Cultural Competency Affirmative 1AC Advantage: Racial Trauma Status quo school counselors have shifted away from providing mental health services towards purely solving the achievement gap which means there is a decrease in access to adequate mental health care that addresses the needs of students of different cultures. This puts students at a closer risk of depression and suicide. NASSP ‘16 (NASSP is the leading organization of and voice for school principals, assistant principals, and school leaders from across the United States and in over 35 countries around the world. Founded in 1916, NASSP's mission is to connect and engage school leaders through advocacy, research, education, and student programs. “PROMOTING MENTAL HEALTH IN MIDDLE LEVEL AND HIGH SCHOOLS.”April 21, 2016)NAE A U.S. Surgeon General report indicates that one in five children and adolescents will face a significant mental health condition during their school years. Mental health disorders affecting children and adolescents can range from attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) to autism, depression, eating disorders, and schizophrenia. Students suffering from these conditions face significant barriers to learning and are less likely to graduate from high school. Key responsibilities of school leaders regarding this issue include creating a safe and nurturing school environment, supporting the physical and mental health of children, fostering their social and emotional well-being, and being prepared to address teen suicide through effective communication and support. As leaders work to meet these responsibilities, they face an array of challenges related to mental health: Limited capacity to address mental health issues. Schools have historically used their resources to employ a substantial number of student support professionals. These school staff members have been the core around which comprehensive school-based programs have been developed and implemented. With increased accountability for academic results under the Elementary and Secondary School Act (ESEA) and subsequent regulations, school counselors-who represent the majority of student support professionals in schools-have seen their responsibilities shift away from the overall personal, social, emotional, academic, and career development of each student toward an academic achievement-only focus, creating a rapidly widening gap in support services. During the 2010-2011 school year, there was one school counselor for every 471 students. The recommended ratio from the American School Counseling Association is one school counselor for every 250 students. Data from the U.S. Department of Education Office for Civil Rights indicates that one in five high schools lack a school counselor. In addition to a shortage of counselors, many schools do not have regular access to school-based mental health professionals. Within a district, numerous schools must share school psychologists, school social workers, school nurses, and other specialized support personnel. This increases the caseload of these mental health professionals and limits access to their services for students in need of support and assistance. Disinvestment in school-based mental health programs. While the Individuals with Disabilities Act (IDEA) and the Elementary and Secondary School Act (ESEA) include programs and initiatives to address comprehensive support services in schools, since FY 2009, the funding for these programs, including the Safe and Drug Free State Grants, has been severely cut, if not eliminated. This comes at a time of increasing student enrollments and the need for services that address the social-emotional wellness and mental health of students. In FY 2009, the federal programs supporting students' mental health and wellness surpassed $800 million; however, in FY 2014, Congress invested only $214.6 million to support these efforts. Stigma surrounding mental health issues. For historical and cultural reasons, mental illness has persistently been stigmatized in our society. This stigma is manifested by bias, distrust, stereotyping, fear, embarrassment, anger, and/or avoidance. Addressing psychosocial and mental health concerns in schools is typically not assigned a high priority , except when a high- visibility event occurs, such as a shooting on campus, a student suicide, or an increase in bullying. Additionally , efforts to address school-based services for mental health continue to be developed in an ad hoc, piecemeal, and highly marginalized way . Death by suicide. According to the Coalition to Support Grieving Students, death by suicide is the third leading cause of death in children ages 10–14 and the second leading cause of death in children ages 15–19. Close to o ne in five high school students has considered suicide, and 2 percent to 6 percent of children attempt suicide. There is a great deal of stigma around suicide, which is why schools must work with parents, children, school staff, and principals to discuss teen suicide in a careful and effective manner. These challenges underscore the need for comprehensive mental health support services and prevention programs to build the capacity of schools as they help each student reach his or her maximum potential. Status quo mental health services are insufficient and are put in competition with instruction time which spreads resources in school too thin. Atkins et al 10 (Marc S. Atkins is a professor of psychiatry and psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago with a focus in children’s mental health and school based mental health services. “Toward the Integration of Education and Mental Health in Schools”. 2010. https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2Fs10488-010-0299-7.pdf) NAE

Since publication of Bronfenbrenner’s ground-breaking theory of human ecological systems (Bronfenbrenner 1979; Bronfenbrenner and Morris 1998), children’s development has been understood as influenced by the interacting natural contexts in which children live, work, and play . Schools represent among the most influential of these contexts by virtue of their long-term influence on children’s cognitive and social development . Toward that end, schooling has been a long-standing concern of mental health professionals, and as importantly, children’s social and emotional adjustment has been a long- standing concern of schools. Educators have long noted that the unmet psychosocial needs of children and families overwhelm the resources of schools and undermine their capacity to educate children (e.g., Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development 1989). With the passage in 1975 of PL 94-142, the first federal law mandating equal access to public education for children with handicaps, a range of expanded agendas—such as full-service schools and school-based mental health programs—has been advocated with the goal to integrate educational and mental health services (Cappella and Larner 1999; Dryfoos 1994). These programs, started in the mid-1980’s in a handful of schools, have spread to thousands of schools across the nation (Foster et al. 2005). Lawson and Sailor (2000) review this history and note that, despite differences across programs, all presume the need to incorporate a broader agenda beyond academic achievement. Similarly, a consensus statement coordinated by the UCLA National Center for Mental Health in Schools (2001) promoted integrated mental health and educational goals. However, while the goal of integrating mental health and education may be shared by many educators and mental health professionals, there is little consensus on the optimal ways to package or integrate supports within schools to achieve these goals. Although schools are commonly regarded as the dominant de facto providers of mental health services for youth (Burns et al. 1995; Farmer et al. 2003), providing an estimated 70–80% of psychosocial services to those children who receive services (Rones and Hoagwood 2000), there is, as yet, scant evidence for the effectiveness of current school-based service models, and reason to think that these services are providing little advantage over clinic based services (Kutash et al. 2006). A recent national survey of school-based mental health programs indicated that a vast majority of programs provide ‘‘pull-out’’ screening and counseling services to referred children (Foster et al. 2005), which are resource intensive and often compete with instructional time. In addition, the ‘‘clinic within schools’’ model provides few opportunities for interdisciplinary collaboration between mental health providers and educators , and even when successful, accommodates a relatively small proportion of the children in need of services (Baker et al. 2006). Furthermore, the negative environment in many schools in impoverished communities can overwhelm educational and mental health programs and is largely unaddressed by current school- based service models (Cappella et al. 2008; Gottfredson and Gottfredson 2002; Hoagwood et al. 2007). As many have noted, these issues suggest that the presumption of integrated services in schools is in need of critical analysis (e.g., Baker et al. 2006; Boyd and Shouse 1997; Ringeisen et al. 2003; Weinstein 2002). Black students are specifically targeted in schooling, but are also barred from the discussions that craft education policy. This means that the education system puts them uniquely at risk for suffering within school without relief from mental health services. Dumas ’14 (Michael J. Dumas is an Assistant Professor at the University of California, Berkeley in the Graduate School of Education and the African American Studies Department. He earned a Ph.D. in Urban Education with an emphasis in social and educational policy studies from The Graduate Center of the City University of New York. His research sits at the intersection(s) of the cultural politics of Black education, the cultural political economy of urban education, and the futurity of Black childhood(s). “‘Losing an arm’: schooling as a site of black suffering” Race Ethnicity and Education, 2014 Vol. 17, No. 1, 1–29, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2013.850412)CR

In Octavia Butler’s 1979 novel, Kindred, Dana Franklin finds herself transported from her home in present-day Los Angeles to antebellum Maryland, where she must endure the horrors of slavery while ensuring her later existence by protecting Rufus Weylin, one of her accident-prone and abusive white ancestors, who summons her back in time whenever his life is in danger. Butler begins her story at the end: ‘I lost an arm on my last trip home. My left arm’ (2004, 9). Dana’s arm, we later learn, has been taken into history – for lack of a better way to say it – by Rufus, who had been holding her down and attempting to rape her as she was returned to the present. Butler, a renowned science fiction writer, insisted that Kindred is best understood not as science fiction, but as ‘a grim fantasy’ (2004, 269). In writing the novel, she wanted readers to ‘feel slavery,’ to get a sense of the ‘emotional and psychological stones that slavery threw at people ’ (Snider 2004). The author immerses us in an experience that most of us have read about, and referenced casually – perhaps too casually – but have probably never thought about very deeply . How does it feel to be so despised and hated? What is it like, in Butler’s words, to ‘have all of society arrayed against you?’ (Marshall 2006). Research on social suffering takes up these questions, situating them within an analysis of the political, economic and cultural-ideological forces that so powerfully impact human experience. Moving between the local and global, the material and discursive, historical memory and mundane everyday experience, this interdisciplinary body of inquiry aims to capture how suffering is felt in the flesh, how groups who have endured such pain make sense of their suffering as a shared phenomenon, and how suffering is represented (or not) in public discourse and popular culture (Bourdieu 1999; McNay 2008; Reid 2002; Wilkinson 2005). I contend here that, for many black children and families in the United States, Britain and elsewhere, schooling is a site of suffering . Schooling is not merely a site of suffering, but I believe it is the suffering that we have been least willing or able to acknowledge or give voice to in educational scholarship, and more specifically, in educational policy analysis . To be sure, researchers have documented inequitable educational opportunities and disproportionate outcomes, and have offered incisive analyses of the relationship between educational policy and broader social and political forces (Anyon 1997, 2005; Gulson 2011; Lipman 2011). We have even elucidated the impact of policies on the lives of specific racialized populations (Nolan 2011; Scott 2011; Smith and Stovall 2008). However, even here, our work has largely focused on policy as a set of interventions, regulations and institutional and societal consequences. With an audience comprised primarily of policymakers, educational leaders and other researchers , we have been less concerned with how policy is lived, and too often suffered, by those who have little hand in policy formation or implementation, and more to the point, have not been invited to weigh in on how we who research policy should assess the deep impression of policy on flesh, bone and soul. Drawing on data from my historical- ethnographic study of the cultural politics of school desegregation in Seattle, I explore suffering as a recurring theme in the narratives of four black leaders, educators and activists involved in the struggle for black educational opportunity in that city during the post- Civil Rights Era. As these black subjects reflect on the historical trajectory of racial desegregation policies and practices, from the implementation of the mandatory school busing program in the late 1970s, through the challenges of black students in desegregating schools in the 1980s and 1990s, and then shifts in policy leading to the more recent resegregation of Seattle’s schools, they offer us a unique view of what Pierre Bourdieu (1999) has called la petite misère. Schools specifically target black students with physical and psychological violence that scars children but never makes it into policy-making which causes a continuing cycle of never ending anti-blackness within schools.

