researchers or anyone else at the University of Sydney.

If you decide to take part in the study and then change your mind later, you are free to withdraw at any time. You can do this by contacting the student researcher either via email or mobile phone.

You are free to stop the interview at any time. Unless you say that you want us to keep them, any recordings will be erased and the information you have provided will not be included in the study results. You may also refuse to answer any questions that you do not wish to answer during the interview. SHAMS QUADER 193

If you decide to withdraw from the study, we will not collect any more information from you. Please let us know at the time when you withdraw what you would like us to do with the information we have collected about you up to that point. If you wish your information will be removed from our study records and will not be included in the study results, up to the point that we have analysed and published the results.

(7) Are there any risks or costs associated with being in the study?

Aside from giving up your time, we do not expect that there will be any risks or costs associated with taking part in this study.

(8) Are there any benefits associated with being in the study?

We cannot guarantee that you will receive any direct benefits from being in the study.

(9) What will happen to information about me that is collected during the study?

 The information collected from you, that is, the recording of your interview will be transcribed. These transcribed interviews will serve as the primary data for this research. They will be analysed and used to validate the research aims and hypothesis of the PhD thesis and will also be used in future academic publications.  No third parties will have access to this information as the researcher shall transcribe the interviews himself.  All data is to be treated confidentially at all times. The researcher shall de-identify the interviews in all transcriptions to ensure confidentiality and remove any identifying features. These de-identified pseudo names will be used in any type of dissemination of research results.  Feedback concerning the overall results of the research via a lay summary, will be made available to you by email after the completion of the study.  The research results will be published in the form of a PhD thesis through the University of Sydney. These findings may also contribute towards future academic journal articles, book chapters and conference paper presentations.  During and after the completion of the research project, all research data will be stored at University approved storage facilities.  The data will be retained for 5 years after the completion of the study. At the end of this storage period, all data related to this study will be destroyed.  The data collected in this project is not intended to be used for any other purpose.

By providing your consent, you are agreeing to us collecting personal information about you for the purposes of this research study. Your information will only be used for the purposes outlined in this Participant Information Statement, unless you consent otherwise.

Your information will be stored securely and your identity/information will be kept strictly confidential, except as required by law. Study findings may be published, but you will not be individually identifiable in these publications.

(10) Can I tell other people about the study?

SHAMS QUADER 194

Yes, you are welcome to tell other people about the study.

(11) What if I would like further information about the study?

When you have read this information, Shams Bin Quader will be available to discuss it with you further and answer any questions you may have. If you would like to know more at any stage during the study, please feel free to contact Mr. Shams Bin Quader, Postgraduate Research Student, Department of Gender and Cultural Studies, [email protected], +61 401 667 876.

(12) Will I be told the results of the study?

You have a right to receive feedback about the overall results of this study. You can tell us that you wish to receive feedback by ticking the relevant box on the consent form. This feedback will be in the form of a one page lay summary. You will receive this feedback after the study is finished.

(13) What if I have a complaint or any concerns about the study?

Research involving humans in Australia is reviewed by an independent group of people called a Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC). The ethical aspects of this study have been approved by the HREC of the University of Sydney, project number 231/2017. As part of this process, we have agreed to carry out the study according to the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (2007). This statement has been developed to protect people who agree to take part in research studies.

If you are concerned about the way this study is being conducted or you wish to make a complaint to someone independent from the study, please contact the university using the details outlined below. Please quote the study title and protocol number.

The Manager, Ethics Administration, University of Sydney:  Telephone: +61 2 8627 8176  Email: [email protected]  Fax: +61 2 8627 8177 (Facsimile)

This information sheet is for you to keep.

SHAMS QUADER 195

Appendix III: Participant Consent Form (PCF)

PG Research Office Discipline of Gender and Cultural Studies School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

ABN 15 211 513 464

Dr. Guy Redden Room J4.03 Associate Professor Level 4, Main Quadrangle The University of Sydney NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA Telephone: +61 2 9351 8495 Facsimile: +61 2 9351 3918 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.sydney.edu.au/

PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM

I, ...... [PRINT NAME], give consent to my participation in the research project

TITLE: ‘Like a sustainable version: Practicing independence in the Central Sydney independent music scene’

In giving my consent I acknowledge that:

1. The procedures required for the project and the time involved have been explained to me, and any questions I have about the project have been answered to my satisfaction.

2. I have read the Participant Information Statement and have been given the opportunity to discuss the information and my involvement in the project with the researcher/s.

3. I understand that being in this study is completely voluntary – I am not under any obligation to consent.

4. I understand that my involvement is strictly confidential. I understand that any research data gathered from the results of the study may be published however no information about me will be used in any way that is identifiable.

SHAMS QUADER 196

5. I understand that I can withdraw from the study at any time, without affecting my relationship with the researcher(s) or the University of Sydney now or in the future.

6. I understand that I can stop the interview at any time if I do not wish to continue, the audio and video recording will be erased and the information provided will not be included in the study.

7. I consent to:  Audio-recording YES  NO   Video-recording YES  NO   Receiving Feedback YES  NO 

If you answered YES to the ‘Receiving Feedback’ question, please provide your details i.e. mailing address, email address.

Feedback Option

Address: ______

______

Email: ______

...... Signature

...... Please PRINT name

...... Date

SHAMS QUADER 197

Appendix IV: Oral Condensed Participant Information Statement

Discipline of Gender and Cultural Studies School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

ABN 15 211 513 464

Oral Information Script:

You are invited to take part in a research about investigating the extent of independence experienced by Independent (or indie) musicians of Central Sydney, and the dynamics, agency, resources, and conditions necessary for the continued existence of this local music scene.

You have been invited to participate in this study because you have been identified as an active member of this local music scene.

This research is being carried out by myself, Shams Bin Quader. I am a postgraduate research student from the Department of Gender and Cultural Studies at the University of Sydney. I am conducting this research as the basis for my Doctor of Philosophy degree. This will take place under the supervision of Dr. Guy Redden, Senior Lecturer.

The method of enquiry involves conducting a one-on-one, face-to-face, semi-structured and open- ended interview with you, which would take no longer than an hour. This interview will be audio recorded.

Being in this study is completely voluntary and you do not have to take part. Your decision whether or not to participate will not affect your current or future relationship with the researchers or anyone else at the University of Sydney. If you decide to take part in the study and then change your mind later, you are free to withdraw at any time by contacting me.

Transcription of your interview will be stored securely and your identity will be kept strictly confidential, except as required by law. Study findings may be published, but you will not be individually identifiable in these publications.

*The Participant Information Statement (PIS) and Participant Consent Form (PCF) will be handed out at this point.*

SHAMS QUADER 198

For more information about this research, please read the Participant Information Statement in your free time. My contact details are included in this document. Feel free to contact me to clarify any issues or questions regarding this research.

Finally, if you wish to participate in this research, please read and sign the Participant Consent Form and we can begin.

SHAMS QUADER 199

Appendix V: Research Interview Questions

1. What is your year of birth and where is your music based at? 2. Tell me how you are involved with the independent music scene of Sydney (in what capacity) and how long have you been involved with it? 3. Within Sydney, would you refer to this as the independent music scene? Or by any other name? 4. How does one become involved with this scene? 5. How do you classify bands/musicians? By genre or by their activities? 6. Please name some exemplary musicians and/or bands associated with this scene. 7. Tell me about some popular venues and gigs. How are they organized and how do they function? 8. How do you earn a living and sustain your livelihood? 9. How do local and state government policies affect your music occupation? What about ongoing gentrification projects, how do they affect you? 10. How important are social links in this scene? 11. How do you promote and distribute your recorded music and gigs? 12. How important are internet-based media, social media, and online economies for you? 13. Why are you involved, that is, what may be the ethical reasons for being a part of this scene and not choosing to do something else or be commercial (mainstream)? 14. As an independent musician in Sydney, what does independence mean for you?

Finally, could you please forward contacts of some your colleagues to me, musicians who you think play a major role in shaping the contemporary independent music scene of Sydney? Please feel free to also pass on my contact details and the recruitment letter (which includes my academic affiliations & research summary) to them, so that they may independently volunteer to participate in this research project.

SHAMS QUADER 200

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