Dumas ’17 (Michael J. Dumas is an Assistant Professor at the University of California, Berkeley in the Graduate School of Education and the African American Studies Department. He earned a Ph.D. in Urban Education with an emphasis in social and educational policy studies from The Graduate Center of the City University of New York. His research sits at the intersection(s) of the cultural politics of Black education, the cultural political economy of urban education, and the futurity of Black childhood(s). “Things Are Gonna Get Easier: Refusing Schooling as a Site of Black Suffering” February 11, 2017.) NAE

When the Detroit teachers’ union and several parents’ groups recently filed a lawsuit against the Detroit Public Schools, their complaint highlighted dangerous and unhealthy learning conditions for children: infestations of rats and roaches, freezing classrooms, exposed electrical wiring, and falling debris. “That floor’s been like that for at least four years,” parent Christopher Robinson complained, referring to the growing mold in one school. “Our children deserve better,” said Shoniqua Kemp, parent of two children in Detroit schools, and one of the plaintiffs in the lawsuit. “They’re going to get better, one way or another.” Nearly 83% of Detroit residents are Black, and a slightly higher percentage of children in Detroit schools are Black. Although the problems in Detroit schools are also related to a host of issues that might be seen as having nothing to do with race—state disinvestment in public education, the bungled and ill-advised state takeover of the district, the effects of a number of economic factors— it is important to name that these horrors are being experienced disproportionately by Black children . And we must understand that, largely, the broader public is just fine with that. In fact, our nation has been just fine with not providing educational opportunities for Black people since the very beginning. During the years of chattel slavery, it was illegal in many places to teach a Black person to read or write, and countless Black people were killed, or had their fingers chopped off as punishment for learning anyway. When Black people began to build schools, white people often burned them to the ground. And for the past 100 years, federal and state legislators, local officials, and predominantly white citizens’ groups have used various strategies to ensure that Black children are deprived of equitable education funding, and do not gain access to the more highly resourced public schools their children attend . Beyond the systemic, intentional, and conniving efforts to deprive Black people of education, Black children , parents, and teachers have long been subject to anti-Black violence and harassment in schools . Of course, we can all recall the images from the 1950s-1970s of terrorizing white hordes in both Southern and Northern cities threatening, cursing, and spitting on Black children as they attempted to enter segregated white schools. But this kind of anti-Black sentiment takes more subtle forms now: research demonstrates that Black students are more likely to be punished than other students for the same infractions, and punished more harshly; Black students are less likely to be considered for gifted and talented programs; curricula used to teach Black children are unlikely to adequately or appropriately reflect Black history and cultural contributions . Even so, the overt forms of anti-Black violence in schools are with us still. Just last fall , a white sheriff’s deputy in a South Carolina high school threw a Black girl from her desk onto the floor and dragged her across the room in front of her classmates, after she refused to put her cell phone away. Taken together—the inequitable distribution of educational resources and the continued mistreatment of Black children in schools—serve as painful evidence that schooling is a site of Black suffering. It is not that schooling is only a site of Black suffering. However, I argue that it is the suffering of Black children —much like the rodents and decay in Detroit schools— that we are least likely to acknowledge , and worse, the most likely to defend, either as what Black children deserve, or more kindly, as an unfortunate, innocent consequence of racial and class inequality in the US. Black suffering in schools is one manifestation of the anti-Blackness of our society, in which Black people are viewed with disgust and disdain, as non-humans worthy of violence and death. In schools, this anti-Blackness reveals itself first, in the deep-seated, but most often unconscious belief that Black children are uneducable—that is, either biologically or culturally unable to be educated. This might seem an outrageous claim, but it makes more sense when you consider that research reveals that, in an anti- Black world, Black children are more likely to be associated with primates —monkeys—than are other groups of children, and thus Black children are viewed as more violent, more uncontrollable, and least able to grasp complex ideas . Uneducable. A problem. A waste of time and unworthy of resources. Only as Black children and young people, and Black families and communities begin to talk amongst themselves about their collective suffering in schools, and come to understand it as connected to a long tradition of anti-Black violence, do they come to realize, as Shoniqua Kemp in Detroit, that something has to change, “one way or another.” Lawsuits are one way, but history suggests we are going to need more than that. Students are also leading walkouts to protest various forms of Black suffering in schools. And before too long, we may all need to lay our bodies in front of school buildings, at school board meetings, and in fancy ballrooms at professional meetings of education researchers and policy makers . Just as Black Lives Matter protestors have closed bridges, and disrupted holiday shopping, we may need to “shut shit down” for Black children in schools. In their 1970 song, “O-o-h Child,” the Five Stairsteps sing of a time when “things are gonna get easier,” when we “get it together and we get it all done.” This future, they insist repeatedly, at the end of the song, is “right now.” Thus, Black futurity, our imagination of a time when “the world is much brighter” is about what we do right now, in the midst of persistent Black suffering, to insist on our humanity, and to demand that others understand that we will do whatever it takes to be treated as human beings. In his own take on “O-o-h Child,” Tupac Shakur reminds Black people: “We ain’t meant to survive/cause it’s a setup/And even though you’re fed up/Huh, ya got to keep your head up.” Indeed, Black suffering in schools is a setup, and we are not, and were never meant to survive. However, it is in our movement for Black lives that we refuse this future and create another. Right now. The impact is racial trauma. The violence that black students face in schools spills over to larger generations and causes mass amounts of dehumanization that result in forms of physical and psychological oppression. Tummala-Narra 07 Pratyusha Tummala-Narra is assistant professor in the Department of Counseling, Developmental and Educational Psychology at Boston College, Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 2007, “Conceptualizing Trauma and Resilience Across Diverse Contexts”, 14:1-2, 33-53

Racial violence and oppression is typically experienced across generations and becomes both a personal and shared experience. Trauma that occurs in the context of social upheaval can create discontinuity and unpredictability both on an individual and community level. African Americans, for example, have endured a history of slavery followed by prolonged physical and psychological oppression . Their experience has been referred to as the “second American holocaust,” the first being that directed against Native Americans (Helms & Cook, 1999). Daniel (2000) noted the profound extent to which actual and threatened physical and psychological violence has been aimed against African Americans for centuries. Ongoing incidents of racism often trigger individuals’ memories of racial trauma that they previously experienced. These incidents further evoke collective memories of racial trauma that were experienced by other African Americans, some of whom may be from a previous generation. Other examples of collectively experienced racial trauma include the genocide of Native Americans, the Nazi Holocaust, and the forced internment of Japanese Americans during the Second World War. These experiences have had profound implications not only for the individual’s identity, adjustment, and relationship with the external world, but also for the culture as a whole and, according to numerous researchers, for generations to come. It appears that a racial or ethnic community’s collective memory of past traumas helps to create a “second generation” of survivors (Kogan, 1993). In the case of the Nazi Holocaust, for example, children of holocaust survivors may consciously or unconsciously absorb their parents’ experience, and the effects may be transmitted even to children born long after the original trauma (Danieli, 1998). Thus, although many holocaust survivors and their children demonstrate external markers of success (e.g., academic or occupational achievement), they may nonetheless suffer profound internal challenges to adaptation. Impact of Racial Trauma on Sense of Self As with other types of traumatic experience, racial trauma can have a profound impact on an individual’s sense of self, identity formation, relationships with others, and perceptions of mental health care (Sorsoli, this issue). Racially driven trauma is distinct from other forms of interpersonal trauma (Tummala-Narra, 2005) and poses particular challenges to an individual’s development of a positive bicultural or biracial identity. In addition, this type of trauma has the effect of dehumanizing one’s sense of security in and identification with larger social structures. Loo (1994) discusses a case study of a Chinese American veteran of the Vietnam War who was born and raised in the U.S., drafted into the Army at age 19, and served as a helicopter crew chief and door gunner. Over 20 years later, he sought treatment for PTSD. During the war, he had not only been exposed to messages that contradicted his identity as an Asian American, but also had been forced to acquire racial labeling, involving statements such as “gook” and “hate Asians, kill Asians” (p. 641). Further, he had often been mistaken for the enemy by his comrades, leading to heightened states of vigilance and hyperarousal. This “double assault” (p. 641) eventually led to his increased isolation and to intense conflict between the increasingly dehumanizing identity as an American soldier and a growing emotional and cultural connection he felt toward Vietnamese people, creating an affective split or disconnection. Racial trauma compounds the effects of other forms of interpersonal trauma as connoted in the notions of “double assault” (Loo, 1994) and “soul wound” (Braveheart-Jordan & DeBruyn, 1995). For example, Native Americans have been noted to be victims of violent crimes at a rate of 124 per 1,000, over 2.5 times the national average, and Native American women are affected by violent crimes (98 per 1,000) more frequently than women of any other ethnic minority group in the U.S. (Walters & Simoni, 2002). Historic traumas, such as boarding schools, coercive migration, and non-Native custodial care placements have contributed to further exposure to interpersonal violence, such as childhood abuse and neglect, and related psychological distress, such as substance abuse, depression, and PTSD. Individuals who are immigrants to the U.S. face similar, and somewhat different challenges than those who are indigenous to the country (i.e., Native Americans) or those forced into migration (i.e., African Americans, exiles). The experience of being a minority may be a surprisingly new and disorienting experience for many immigrants, as they cope with anti-immigrant sentiments (Akhtar, 1999). In the face of different forms of hostility, many immigrants struggle with forming a positive sense of self and with forming trusting relationships with those outside of their immediate communities. A recent example of such a struggle occurred in the context of the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001, when many Middle Eastern Americans and South Asian Americans faced violence and discrimination that contrasted sharply with their images of themselves as Americans prior to September 11 (Tummala-Narra, 2005). MULTICULTURAL EXPRESSIONS OF RESILIENCE Understanding the unique trajectories of trauma recovery in individuals from diverse cultural contexts entails the consideration of resilience as a culturally shaped phenomenon. Harvey (1996) suggests four conceptually distinct recovery pathways through which individuals cope with traumatic experiences, including, first, those who either do or do not receive clinical care and, within each of these categories, those who either do or do not recover from these experiences. Cultural factors then help to determine which survivors seek and benefit from clinical care and which seek recovery in the context of culturally familiar social networks. In addition, she proposes that recovery from trauma involves multiple domains of psychological functioning (Harvey, 1996; Harvey et al., 2003). While recovery for trauma survivors of any cultural background may involve change in these domains, the specific ways in which individuals mobilize their internal and external resources to achieve recovery will vary significantly with cultural context. Several articles in this volume represent inquiries into origins and expressions of resilience among trauma survivors from diverse cultural backgrounds and contexts (e.g., Bradley & Davino; Daigneault, Cyr, & Tourigny; Radan). Structural violence outweighs any other impacts. Our framework prioritizes slow structural violence before any other impact because it is a threat multiplier that spills over to larger impacts. Nixon ’11 (Rob, Rachel Carson Professor of English, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor, pgs. 2-3)

Three primary concerns animate this book, chief among them my conviction that we urgently need to rethink - politically, imaginatively, and theoretically-what I call " slow violence." By slow violence I mean a violence that occurs gradually and out of sight, a violence of delayed destruction that is dispersed across time and space, an attritional violence that is typically not viewed as violence at all. Violence is customarily conceived as an event or action that is immediate in time, explosive and spectacular in space, and as erupting into instant sensational visibility . We need , I believe, to engage a different kind of violence , a violence that is neither spectacular nor instantaneous, but rather incremental and accretive, its calamitous repercussions playing out across a range of temporal scales. In so doing, we also need to engage the representational, narrative, and strategic challenges posed by the relative invisibility of slow violence. Climate change, the thawing cryosphere,toxic drift, biomagnification, deforestation, the radioactive aftermaths of wars, acidifying oceans, and a host of other slowly unfolding environmental catastrophes present formidable representational obstacles that can hinder our efforts to mobilize and act decisively. The long dyings-the staggered and staggeringly discounted casualties, both human and ecological that result from war's toxic aftermaths or climate change-are underrepresented in strategic planning as well as in human memory.Had Summers advocated invading Africa with weapons of mass destruction, his proposal would have fallen under conventional definitions of violence and been perceived as a military or even an imperial invasion. Advocating invading countries with mass forms of slow-motion toxicity, however, requires rethinking our accepted assumptions of violence to include slow violence. Such a rethinking requires that we complicate conventional assumptions about violence as a highly visible act that is newsworthy because it is event focused, time bound, and body bound. We need to account for how the temporal dispersion of slow violence affects the way we perceive and respond to a variety of social afflictions-from domestic abuse to posttraumatic stress and, in particular, environmental calamities. A major challenge is representational: how to devise arresting stories, images, and symbols adequate to the pervasive but elusive violence of delayed effects. Crucially, slow violence is often not just attritional but also exponential, operating as a major threat multiplier; it can fuel long-term, proliferating conflicts in situations where the conditions for sustaining life become increasingly but gradually degraded. Plan can’t be justified under util. Consequentialist framing causes genocide and slavery which re-instills racial trauma. Anderson, National Director of Probe Ministries International 2004 (Kerby, “Utilitarianism: The Greatest Good for the Greatest Number” http://www.probe.org/theology- and-philosophy/worldview--philosophy/utilitarianism-the-greatest-good-for-thegreatest- number.html) One problem with utilitarianism is that it leads to an "end justifies the means" mentality. If any worthwhile end can justify the means to attain it, a true ethical foundation is lost. But we all know that the end does not justify the means. If that were so, then Hitler could justify the Holocaust because the end was to purify the human race. Stalin could justify his slaughter of millions because he was trying to achieve a communist utopia. The end never justifies the means. The means must justify themselves. A particular act cannot be judged as good simply because it may lead to a good consequence. The means must be judged by some objective and consistent standard of morality . Second, utilitarianism cannot protect the rights of minorities if the goal is the greatest good for the greatest number. Americans in the eighteenth century could justify slavery on the basis that it provided a good consequence for a majority of Americans . Certainly the majority benefited from cheap slave labor even though the lives of black slaves were much worse. A third problem with utilitarianism is predicting the consequences. If morality is based on results , then we would have to have omniscience in order to accurately predict the consequence of any action . But at best we can only guess at the future, and often these educated guesses are wrong. A fourth problem with utilitarianism is that consequences themselves must be judged. When results occur, we must still ask whether they are good or bad results. Utilitarianism provides no objective and consistent foundation to judge results because results are the mechanism used to judge the action itself.inviolability is intrinsically valuable. Plan

The United States federal government should establish and fund national cultural competency standards for elementary and secondary education in the United States. Solvency Training culturally competent teachers is key to solving the dynamics of schooling that cause racial trauma from student-teacher dynamics to the curriculums taught in schools. Effective training is necessary to informing how teachers interact in highly impoverished communities as well as culturally diverse classrooms. Blake 09 (Marie Byrd-Blake, University of South Florida Sarasota-Manatee, Sarasota, Florida, Brooke Schulte Olivieri, National Title One Teacher Support Network, Sarasota, Florida, Florida Association of Teacher Educators Journal, 2009, “Operation 2014: Developing Culturally Competent Teachers for a Diverse Society”, http://www.fate1.org/journals/2009/byrd-blake.pdf)

1. Culturally competent teachers are able to engage in self reflection, and thus step outside of their worldview, to discern how their experiences and cultural backgrounds affect what they perceive and interpret about the race, culture and ethnicity of students in their classrooms. In alignment with the objective self awareness theory, phase one of the teacher cultural competence model involves exploring and becoming aware of self. It is imperative for teachers to recognize and address the characteristics associated with their personal dispositions. Teachers must first take an examination of themselves by exploring the complexities of their individual identities. An initial understanding of identity development will enable them to see how their own personal identity can affect the way in which they interact with their students. They will begin to examine how their own attitudes and beliefs influence their thinking about others. This will allow teachers to gain a keen awareness of how their personal experiences have an impact on their actions and interactions with students. Teachers will achieve a heightened awareness of the importance of learning what makes their students the unique individuals they are.

2. Culturally competent teachers understand, acknowledge and appreciate the historical impact of race and class in U. S. education and its legacies. Instead of ignoring or denying our history as a country in terms of intolerance, it should be acknowledged, described and analyzed. The critical race theory will be the focus for the second segment of this phase as teachers begin to develop the capacity to make connections with cultures different from their own monoculture environments . Through a historical analysis of the events of racism, privilege and power, they will be able to obtain the appropriate background knowledge needed. When teachers begin to understand the historical context in which their ideas about teaching and learning were developed, it is proposed that they will become empowered to recognize and resist the tendency to continue to perpetuate the negative consequences of stereotyping in the classroom . It is imperative for teachers to be able to educate in a diverse, global society through reflective classroom instruction and dialogue . The culture of the professional development sessions will promote teacher participation in non- threatening settings as they explore the historical impact of race, privilege and power in America.

3. Culturally competent teachers manage the dynamics of difference within the classroom . Effective culturally competent teachers are at the forefront of understanding the dynamics of the differences among their students and the differences between their students and their personal lives. This acknowledgement of the differences, understanding the differences, and managing the differences assists in eliminating misconceptions and unconstructive interactions that may occur in the classroom . All categories of difference influence the way people interact with others. Those of different races, ethnicities and cultures bring a repertoire of learned beliefs and stereotypes, acceptable and unacceptable behaviors, communications styles, and perceptions about larger society with them during interactions.

4. Culturally competent teachers are aware of the impact that teacher expectations have on the ability of students of all races and classes to achieve academic success and begin to facilitate instruction based on high expectations that all children can learn. Holding high positive expectations for students entails offering abundant praise rather than criticism, not reducing expectations for low-achieving students, and being student centered by engaging students in the active construction of their knowledge (Kagan, 1992). Teachers who effectively instruct students of all races and classes are also able to demonstrate a value of the student as co-equal human beings sharing in the process of their academic and social development (Spradlin & Parsons, 2008).

5. Culturally competent teachers acquire skills in positive behavior management that instills positive self-concept, character and leadership in children from all races and cultures. Much of the loss of student self-confidence and positive self-image stems from ineffective and disempowering behavior management techniques. Culturally responsive behavior management strategies focus on how academics override discipline, and how when a student is motivated to achieve and believes in their ability to do so, misbehavior begins to disappear. The following are the key values of behavior management techniques for high poverty and diverse schools that instill positive self concept, character and leadership: 1) Culturally competent teachers understand that modeling their expectations of student behavior is the first step to attracting positive behavior from students of diverse cultures and backgrounds; 2): Culturally competent teachers realize that developing positive and respectful relationships with students is at the basis of a positive behavior management system. They base all of their interactions with students on reciprocal respect and realize that they may be the only steady and consistent force in their lives (Peters, 2006); 3): Culturally competent teachers often reflect on their interactions with their students to determine if they are empowering the students to develop into decision makers.

6. Culturally competent teachers initiate and facilitate parental involvement programs that encourage parent/guardian participation in learning. They develop a respect for and understand the culture of the community they serve through an objective analysis of the historical prejudiced practices many generations have endured. The most consistent predictors of children’s academic achievement and social adjustment are parent expectations of the child’s academic attainment and their satisfaction with their child’s education at school (Michigan DOE, 2002). Acquiring the desire and capacity to increase parental involvement includes strategies for various forms of parental involvement, ethical standards for working with parents from high poverty and diverse communities and real-world examples and strategies for developing positive relationships with parents. Feeling part of a larger community provides parents residing in high poverty areas antidote to an unstable environment. This sense of belonging to the school or classroom community develops psychological connections and a commitment to others (Hawley & Rollie, 2007).

7. Culturally competent teachers collaborate with colleagues to work together to meet the needs of students and families from various races, ethnicities and cultures. With a high self awareness strengthening the relationship between internal self-discrepancies and emotions, culturally competent teachers are able to employ the high self awareness to engage in collaboration with colleagues. The underlying purpose of collaboration is to increase student achievement. The daily communication should focus on effective teaching strategies and student learning. Developing the capacity to actively engage in collaboration through frequent and casual communication as well as formal and focused collaboration is an important component. Many of these casual collaborative moments occur over lunch, through notes, emails, or passing through another teacher’s class. Examples of formal and focused collaboration involve curriculum and assessment planning and reflecting, problem solving, analysis of data and detailed intervention discussions on particular students. Effective collaboration etiquette includes the art of reaching consensus, the practice of valuing the time of colleagues, proactively focusing discussions on student concerns, setting time limits and developing an agenda for meetings to ensure everyone’s concerns are being addressed. Collaborative teaching is an art that requires consistent reflection and respectful communication.

8. Culturally competent teachers engage in self-management techniques that reduce stress and improve professionalism and interpersonal skills. Culturally responsive professional development in self-management better prepares teachers to deal with the added stresses of teaching at high poverty, high risk, culturally diverse schools, while increasing their ability to professionally manage students and communicate with parents and colleagues. The first phase of self-management is proactive personal stress reduction which includes recognizing stressors, dealing with stress appropriately, eating a balanced diet and having an exercise plan (Anderson & Bolt, 2008). The next phase of self-management is professional self-management which includes prioritizing, organization strategies and time management. The final phase of self-management is communicative selfmanagement which covers professional verbal written communications, conflict resolution with and eliminating power struggles with students and parents. Communicative self-management requires teachers to be vigilant with what they say, avoid taking things personally and not making assumptions.

9. Culturally competent teachers accelerate student learning and develop instructional strategies to motivate students to become proficient lifelong readers and wr iters. “Although low and slow progress in reading has serious consequences for all children, it is especially critical for children who are already placed at risk by poverty. Furthermore, average early reading performance for a school tends to decrease as the proportion of students eligible for free and reduced-cost lunch increases. Hence, the statistical expectation for reading performance in high-poverty schools is relatively low” (Adler & Fisher, 2001, p. 616). Emphasizing culturally informed literacy instruction is useful for helping teachers to advance the literacy of students from high poverty and culturally diverse communities. Culturally informed teaching uses students' culture as a frame of reference to facilitate learning literacy achievement. Curriculum materials that reflect students' culture should be selected as the primary texts. This allows the culturally competent teachers to use literature to address concerns specific to their students. The materials facilitate literature mediations that bridge he gap between the students' in-school and out-of-school literacies (Tatum, 2004).

10. Culturally competent teachers engage in instructional strategies that engage students in higher order critical thinking. Achievement in mathematics and science education for high poverty culturally diverse students necessitates instructional strategies involving teaching students within a problem solving or application context. Students must become “actively involved in exploring, predicting, reasoning and conjecturing so that facts become integrated into mathematical skills and strategies that can be applied to authentic real world problems” (Borich, p. 264). Effective educators do not simply teach mathematics and science concepts and/or skills from a curriculum or text, they engage in curriculum transformation (Spradlin & Parsons, 2008) where the knowledge of students from high poverty and culturally diverse communities is integrated in the curriculum. Curiosity, investigation and critical analysis are continuously encouraged through authentic activities.

Training culturally competent teachers solves racial trauma. Jernigan 11 Maryam M. Jernigan is Ruth L. Kirschstein Research Service Award Fellow in the Department of Psychiatry at the Yale University School of Medicine, Dr. Jessica Henderson Daniel is an assistant professor of psychology in the Department of Psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, Journal of Child & Adolescent Trauma, “Racial Trauma in the Lives of Black Children and Adolescents: Challenges and Clinical Implications”, 4:123–141, 2011

A Strengths-Based Approach to Assessing and Treating Racial Trauma in Children Despite the lack of inclusion of racial trauma in psychological and related literature, scholars (Bryant-Davis & Ocampo, 2005; Carter, 2007; Helms, Nicolas, & Green, 2010) continue to push for increased efforts to develop models of racial trauma assessment and treatment. Appropriate assessment and treatment of racial trauma is incumbent upon providers’ ability to accurately identify and conceptualize individual, as well as systemic, racial dynamics. Bryant-Davis and Ocampo (2006) proposed a model for conceptualizing and treating racial trauma in ethnic minorities. The proposed model outlines the parallels between general therapeutic trauma assessment and interventions (see Arvidson, 2011, for research on the treatment of trauma in children, and Olafson, 2011, for research on interventions for child sexual abuse) while underscoring the differences (e.g., persons are not randomly targeted; they are targeted because of their race) and complexity (e.g., incidents often occur within the context of racial stereotypes that increases the likelihood of victim blaming) of race-based trauma. The authors propose a therapy model for ethnic minorities that requires counselor competence in the sociopolitical histories of race and racism, as well as knowledge of racial identity assessment (self and other). In addition, treatment must occur in a safe and validating environment that allows for a comprehensive assessment of trauma history. “... a complete trauma history assessment should include the nature of the incident; the actions taken; the client’s thoughts and feelings about actions taken and not taken; exposure to prior trauma; coping strategies; personal strengths; psychiatric history; medical, social, family, and occupational history; and cultural and religious explanatory beliefs about the trauma” (Bryant-Davis & Ocampo, 2006, p. 63). In addition to the direct experience of racial trauma, when persons bear witness to acts of racism, it can create a secondary experience of trauma. For children who witness racism, the impact can be equally distressing. Inherent in the conceptualization of racial trauma is the deliberate targeting of persons of color because of their racial background. Consequently, when Black youths observe peers’ experiences of racism, they may begin to wonder if they will be targeted next. Providers must assess for racial trauma and determine if clients have witnessed another individual or group of individuals being treated in a discriminatory manner due to racial or cultural factors. The assessment should include the individual’s relationship with both the survivor as well as the perpetrator of the incident (Bryant-Davis & Ocampo, 2006). Knowledge of this information will assist providers in better understanding and treating resulting increased anxiety, sadness, and feelings of helplessness. The ways in which Black children and adolescents come to understand and define who they are (i.e., identity development) is essential to their ability to survive and thrive in racially oppressive environments. For Black children, many of the lessons about racism and strategies for how to resist oppression begin in the home environment (Stevenson, 1994). Researchers have studied for years how children come to develop racial awareness and attitudes (Aboud, 1988, 2003; Cristol & Gimbert, 2008; Katz, 1973, 2003). Despite information that speaks to continuing trends of racial awareness and prejudice in early childhood (Cristol & Gimbert, 2008), few researchers have developed and evaluated intervention programs designed to address the development of racial bias in children. Racial Socialization Thornton, Chatters, Taylor, and Allen (1990) defined socialization as a process in which parents and families communicate to their children an understanding of values, roles, and statuses that allow their children to acquire beliefs about the social structure of the larger society. Thornton et al. stated that parental socialization is unique for parents of color because they are required to socialize their children to have a positive individual and group identity within the context of a society that discriminates against people of color. The process of racial socialization for parents of color is designed to assist their children in understanding racial dynamics in society. Thomas and King (2007) defined racial socialization as the process that Black parents use to foster the development of a positive self-concept, including racial and ethnic identity, while Black youths exist in a racially oppressive and sometimes threatening environment. According to Thornton et al. (1990), racial socialization includes specific messages and practices that provide information about (a) “personal and group identity; (b) intergroup and interindividual relationships; and (c) positions in the social hierarchy” (p. 401). As such, Black youths develop strategies for understanding the experiences of racism and providing them with resources to acknowledge and resist future discriminatory experiences. Black youths who are socialized about race in ways that facilitate their ability to develop positive attitudes about who they are, as well as about the culture of their identified racial and/or ethnic group, are armed with resources to acknowledge and resist future discriminatory experiences (Jernigan, 2009; Neblett, Phillip, Cogburn, & Sellers, 2006; Stevenson, 1994). As a result, they are more likely to develop positive psychosocial outcomes (Altschul, Oserman, & Bybee, 2006; Constantine & Blackmon, 2002; Neblett et al., 2006; Stevenson, Cameron, Herrero-Taylor, & Davis, 2002; Tinsley, Nussbaum, & Richards, 2007). Although youths may initially experience the process of racial socialization within the family context, as they mature, an increase in interactions with general society is inevitable. In doing so, youths are subjected to indirect racial socialization processes, which in American society historically are negative for persons of color. Such experiences impact the internalization of messages about what it may mean to identify with a particular racial group (Neblett et al., 2006). For parents raising children of color in American society, this racial socialization fosters the critical awareness and lessons a child needs to cope with oppressive environments that may denigrate her or his racial and ethnic background. Racial Identity Development in Black Youths A fundamental understanding of racial identity is necessary to recognize and treat racial trauma. Research indicates that how an individual experiences racism is connected with her or his racial identity development (Carter, 2007; Helms, 1990). This section provides an in-depth overview of Helms’ (1990) people of color racial identity theory as it applied to Black youths. In doing so, the authors illustrate how a less sophisticated or more mature racial identity development can impact Black children and youths’ perceptions and response to racism. Helms (1990) posited that an individual’s racial identity is influenced directly and indirectly through the process of racial socialization. She underscores the notion that racial socialization messages that impact the formation of racial identity can come firsthand from family, as well as through implicit messages communicated by the media, systems, and institutions where Black children and adolescents interact (Helms, 2003; Hughes, 2003). School systems, for example, communicate racial messages to students through their overt and covert policies. Arguably, the repeated identification of Black students as recipients of disciplinary actions, and lack thereof with regard to academic opportunities when compared to White students, intimates stereotypes present in larger society that suggests Black youths are intellectually inferior and prone to behavioral issues (Cokely, 2006; Jernigan, 2009). For Black children and adolescents, their racial identity development is inevitably affected by the manner in which they are treated in schools. Depending on their socialization experiences, Black youths may possess attitudes that allow them to resist discriminatory influences in the environments that they exist, particularly school where they spend a large amount of their time outside of the home. Although numerous theories of racial identity development exist, Helms’ (1984, 1990, 1995b, 2003) adaptation of Cross’s (1992) original stage theory has been frequently utilized to examine the intersection of youths of color, their identity development, and the dynamics within the environments that they exist. Racial identity researchers have repeatedly demonstrated that Black youths that positively identify with their racial and/or ethnic background fair better when faced in the future with discriminatory experiences (APA Task Force on Resilience and Strength in Black Children and Adolescents, 2008; Cross, 1992; Helms, 2003; Phinney, 1996; Sellers & Shelton, 2003). For persons of color (e.g., Blacks, Asians, Pacific Islanders, American Indians, and Latinos), racial identity development theory proposes that traditionally racially marginalized individuals process and work through attitudes and beliefs of internalized racism and develop an active awareness of racism and oppression. In doing so, they are able to identify and find coping strategies to resist racism in its many forms (e.g., individual and systemic) and commit to an elimination of oppression through deliberate ongoing selfexamination and lived experiences (Helms, 1995a, 1995b; Thompson & Carter, 1997). The people of color model (Helms, 1995b) describes different ego statuses that reflect attitudes, beliefs, and information processing strategies an individual may utilize to make sense of racial stimuli. The model includes the conformity, dissonance, immersion-resistance, and internalization statuses. Conformity. Conformity is characterized by the individual’s desire not to be defined by racial terminology (e.g., Black), but rather to be defined by means of general terms, such as “human being.” Though the Black youth who is using a conformity status attempts to assimilate into society by utilizing a “color-blind” lens, she or he is aware of racial disparity but believes such instances exist and can be rectified if people of color (e.g., Black people) work harder to make gains. Internalized racism is typical of the Black child or adolescent who operates from a conformity status to cope with racial dynamics. For Black youths, conformity might be characterized by self-hatred or own-group denigration as expressed through pro-White/anti-Black attitudes. Thus, a Black child operating from the conformity status may idealize and demonstrate a preference for playing with White dolls. An adolescent who has internalized conformity might believe that Black students do not perform well in school or on standardized assessments because they are intellectually inferior to their White counterparts. The child or adolescent that operates from the conformity status is particularly vulnerable to negative psychological outcomes as a result of racial trauma given their denial of race as an important factor in society. Such Black youths may present with symptoms of sadness or social withdrawal but may minimize the connections between their current psychological presentation and their experiences negative racial interactions. The onus lies in the hands of the provider of services for Black children and adolescents who present using the conformity status to have an accurate understanding and assessment of individual, systemic, and cultural racism. This allows the provider, following a thorough psychosocial assessment (including racial trauma), to provide psycho-education about the impact of described racial experiences. The child or adolescent of color may initially resist the provider’s efforts to educate and provide validation of her or his experience. They are operating from a lens that is invested in the belief that she or he is no different from her or his White counterparts. Highlighting the reality that, in fact, race matters, disrupts the youth’s belief system potentially altering the racial identity profile. Dissonance. Dissonance represents the child or adolescent’s unwilling capacity to question his or her previous belief systems. Self-questioning can sometimes be brought on by a blatant experience of racism, which shatters the previous belief system. As such, Black youths’ manner of coping is overpowered by this encounter with reality, leading to feelings of anxiety and confusion. Black children for whom this status is dominant might exhibit distress by “acting out” or appearing anxious in the classroom setting because he or she is ostracized by other students during social play or team-based activities due to his or her race. Black adolescents may come to the realization that, despite their attempts to assimilate to White cultural standards, society views them as inferior because of their perceived race. For Black youths who present with dissonance as their dominant racial identity status, or begin to operate from this status as a result of the treatment process, providers should focus on stabilizing symptoms related to anxiety. Subsequently, validation is also an essential component of working with a child or adolescent operating from the dissonance status. The ideal manner to intervene for a child that is unable to make sense of the role of race in his or her environment (i.e., confusion) is to facilitate the process of understanding. In doing so, the provider must ensure that the Black child or adolescent does not internalize the racial dysfunction in his or her environment as some fault of her or his own. In an effort to calm anxiety and confusion, the dissonance experience may lead Black youths to accept their racial identification as a person of color, allowing them to access information-processing strategies from the immersion-resistance status. Immersion-Resistance. When a Black child or adolescent is using immersion-resistance to cope with racial dynamics, he or she immerses himself or herself into things that he or she feels represent his or her newly accepted racial classification in an effort to redefine what it means to be from his or her particular racial group. As a result of the attempt to strengthen own-group identity and overcome internalized societal stereotypes, the immersion-resistance status can encompass periods of vacillating anger and experimentation with racial definition (e.g., what is and is not Black) in an attempt to create a new self-defined racial group identity. Black youths, for whom the immersion-resistance status is dominant, may use rigid and stereotypical examples of racial groups to determine and create a new identity. Black children and adolescents in predominantly White school settings demonstrate a transition from having friends from racial backgrounds different from their own to solely welcoming close friendships with their peers of their own racial classification, particularly as they enter adolescence (Jernigan, 2009; Tatum, 1997). In doing so, they report a sense of connection, through shared racial experiences in their schools, that provides a feeling of comfort. However, the ways in which immersion-resistant children and adolescents may begin to interact with one another may reflect internalized notions of “Blackness,” which are often adopted from a general societal portrayal of Black persons. Alternately, Black children or adolescents, in an attempt to create a self-definition, may rebuke stereotypical definitions of Blacks in society and begin to investigate and adopt an Afrocentric-based identity. The child or adolescent, for whom the immersion-resistance ego status is dominant, may present as seemingly hostile toward the majority (e.g., White) culture while developing a positive attitude about his or her identified racial group. Developmentally, a younger child operating from this status may present with a less sophisticated understanding of her or his anger than an adolescent. Because families are influential in Black children’s racial identity, the child may begin to verbalize or mimic sentiments that are shared by the adults in her or his environment. For example, a child may communicate negative racial interactions that occur in the school environment to his or her parents. Consequently, the parents may verbally respond negatively to the described events and have a conversation about how to intervene at a systemic level. The child who witnesses this may begin to internalize and take on the experience of anger represented by her or his parents. This demonstration of anger may be coupled with parroted verbalizations of anti-White sentiment. It is imperative that providers are able to understand and withstand the child or adolescent’s anger in this status. Although many child and adolescent clinicians are well versed in conceptualizing the psychological role of anger, many persons remain uncomfortable with the notion of anger when it is associated with race and racism. Allowing the Black child or adolescent to express anger and validating the importance of such anger due to the iniquitous experience of surviving racist interactions during treatment process is essential. It is also incumbent on the provider to ensure that the Black child or adolescent does not remain in a perpetual state of anger that becomes counterproductive to treatment. The resistance experience is an effort to regain control of one’s self-definition and function from more self-enhancing developmental state. Langhout’s (2005) study of Black youths in an academic setting provides several examples of Black students’ attempts to resist oppression in their school environments through their direct opposition to it (e.g., disruptive behavior leading to removal from the classroom) or creative expression (e.g., drawings or poems) about their school experiences. Resistance incorporates learning about the strengths and weaknesses of one’s culture and developing an awareness of what it means to be from a particular racial group. Providers are encouraged to operate from a strengths- based perspective and begin to conceptualize what may be interpreted by racist systems as negative and oppositional behaviors, as attempts to resist discrimination. In doing so, it is imperative to inform Black youths about differences between what Robinson and Ward (1991) described as resistance for survival and resistance for liberation as strategies utilized by Black girls in particular to resist racist and sexist socialization. Resistance for survival represents a “self-denigration due to the internalization of negative self-images, excessive autonomy and individualism at the expense of connectedness to the collective[,]” [whereas] resistance for liberation is defined as “resistance in which black girls and women are encouraged to acknowledge the problems of, and to demand change in, an environment that oppresses them” (p. 89). Black youths should be encouraged by providers to find appropriate resources and ways in which to resist racism and potentially minimize the impact of future racial traumas by empowering them in their environments. Internalization. As the potential for resisting racism socialization changes, the internalization status manifests as Black youths’ ability to be more internally secure and more appreciative of all racial and ethnic groups. The ability to shift between resisting and actualizing perspectives occurs as Black youths gain a sense of racial pride and communalism (Cross, 1992; Helms, 1995b). Internalization requires the Black youths have the ability to remain aware of racial inequity, as well as other forms of oppression that impact all humans. As a result, internalization is represented by an ability to recognize the strengths and weaknesses of all racial groups, including Whites. Subsequently, meaningful relationships with persons from all racial groups are established with the goal of an engagement and commitment to eradicate social and political manifestations of racism and oppression. The ability to operate from the internalization status represents an ideal goal for Black children and adolescents. Although few research studies have been able to illuminate the experiences and developmental processes of children and adolescents of color, some researchers (Langhout, 2005, Morris, 2007; Ward, 2007) have provided evidence suggesting that based on their socialization experiences, this population does not likely have experiences that lead to their ability to develop, access, and utilize information processing skills present in internalization. Researchers (Jernigan, 2009; Ward & Robinson-Wood, 2006) continue to argue that individual and group interventions that teach resistance and allow for the positive racial identity development of Black youths are not only plausible but a requirement to ensure their positive development and protect them the negative psychological consequences of racial trauma . Discussion The intersection of race and trauma was asserted to be a reality in the initial 1994 review of Trauma and Recovery (Daniel, 1994) in which race was omitted with the one exception of when a White woman is raped by a Black man. Being open to African Americans talking about racial trauma in therapy has been consistently encouraged by psychologists (BryantDavis & Ocampo, 2006; Carter, 2007; Daniel, 2000). Yet, providers’ inability to conducts assessments and implement interventions to racial trauma remains an issue. The lack of research and training with respect to race and racism for mental health providers is an ongoing challenge impacting the effective treatment of Black children and adolescents. Although the implications of race and racism are most often discussed in relation to youths of color, for White youths ignoring race as an issue has implications on their development as well. Systems (e.g., schools) that ascribe racial privilege and power to White youths by reinforcing societal notions of racial oppression through administrative practices and policies have a negative impact on the racial identity development of White children and adolescents as well. As mentioned previously, witnessing racially traumatic events, overt or covert, can facilitate a secondary traumatic experience (e.g., increased anxiety, feelings of helplessness and sadness). Additional research is needed in this area to raise awareness regarding the negative implications of racism for White children and adolescents. Despite information that speaks to continuing trends of racial awareness and prejudice in early childhood (Cristol & Gimbert, 2008), minimal empirical research focusing on children and adolescents has occurred. Moreover, due to the scarcity of investigation in this area, the development and evaluation of intervention programs designed to address the development of racial bias in children is virtually nonexistent. Racial identity models are particularly important as future researchers develop applied prevention and intervention programs (Jernigan, 2009). Daniel (2000) discussed the psychological implications for African American women when providers abstain from acknowledging memories of racial trauma as an aspect of their therapeutic interventions. She encouraged providers to be proactive and facilitate the integration of race-related experiences and presenting for clients of color. Moreover, Daniel’s work helps to underscore the importance of addressing issues of race and racism for Black youths in childhood. If early intervention and treatment begin to address and focus on childhood racial trauma, it is likely that Black children and adolescents will become more equipped to resist racial oppression. As such, Black youths will become empowered in their attempts to survive racial trauma, potentially leading to less significant impact when faced with the reoccurrence of racism as adults. Given the sociopolitical history of race in the United States, youths of color from differing racial and ethnic backgrounds have similar, although not identical, histories of racial oppression. As such, recommendations presented in this article are relevant. Researchers are encouraged to conceptualize and investigate the impact of racial trauma in the lives of children and adolescents of color from various racial and ethnic backgrounds. There is a moral obligation to implement culturally competent education on a national scale. The aff is key to preparing teachers to deal with the culture of racism and trauama within classrooms. This means it is a prior consideration to other possible education policies. Taylor ‘10 (Roben W. Taylor is a professor in the College of Education at Jacksonville State University, Multicultural Education, Spring 2010, “THE ROLE OF TEACHER EDUCATION PROGRAMS IN CREATING CULTURALLY COMPETANT TEACHERS: A MORAL IMPERATIVE FOR ENSURING THE ACADEMIC SUCCESS OF DIVERSE STUDENT POPULATIONS”, 17.3, 24-28) Public education, while still coping with the implications of an accountability system mandated by the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB), is facing yet another "unprecedented challenge " (D'Angelo & Dixey, 2001) that has far-reaching implications. The increasing diversity of the student populations served by public education systems is already having an adverse affect on overall student achievement and is forcing more and more educators to question their own beliefs and prejudices. Since many researchers have suggested that the cultural dissonance that exists between home and school is a contributor to poor educational outcomes (Artiles, Trent, Hoffman-Kipp, & Lopez-Torrez, 2000; Cartledge & Kourea, 2008; Richards, Brown, & Forde, 2007), it is reasonable to infer that if we are to "increase student success, it is imperative that teachers help students bridge that discontinuity" (Allen & Boykin, 1992). There is evidence that suggests public education is failing to reach our culturally and linguistically diverse student population, particularly those with and at risk for disabilities, including disproportionate academic underachievement, special education referrals, and disciplinary actions (Cartledge & Kourea, 2008). An eruption of social consciousness and moral seriousness has occurred about the "savage inequalities" faced by minorities and poor children in so many of America's urban schools today (Kea & Utley, 1998). Given the prediction that, by the year 2050, American society will be composed of 53% White, 25% Hispanic, 14% Black, 8% Asian/Pacific Islander, and 1% American Indian (D'Angelo & Dixey, 2001), the imperative for public education systems to begin addressing the needs of diverse student populations is evident. The need may be even more pressing in Louisiana, where the K-12 student population currently consists of 50.1% White students and 45.4% Black students; the remainder of the student body is composed of Asian (1.4%), Hispanic (2.4%), and American Indian (0.8%) students (Louisiana Department of Education, 2007). Even while it is clear that culturally and linguistically diverse students have the greatest need for quality instructional programs, many researchers argue that they are less likely to be taught with the most effective evidence-based instruction. Banks (2002) contends that the challenges facing educators in meeting the needs of multicultural students (for the purposes of this article, multicultural refers to culturally and linguistically diverse students, including those with and at risk for disabilities, as well as socioeconomically disadvantaged students) is of highest importance. The current literature is replete with calls for the need for more culturally competent teachers embracing a culturally responsive pedagogy (Artiles, et. al, 2000; Brown, 2007; Cartledge & Kourea, 2008; Richards, Brown, & Forde, 2007). Given that teachers' lack of awareness of their own limited cultural competence regarding minority and diverse students inhibits the use of effective practices with students and families from diverse backgrounds (Correa, Blanes-Reyes, & Rapport, 1996), and that what teachers perceive, believe, say, and do can disable or empower multicultural students with or without disabilities, the need to elevate cultural awareness among educators seems self-evident. Cultural awareness, sensitivity, and competency will help both preservice and inservice teachers to understand the sociopolitical problems facing multicultural students in the educational system (e.g., high drop-out rates, low standardized test performance, overrepresentation in special education, etc.) (Kea & Utley, 1998). An unfortunate convergence of factors (increasing diversity among student populations, lack of cultural awareness among educators, and the resultant negative consequences) in modern classrooms requires that teacher preparation programs in particular recognize their moral and ethical responsibility to reconceptualize multicultural education as it relates to preservice teachers. Banks (1992) defines multicultural education as a reform movement designed to bring about educational equity for all students, including those from different races, ethnic groups, social classes, exceptionality, and sexual orientation. Although most teacher education programs (TEPs) incorporate multicultural education into their course offerings, evidence suggests that these efforts have not been sufficient to keep pace with the changing public school student populations. Challenges facing educators in meeting the needs of multicultural students include , but are not limited to, developing cultural awareness, identifying pedagogical approaches, and adjusting curriculum content (Banks, 2005). Further, Brown (2007) argues that teacher education programs should continue to build on the current knowledge bases that contain the special knowledge, skills, processes, and experiences essential for preparing teachers to be successful when teaching students from diverse backgrounds and to use that knowledge to prepare teachers for today's classrooms. Unfortunately, TEPs are expected to prepare mostly White teachers to work with the increasingly diverse student population and to address the chronic and pervasive low academic performance of these students. Special education teachers are particularly impacted as they face the challenge of working in an educational setting where there is an overrepresentation of ethnic minority students while also experiencing a drastic change in their role as they are now expected to work collaboratively with general education teachers in inclusive settings. Accepting the moral and ethical need for improvement, the question that TEPs must answer is how should they address the demands stemming from the changing demographics, the changing professional roles and identities, and an increase in poor student outcomes? A review of the current literature may provide a framework for a teacher education program model that successfully prepares preservice teachers to confidently enter today's classrooms. Culturally Responsive Pedagogy If the vision of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) is to be realized in the face of changing student demographics, then TEPs must embrace and instill in preservice teachers the concept of a culturally responsive pedagogy. Richards, Brown, and Forde (2007) state that a culturally responsive pedagogy facilitates and supports the achievement of all students. In a culturally responsive classroom, effective teaching and learning occur in a culturally supported, learner-centered context, whereby the strengths students bring to school are identified, nurtured, and utilized to promote student development (p. 64). In order to better describe ways in which TEPs can adapt current practices to achieve this goal, the model I will propose here will be presented within the context of the three dimensions suggested by Richards, et. al. (2007). Culturally responsive pedagogy comprises three dimensions: (a) institutional, (b) personal, and (c) instructional. The institutional dimension reflects the administration and its policies and values. The personal dimension refers to the cognitive and emotional processes teachers must engage in to become culturally responsive. The instructional dimension includes materials, strategies, and activities that form the basis of instruction. Although many TEPs have been redesigned in an effort to address the challenges facing educators today, such efforts are hampered by the persistence of practices that are counter to the concept of a culturally responsive pedagogy. For example, many teacher educators promote the importance of constructivist and student-centered teaching practices while basing their own pedagogy on the traditional teacher-centered transmission models of teaching and learning, thereby negating the preservice teachers' potential to serve as a change agent when they move into a K-12 classroom. In addition, in an effort to promote awareness about student diversity, many teacher educators will identify "typical" cultural features of different ethnic groups, thereby implying a monolithic and harmonious view of culture. This emphasis on single group studies does not lead to meaningful treatment of cultural diversity when teacher education students begin teaching, as they will opt instead for the "tourist approach," focusing mainly on superficial features of a culture (e.g., music, food, and celebrations). Most of what is written about special education focuses on individualized instruction and student ability levels. Therefore special education tends to deal with cultural diversity in the same way. Furthermore, when preservice and novice teachers, who are mostly from White middle-class backgrounds, work in urban schools where the racial makeup is mostly comprised of poor students from diverse backgrounds, the result is an exacerbation of the problem as the experience serves to confirm their erroneous preconceived notions and beliefs about these students. It is interesting to note that multicultural TEPs have reported a resistance ranging from passive-aggressiveness to open defiance and blatant racism from preservice teachers exposed to culturally responsive pedagogical methodologies. Institutional Dimension Setting the Stage for Culturally Responsive Pedagogy Richards, Brown, and Forde (2007) purport that in order to make institutions more culturally responsive, attention must be given to affecting change in at least three specific areas: (a) organization of the school, (b) school policies and procedures, and (c) community involvement. To illustrate, organization of the school, as it relates to diversity, refers to the use of physical space in planning schools and arranging classrooms, while school policies and procedures refers to policies and practices that directly impact the delivery of services to students from diverse backgrounds. At the same time, community involvement is concerned with the institutional approach that currently places the burden on families and communities to seek out ways to become involved in school rather than the school seeking to become more connected. Although all three aspects of the institution must become more culturally responsive, of particular interest is the allocation of resources impacting school policies and procedures, forcing us to ask the hard questions such as where the best teachers are to be assigned and which students will have access to advanced courses, etc. These institutional reforms must certainly occur in order to create a culturally responsive environment that fosters the personal and instructional changes that are also necessary. If transformation is to be realized, according to Brown (2007), partnerships between school districts and university faculty that provide professional development comprised of mentoring, supporting, and evaluating teachers' abilities to practice culturally responsive and differentiated instruction must become a reality. Schools that have been successfully transformed exhibit characteristics such as viewing diversity as an asset of the school, providing staff development on best practices for teaching students with and without disabilities from diverse backgrounds and providing teachers with opportunities to collaboratively explore best practices in culturally responsive pedagogy while resisting political pressures for exempting students from taking tests and pressure to teach to the test. Additionally, Bazron, Osher, and Fleischman (2005) suggest that culturally responsive schools set high expectations and provide a scaffold of support for students, as opposed to tracking them into low- level classes. These schools also provide direct instruction in the hidden curriculum while cultivating culturally rich environments that allow students and teachers to connect with one another, which contributes to the creation of a classroom community. Personal Dimension How do Teachers Become Culturally Responsive? Culturally responsive teachers believe that culture deeply influences the way children learn and, when given the responsibility of teaching students from diverse backgrounds, their attitudes reflect an appreciation of the cultural, linguistic, and social characteristics of each of their students. This can be very difficult, especially when students exhibit cultural characteristics that are markedly different from their own. Gary Howard's book title (1999) sums up the problem: We Can't Teach What We Don't Know. This applies as much to the students themselves as it does to the subject matter. Conversely, according to Brown (2007), teachers are inadequately prepared to teach students from diverse backgrounds. The preparation of a culturally responsive teacher includes both self-reflection as well as exploration of their personal histories and experiences. Teachers must discover for themselves who they are so that they can begin to confront biases that have influenced their value system. What teachers value directly impacts relationships with their students. Therefore, teachers must reconcile negative feelings toward any culture, language, or ethnic group. Many times teachers are resistant to admitting that they possess prejudices toward certain groups. However, through self-reflection, they can begin to rid themselves of those biases, thereby beginning to build trusting relationships with their students. Those trusting relationships will yield greater opportunities for student success. The Instructional Dimension Teaching in a Culturally Responsive Classroom Setting As Brown (2007) suggests, school administrators, mentors, and teacher educators are faced with increasingly complex social, political, and moral issues. Their challenge is to prepare teachers who are highly qualified to implement practices and deliver sound programs in the classroom. According to Montgomery (2001), "a culturally responsive classroom is one that specifically acknowledges the presence of culturally diverse students and the need for these students to find connections among themselves and with the subject matter and the tasks the teacher asks them to perform" (p. 4). In addition to defining a culturally responsive classroom, Montgomery provides guidelines for teachers to follow when preparing a culturally responsive classroom. These include: (a) conduct a self-assessment to determine the knowledge base of self and others' cultures, (b) use varied culturally responsive methods and materials in the classroom, (c) establish classroom environments that respect individuals and their cultures, (d) establish interactive classroom learning environments, and (e) employ ongoing and culturally aware assessments. Cartledge and Kourea (2008) incorporate and expand on the aforementioned guidelines in their instructional model that emphasizes prevention, effective instruction, and pupil monitoring. Figure 1 graphically depicts this instructional model and provides a basis for further understanding of what culturally responsive instruction looks like in a classroom setting. These researchers suggest that the first important step in insuring the success of multicultural students is to identify academic and behavioral markers as early as possible and to intervene immediately (p. 356). They base the urgency associated with this step on research findings that low-income culturally diverse students begin their formal schooling behind their more affluent peers in language and readiness skills. Specifically, their vocabulary knowledge and verbal ability are limited; they have less experience with complicated syntax, and have limited background knowledge. Without immediate identification and intervention, the alarming result is that these students systematically fall further behind as they move through the grades. Given the fact that students who fail to reach grade level in reading by the end of the third grade are unlikely to ever catch up, culturally responsive instruction demands that we intervene as early as possible with sufficient intensity and urgency to remedy existing skill gaps and to prevent further loss. In addition to the sense of urgency exhibited in culturally responsive classrooms, a high level of pupil academic responding is also apparent. Carteledge and Kourea (2008) report that low-income students from diverse backgrounds spent "significantly less time in the classroom actively engaged in academic subjects" (p. 358). Further, Good and Nicholls (2001) found that students deemed to be less capable had lower academic response rates. Therefore, truly effective and culturally responsive instruction must actively promote high rates of observable and measurable responses (e.g., words per minute read aloud, math facts completed correctly, etc.). Several strategies for promoting active student responses have been identified. For example, Heward (2006) suggests response cards, choral responding, and guided notes are effective. With research indicating that increased response rates result in increases in correct responding and a reduction in disruptive behavior, it is apparent that both teachers and students in culturally responsive classrooms directly benefit from the increased academic responding. Other characteristics of the culturally responsive classroom, as described by Carteledge and Kourea (2008) find their basis in effective instruction and include: (a) appropriate pacing-a brisk instruction pace that includes threesecond intervals from student responses to the next task improves student learning and reduces the incidence of off-task and disruptive behavior; (b) timely feedback-teachers correct errors immediately, frequently, explicitly, and directly; (c) constant academic monitoring- teachers link their explicit instructions with student performance using brief, short, valid assessments that enable them to obtain a comprehensive and reliable picture of their students' skill strengths and weaknesses; and, (d) building a community of learners- teachers should work to create positive environments that is, a community of learners focused on helping others as well as themselves. Implications for Teacher Education Programs Future teachers must be able to create equitable learning environments for diverse student populations (Bennet, 1995). Unfortunately, TEPs often fail to encourage candidates to expand their vision of culturally responsive pedagogy beyond academic material to include classroom management and student discipline. Teacher preparation and professional development programs that remain innocent community-based practices for African- American students risk perpetuating approaches that have little relevance for students who are most at risk for disciplinary action . The problem facing educators, then, is that multicultural education in the professional preparation of teachers typically is not integrated in a thorough, persistent, and overt way in program requirements (Grant, 1994). Much of the problem can be attributed to the fact that many teacher educators themselves are not all that comfortable with multicultural education (Jung, 1997). Nevertheless, if the future vision of public education includes insuring that all students experience instruction from a culturally responsive teacher, then the responsibility for accomplishing that goal lies squarely on the shoulders of the TEPs that produce the teachers of the future. Therefore, it must be a clear and important goal for TEPs that their programs produce culturally competent teachers. Singh (1996) defined the culturally competent person as one who has knowledge and skills that enable him or her to appreciate, value, and celebrate similarities and differences within, between, and among culturally diverse groups of people. TEPs and professional development programs can facilitate the process of achieving cultural competence for preservice and inservice teachers by incorporating, in a meaningful way, a variety of experiences into their training programs. Specifically, these programs need to provide opportunities to engage in reflective thinking and writing and to explore personal and family histories. In addition, these programs need to help participants to acknowledge their membership in different groups while assessing how membership in one group influences the ways they relate to and view other groups. Rich field experiences that provide opportunities to visit successful teachers in diverse settings must be an integral part of any TEP that hopes to produce the level of cultural competence that is necessary to insure that culturally responsive teaching will occur in the classrooms of the future. If the ethical responsibility of TEPs is to prepare preservice and inservice teachers who can work effectively with students from diverse backgrounds, i.e., culturally competent teachers, then a framework for the design of effective teacher preparation programs is needed to guide the complete redesign of some programs as well as the continued refinement of others who have made progress toward achieving cultural competence as an expected outcome of their program. Gay (2002) has provided an excellent starting point for the development of that framework by identifying several important aspects of programs that promote culturally responsive pedagogy that yields culturally competent program completers. Table 1 provides an overview of these important aspects. Conclusion Given the ever increasing diversity of the student population in public education classrooms, and the devastating impact on those students if future teachers enter the profession without the cultural competence necessary to ensure students successes, TEPs have a moral imperative to reconceptualize the multicultural education component of their programs. Clearly, inaction is not an option. Infusing culturally responsive pedagogical training and practices into TEPs will serve to ensure that that all students have an equal opportunity to achieve to the best of their ability. As Cateledge and Kourea (2008) state, achieving success in creating culturally responsive classrooms is "a transformative process of the American educational system" (p. 367). T he process will take some time and requires systematic, indepth research investigations of cultural markers and intervention outcomes . As previously noted, such a transformative process must occur in the institutional, personal, and instructional dimensions. Given the extent to which TEPs impact each of those dimensions, it seems evident that the place to begin the transformation is in the programs that will produce the teachers of the future. Federal leadership is key Blake ‘09 (Marie Byrd-Blake, University of South Florida Sarasota-Manatee, Sarasota, Florida, Brooke Schulte Olivieri, National Title One Teacher Support Network, Sarasota, Florida, Florida Association of Teacher Educators Journal, 2009, “Operation 2014: Developing Culturally Competent Teachers for a Diverse Society”, http://www.fate1.org/journals/2009/byrd-blake.pdf) Conclusion

The purpose of this conceptual model is to reconstruct the philosophical debate on the preparation and professional development of U.S. public school teachers. It challenges the current national trend of defining a “highly qualified” teacher as one who has taken the appropriate number of academic classes in the chosen subject area and who has passed the state subject area and certification examinations. Utilizing the national achievement gap research, policy from the federal No Child Left Behind Act, and recent surveys and reports as the foundation, this analysis proposes a new model for U. S. teacher professional development and preparation inclusive of the needs of students from high-poverty, high risk and culturally diverse communities. It is significant to the field given that culturally responsive teachers would be more proficient in meeting the academic needs of students who are diverse in race, ethnicity/nationality, social class, gender, health, geographic location, sexuality, religion, social status, language, and ability/disability and therefore assist in narrowing the achievement gap. A paradigm shift is in dire need to alter the national focus in education from high stakes testing and standardized reform to ensuring the cultural competence of teachers in education so that students in the public schools of high poverty and/or diverse backgrounds may achieve high academic goals and become empowered to proactively contribute to society. The federal government is key to establishing regulations and providing funding for state and local implementation of the plan. Federal laws on mental health are also key to setting standards that work to bettering civil liberties to solve possible roll-back. MHA’17 (Mental Health America (MHA) - founded in 1909 - is the nation’s leading community-based nonprofit dedicated to addressing the needs of those living with mental illness and to promoting the overall mental health of all Americans. Their work is driven by their commitment to promote mental health as a critical part of overall wellness, including prevention services for all; early identification and intervention for those at risk; integrated care, services, and supports for those who need it; with recovery as the goal. “The Federal and State Role in Mental Health”.2017. http://www.mentalhealthamerica.net/issues/federal-and-state-role-mental- health)NAE The federal government works in partnership with the states to address mental health. The federal role in mental health includes regulating systems and providers, protecting the rights of consumers, providing funding for services, and supporting research and innovation . As a major funding source for mental health services, the federal government establishes and enforces minimum standards that states can then expand upon. Federal Legislation and Regulations. Federal laws create changes and provide oversight across the states. Legislation at this level may take a longer time but can have a massive impact once passed. Regulations are rules issues by federal agencies to help implement the laws. In terms of mental health, regulations cover a variety of topics and apply to a number of groups including schools , insurance companies, treatment providers, and employers. These rules clarify just how major pieces of legislation like the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), the Rehabilitation Act, the Mental Health Parity and Addiction Equity Act (MPHAEA), and the Affordable Care Act (ACA) should be implemented. The agencies also issue additional guidance when questions about compliance arise. The federal government invites individuals and groups to submit comments on regulations. You might see this or hear this referred to as a notice for proposed rulemaking. For more information about how you can be heard, check out www.regulations.gov. Federal Protections . The federal government works to protect the rights of individuals with mental health disorders in a variety of settings, including the workplace, schools , and in treatment . It sets privacy standards, prohibits abuse, and fights discrimination to promote civil liberties and inclusion. It works to provide reasonable accommodations and supports to those who need them. Mental Health America's history is deeply rooted in protecting the rights of those with mental health disorders, and this focus continues to guide our work. To learn more from MHA about rights and protections, check out Rights of Persons with Mental Health and Substance Use Conditions, Community Inclusion after Olmstead, and Privacy Rights. Federal Role in Funding Services. The federal government is a major funding stream for mental health services. In addition to funding mental health services that fall under Medicare and the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), it matches state Medicaid and CHIP (Children's Health Insurance Program) spending from between 50 to 70 percent, depending on the state. While these programs do not focus exclusively on mental health, Medicaid is the single largest funder of mental health services in the country, which makes this support especially valuable. The federal government also provides Mental Health Block Grants (MHBG) that support states in building out their community mental health services . MHA supports the continued role of the federal government in funding services and advocates for expanded and sustained funding for mental health services. Federal Role in Research. Federal funding of mental health research creates opportunities to study causes of, treatments for, and recovery from mental health disorders that might not otherwise be available. Government agencies , like the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) or the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA ), lead research, administer grants, and educate the public about findings. This information contributes to our overall understanding of mental health disorders and services and can improve treatment and future research. Inherency Changing mental health within schools is key to shifting how children develop once they leave schools. Status quo mental health services are insufficient and are put in competition with instruction time which spreads resources in school too thin. Atkins et al 10 (Marc S. Atkins is a professor of psychiatry and psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago with a focus in children’s mental health and school based mental health services. “Toward the Integration of Education and Mental Health in Schools”. 2010. https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2Fs10488-010-0299-7.pdf) NAE

Since publication of Bronfenbrenner’s ground-breaking theory of human ecological systems (Bronfenbrenner 1979; Bronfenbrenner and Morris 1998), children’s development has been understood as influenced by the interacting natural contexts in which children live, work, and play . Schools represent among the most influential of these contexts by virtue of their long-term influence on children’s cognitive and social development . Toward that end, schooling has been a long-standing concern of mental health professionals, and as importantly, children’s social and emotional adjustment has been a long- standing concern of schools. Educators have long noted that the unmet psychosocial needs of children and families overwhelm the resources of schools and undermine their capacity to educate children (e.g., Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development 1989). With the passage in 1975 of PL 94-142, the first federal law mandating equal access to public education for children with handicaps, a range of expanded agendas—such as full-service schools and school-based mental health programs—has been advocated with the goal to integrate educational and mental health services (Cappella and Larner 1999; Dryfoos 1994). These programs, started in the mid-1980’s in a handful of schools, have spread to thousands of schools across the nation (Foster et al. 2005). Lawson and Sailor (2000) review this history and note that, despite differences across programs, all presume the need to incorporate a broader agenda beyond academic achievement. Similarly, a consensus statement coordinated by the UCLA National Center for Mental Health in Schools (2001) promoted integrated mental health and educational goals. However, while the goal of integrating mental health and education may be shared by many educators and mental health professionals, there is little consensus on the optimal ways to package or integrate supports within schools to achieve these goals. Although schools are commonly regarded as the dominant de facto providers of mental health services for youth (Burns et al. 1995; Farmer et al. 2003), providing an estimated 70–80% of psychosocial services to those children who receive services (Rones and Hoagwood 2000), there is, as yet, scant evidence for the effectiveness of current school-based service models, and reason to think that these services are providing little advantage over clinic based services (Kutash et al. 2006). A recent national survey of school-based mental health programs indicated that a vast majority of programs provide ‘‘pull-out’’ screening and counseling services to referred children (Foster et al. 2005), which are resource intensive and often compete with instructional time. In addition, the ‘‘clinic within schools’’ model provides few opportunities for interdisciplinary collaboration between mental health providers and educators , and even when successful, accommodates a relatively small proportion of the children in need of services (Baker et al. 2006). Furthermore, the negative environment in many schools in impoverished communities can overwhelm educational and mental health programs and is largely unaddressed by current school- based service models (Cappella et al. 2008; Gottfredson and Gottfredson 2002; Hoagwood et al. 2007). As many have noted, these issues suggest that the presumption of integrated services in schools is in need of critical analysis (e.g., Baker et al. 2006; Boyd and Shouse 1997; Ringeisen et al. 2003; Weinstein 2002). Status quo teachers and staff do not have the resources or skill to address the mental health of children in high-poverty communities. This means impoverished chidren are at a higher risk for lower performance and expulsion from school. Atkins et al 10 (Marc S. Atkins is a professor of psychiatry and psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago with a focus in children’s mental health and school based mental health services. “Toward the Integration of Education and Mental Health in Schools”. 2010. https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2Fs10488-010-0299-7.pdf) NAE

Currently, programs that focus on promotion, prevention, or intervention services often compete for priority within schools. With diminishing resources, this competition is likely to increase. For children with intensive needs, such as those receiving special education services, the advantages of linking mental health services to schooling are considerable . Children’s mental health difficulties commonly manifest themselves in schools with a resulting decrement in performance, or, in the extreme, suspension or expulsion (e.g., Atkins et al. 2002). Teachers and other school staff often do not have the resources or skills to manage high need children, especially in high-poverty communities where student-to-staff ratios are high and technology or other resources are scarce. Many children with mental health needs are highly susceptible to disruptions in daily activities . Therefore, classroom-wide programming for normative events such as transitions throughout the school day, or class-wide routines such as silent reading or group instruction, can often ameliorate their difficulties. In addition, classroom or school-wide programs can serve as a naturalistic base from which individualized programs can be developed for children with more intensive needs, avoiding the stigmatization that often arises when individualized programs are implemented in isolation of other program goals (Kratochwill 2007). See the APA Task Force on Evidence-Based Practices for Children and Adolescents (2008) for more details about integrative models. As an example of a school-wide program that can serve as a facilitator of more intensive individualized programs for high need youth, Embry and his colleagues (Embry 2002; Embry and Straalemeier 2001) have developed a range of programs for the Good Behavior Game that begin with classroom-wide (and often school-wide) implementation, with specified adaptations to design individualized programs for children who require them. The LIFT program (Eddy et al. 2000) for example, examined educational strategies, classroom management approaches, and linkage to parents for youth at risk of emotional or behavioral problems and found that this model delayed the onset of problematic behaviors. Another example reflective of the ecological and mental health approach is the interest and growth in implementing a form of school- wide positive behavior support called Positive Behavior Intervention and Supports (PBIS: Lewis and Sugai 1999). PBIS includes a set of evidence-based strategies at the individual and system levels with the goal of improving student behavior and learning and is currently being implemented in over 7,500 schools (Bradshaw et al. 2009). Cappella et al. (2008) suggest that mental health professionals , including those based in schools (e. g, school counselors and part-time psychologists), as well as community-based personnel can assume roles within each of the universal, targeted, and intensive levels of the PBIS framework. Mental health providers can support the school counselor in implementing school-wide, universal programs in the cafeteria, hallways, and playgrounds by providing training and supervision of security guides, lunchroom aides, and playground monitors . At the targeted level, mental health personnel can assist school administrators in collecting data and intervene in high need classrooms or settings. At the intensive level, a community mental health provider linked with the school can provide direct services as well as activate additional personnel for students with more chronic needs (Atkins et al. 2006). Status quo school counselors have shifted away from providing mental health services towards purely solving the achievement gap which means there is a decrease in access to adequate mental health care that addresses the needs of students of different cultures. NASSP ‘16 (NASSP is the leading organization of and voice for school principals, assistant principals, and school leaders from across the United States and in over 35 countries around the world. Founded in 1916, NASSP's mission is to connect and engage school leaders through advocacy, research, education, and student programs. “PROMOTING MENTAL HEALTH IN MIDDLE LEVEL AND HIGH SCHOOLS.”April 21, 2016)NAE A U.S. Surgeon General report indicates that one in five children and adolescents will face a significant mental health condition during their school years. Mental health disorders affecting children and adolescents can range from attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) to autism, depression, eating disorders, and schizophrenia. Students suffering from these conditions face significant barriers to learning and are less likely to graduate from high school. Key responsibilities of school leaders regarding this issue include creating a safe and nurturing school environment, supporting the physical and mental health of children, fostering their social and emotional well-being, and being prepared to address teen suicide through effective communication and support. As leaders work to meet these responsibilities, they face an array of challenges related to mental health: Limited capacity to address mental health issues. Schools have historically used their resources to employ a substantial number of student support professionals. These school staff members have been the core around which comprehensive school-based programs have been developed and implemented. With increased accountability for academic results under the Elementary and Secondary School Act (ESEA) and subsequent regulations, school counselors-who represent the majority of student support professionals in schools-have seen their responsibilities shift away from the overall personal, social, emotional, academic, and career development of each student toward an academic achievement-only focus, creating a rapidly widening gap in support services. During the 2010-2011 school year, there was one school counselor for every 471 students. The recommended ratio from the American School Counseling Association is one school counselor for every 250 students. Data from the U.S. Department of Education Office for Civil Rights indicates that one in five high schools lack a school counselor. In addition to a shortage of counselors, many schools do not have regular access to school-based mental health professionals. Within a district, numerous schools must share school psychologists, school social workers, school nurses, and other specialized support personnel. This increases the caseload of these mental health professionals and limits access to their services for students in need of support and assistance. Disinvestment in school-based mental health programs. While the Individuals with Disabilities Act (IDEA) and the Elementary and Secondary School Act (ESEA) include programs and initiatives to address comprehensive support services in schools, since FY 2009, the funding for these programs, including the Safe and Drug Free State Grants, has been severely cut, if not eliminated. This comes at a time of increasing student enrollments and the need for services that address the social-emotional wellness and mental health of students. In FY 2009, the federal programs supporting students' mental health and wellness surpassed $800 million; however, in FY 2014, Congress invested only $214.6 million to support these efforts. Stigma surrounding mental health issues. For historical and cultural reasons, mental illness has persistently been stigmatized in our society. This stigma is manifested by bias, distrust, stereotyping, fear, embarrassment, anger, and/or avoidance. Addressing psychosocial and mental health concerns in schools is typically not assigned a high priority , except when a high- visibility event occurs, such as a shooting on campus, a student suicide, or an increase in bullying. Additionally , efforts to address school-based services for mental health continue to be developed in an ad hoc, piecemeal, and highly marginalized way . Death by suicide. According to the Coalition to Support Grieving Students, death by suicide is the third leading cause of death in children ages 10–14 and the second leading cause of death in children ages 15–19. Close to o ne in five high school students has considered suicide, and 2 percent to 6 percent of children attempt suicide. There is a great deal of stigma around suicide, which is why schools must work with parents, children, school staff, and principals to discuss teen suicide in a careful and effective manner. These challenges underscore the need for comprehensive mental health support services and prevention programs to build the capacity of schools as they help each student reach his or her maximum potential. Fed Key Federal precedent on mental health services in school is key to shifting the education reform agenda to the promoting the mental health of students. Atkins et al 10 (Marc S. Atkins is a professor of psychiatry and psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago with a focus in children’s mental health and school based mental health services. “Toward the Integration of Education and Mental Health in Schools”. 2010. https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2Fs10488-010-0299-7.pdf) NAE

Recent national reform efforts in education and in mental health provide a unique opportunity for re- examining models to better integrate learning and behavioral health . Both the Surgeon General’s report (US DHSS 1999) and the report from the President’s New Freedom Commission on Mental Health (2003) propose the expansion of mental health services for children in schools. Likewise, the No Child Left Behind Act, signed into law in 2002, emphasized accountability, particularly for academic achievement and increased use of scientifically-based programs and teaching methods, and it stressed the need to ensure ‘‘student access to quality mental health care by developing innovative programs to link the local school system with the local mental health system’’ (U.S. Department of Education Office of Elementary and Secondary Education 2002, p. 427). Clearly, at the federal level there is support for a closer alignment between education and mental health. While there is an emerging consensus for locating mental health programs in schools, the role and structure of these services are varied and the empirical base is limited (Hoagwood and Erwin 1997). We propose that new priorities within the educational reform movement provide a timely opportunity for integrating mental health goals and educational services . Specifically, educational reform efforts are driving a renewed focus on accountability, outcomes, personalized learning, early intervention, and flexible learning supports (e.g., Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation 2009; Lachat 2001) and schools are required to develop school improvement plans to meet federal and state mandates to increase school effectiveness. In addition, with the reauthorization of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA 2004), early intervention (prereferral) services were included, which allowed for special education funding to be allocated for evidence-based academic and behavioral support services. To implement this policy, the Response to Intervention (RtI) framework was developed (Reschly and Bergstrom 2009), which includes tiered responses from prevention to early intervention, to more intensive treatments and ongoing assessments to monitor improvement and the need for alternative interventions (Kratochwill et al. 2007). The Children’ Education Council (2008) reported that 60% of districts had begun adopting an RtI approach as of March, 2008. Thus, these initiatives within education indicate that the potential for expanding behavioral health services within the paradigm of these educational efforts is considerable . However, to do so will require a different set of priorities for research and practice from those that dominate school-based services currently . Given the limited progress in establishing consensus about effective and efficient school mental health programs that can be sustained within the varied ecologies of schools (see Adelman and Taylor 2006; Evans and Weist 2004), the purpose of this paper is to suggest a re-prioritized research agenda that privileges mental health programs and practices that are integrated into the school ecology. This change involves acknowledging the use of naturalistic resources within schools to implement and sustain effective supports for students’ learning and emotional/behavioral health; inclusion of integrated models to enhance learning and promote health; the need for improved outcomes for all students, including those with serious emotional/behavioral needs; and the importance of strengthening the active involvement of parents. A research agenda to align with these priorities is described. The federal government is key to establishing regulations and providing funding for state and local implementation of the plan. Federal laws on mental health are also key to setting standards that work to bettering civil liberties to solve possible roll-back. MHA’17 (Mental Health America (MHA) - founded in 1909 - is the nation’s leading community-based nonprofit dedicated to addressing the needs of those living with mental illness and to promoting the overall mental health of all Americans. Their work is driven by their commitment to promote mental health as a critical part of overall wellness, including prevention services for all; early identification and intervention for those at risk; integrated care, services, and supports for those who need it; with recovery as the goal. “The Federal and State Role in Mental Health”.2017. http://www.mentalhealthamerica.net/issues/federal-and-state-role-mental- health)NAE The federal government works in partnership with the states to address mental health. The federal role in mental health includes regulating systems and providers, protecting the rights of consumers, providing funding for services, and supporting research and innovation . As a major funding source for mental health services, the federal government establishes and enforces minimum standards that states can then expand upon. Federal Legislation and Regulations. Federal laws create changes and provide oversight across the states. Legislation at this level may take a longer time but can have a massive impact once passed. Regulations are rules issues by federal agencies to help implement the laws. In terms of mental health, regulations cover a variety of topics and apply to a number of groups including schools , insurance companies, treatment providers, and employers. These rules clarify just how major pieces of legislation like the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), the Rehabilitation Act, the Mental Health Parity and Addiction Equity Act (MPHAEA), and the Affordable Care Act (ACA) should be implemented. The agencies also issue additional guidance when questions about compliance arise. The federal government invites individuals and groups to submit comments on regulations. You might see this or hear this referred to as a notice for proposed rulemaking. For more information about how you can be heard, check out www.regulations.gov. Federal Protections . The federal government works to protect the rights of individuals with mental health disorders in a variety of settings, including the workplace, schools , and in treatment . It sets privacy standards, prohibits abuse, and fights discrimination to promote civil liberties and inclusion. It works to provide reasonable accommodations and supports to those who need them. Mental Health America's history is deeply rooted in protecting the rights of those with mental health disorders, and this focus continues to guide our work. To learn more from MHA about rights and protections, check out Rights of Persons with Mental Health and Substance Use Conditions, Community Inclusion after Olmstead, and Privacy Rights. Federal Role in Funding Services. The federal government is a major funding stream for mental health services. In addition to funding mental health services that fall under Medicare and the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), it matches state Medicaid and CHIP (Children's Health Insurance Program) spending from between 50 to 70 percent, depending on the state. While these programs do not focus exclusively on mental health, Medicaid is the single largest funder of mental health services in the country, which makes this support especially valuable. The federal government also provides Mental Health Block Grants (MHBG) that support states in building out their community mental health services . MHA supports the continued role of the federal government in funding services and advocates for expanded and sustained funding for mental health services. Federal Role in Research. Federal funding of mental health research creates opportunities to study causes of, treatments for, and recovery from mental health disorders that might not otherwise be available. Government agencies , like the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) or the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA ), lead research, administer grants, and educate the public about findings. This information contributes to our overall understanding of mental health disorders and services and can improve treatment and future research.

Impact Framing/A2 Util Structural violence outweighs any other impacts. Our framework prioritizes slow structural violence before any other impact because it is a threat multiplier that spills over to larger impacts. Nixon ’11 (Rob, Rachel Carson Professor of English, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor, pgs. 2-3)

Three primary concerns animate this book, chief among them my conviction that we urgently need to rethink - politically, imaginatively, and theoretically-what I call " slow violence." By slow violence I mean a violence that occurs gradually and out of sight, a violence of delayed destruction that is dispersed across time and space, an attritional violence that is typically not viewed as violence at all. Violence is customarily conceived as an event or action that is immediate in time, explosive and spectacular in space, and as erupting into instant sensational visibility . We need , I believe, to engage a different kind of violence , a violence that is neither spectacular nor instantaneous, but rather incremental and accretive, its calamitous repercussions playing out across a range of temporal scales. In so doing, we also need to engage the representational, narrative, and strategic challenges posed by the relative invisibility of slow violence. Climate change, the thawing cryosphere,toxic drift, biomagnification, deforestation, the radioactive aftermaths of wars, acidifying oceans, and a host of other slowly unfolding environmental catastrophes present formidable representational obstacles that can hinder our efforts to mobilize and act decisively. The long dyings-the staggered and staggeringly discounted casualties, both human and ecological that result from war's toxic aftermaths or climate change-are underrepresented in strategic planning as well as in human memory.Had Summers advocated invading Africa with weapons of mass destruction, his proposal would have fallen under conventional definitions of violence and been perceived as a military or even an imperial invasion. Advocating invading countries with mass forms of slow-motion toxicity, however, requires rethinking our accepted assumptions of violence to include slow violence. Such a rethinking requires that we complicate conventional assumptions about violence as a highly visible act that is newsworthy because it is event focused, time bound, and body bound. We need to account for how the temporal dispersion of slow violence affects the way we perceive and respond to a variety of social afflictions-from domestic abuse to posttraumatic stress and, in particular, environmental calamities. A major challenge is representational: how to devise arresting stories, images, and symbols adequate to the pervasive but elusive violence of delayed effects. Crucially, slow violence is often not just attritional but also exponential, operating as a major threat multiplier; it can fuel long-term, proliferating conflicts in situations where the conditions for sustaining life become increasingly but gradually degraded. Ignoring the institutionalized violence against black people creates complacency with invisible wars and everyday acts of violence that create the conditions for large magnitude impacts Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois, ‘4

(Prof of Anthropology @ Cal-Berkely; Prof of Anthropology @ UPenn) (Nancy and Philippe, Introduction: Making Sense of Violence, in Violence in War and Peace, pg. 19-22)

This large and at first sight “messy” Part VII is central to this anthology’s thesis. It encompasses everything from the routinized, bureaucratized, and utterly banal violence of children dying of hunger and maternal despair in Northeast Brazil (Scheper-Hughes, Chapter 33) to elderly African Americans dying of heat stroke in Mayor Daly’s version of US apartheid in Chicago’s South Side (Klinenberg, Chapter 38) to the racialized class hatred expressed by British Victorians in their olfactory disgust of the “smelly” working classes (Orwell, Chapter 36). In these readings violence is located in the symbolic and social structures that overdetermine and allow the criminalized drug addictions, interpersonal bloodshed, and racially patterned incarcerations that characterize the US “inner city” to be normalized (Bourgois, Chapter 37 and Wacquant, Chapter 39). Violence also takes the form of class, racial, political self-hatred and adolescent self-destruction (Quesada, Chapter 35), as well as of useless (i.e. preventable), rawly embodied physical suffering, and death (Farmer, Chapter 34). Absolutely central to our approach is a blurring of categories and distinctions between wartime and peacetime violence. Close attention to the “little” violences produced in the structures, habituses, and mentalites of everyday life shifts our attention to pathologies of class, race, and gender inequalities. More important, it interrupts the voyeuristic tendencies of “violence studies” that risk publicly humiliating the powerless who are often forced into complicity with social and individual pathologies of power because suffering is often a solvent of human integrity and dignity. Thus, in this anthology we are positing a violence continuum comprised of a multitude of “small wars and invisible genocides” (see also Scheper- Hughes 1996; 1997; 2000b) conducted in the normative social spaces of public schools, clinics, emergency rooms, hospital wards, nursing homes, courtrooms, public registry offices, prisons, detention centers, and public morgues. The violence continuum also refers to the ease with which humans are capable of reducing the socially vulnerable into expendable nonpersons and assuming the license - even the duty - to kill, maim, or soul-murder. We realize that in referring to a violence and a genocide continuum we are flying in the face of a tradition of genocide studies that argues for the absolute uniqueness of the Jewish Holocaust and for vigilance with respect to restricted purist use of the term genocide itself (see Kuper 1985; Chaulk 1999; Fein 1990; Chorbajian 1999). But we hold an opposing and alternative view that, to the contrary, it is absolutely necessary to make just such existential leaps in purposefully linking violent acts in normal times to those of abnormal times. Hence the title of our volume: Violence in War and in Peace. If (as we concede) there is a moral risk in overextending the concept of “genocide” into spaces and corners of everyday life where we might not ordinarily think to find it (and there is), an even greater risk lies in failing to sensitize ourselves, in misrecognizing protogenocidal practices and sentiments daily enacted as normative behavior by “ordinary” good-enough citizens. Peacetime crimes, such as prison construction sold as economic development to impoverished communities in the mountains and deserts of California, or the evolution of the criminal industrial complex into the latest peculiar institution for managing race relations in the United States (Waquant, Chapter 39), constitute the “small wars and invisible genocides” to which we refer. This applies to African American and Latino youth mortality statistics in Oakland, California, Baltimore, Washington DC, and New York City. These are “invisible” genocides not because they are secreted away or hidden from view, but quite the opposite . As Wittgenstein observed , the things that are hardest to perceive are those which are right before our eyes and therefore taken for granted . In this regard, Bourdieu’s partial and unfinished theory of violence (see Chapters 32 and 42) as well as his concept of misrecognition is crucial to our task. By including the normative everyday forms of violence hidden in the minutiae of “normal” social practices - in the architecture of homes, in gender relations, in communal work, in the exchange of gifts, and so forth - Bourdieu forces us to reconsider the broader meanings and status of violence, especially the links between the violence of everyday life and explicit political terror and state repression, Similarly, Basaglia’s notion of “peacetime crimes” - crimini di pace - imagines a direct relationship between wartime and peacetime violence. Peacetime crimes suggests the possibility that war crimes are merely ordinary, everyday crimes of public consent applied systematic- ally and dramatically in the extreme context of war. Consider the parallel uses of rape during peacetime and wartime, or the family resemblances between the legalized violence of US immigration and naturalization border raids on “illegal aliens” versus the US government- engineered genocide in 1938, known as the Cherokee “Trail of Tears.” Peacetime crimes suggests that everyday forms of state violence make a certain kind of domestic peace possible. Internal “stability” is purchased with the currency of peacetime crimes, many of which take the form of professionally applied “strangle-holds.” Everyday forms of state violence during peacetime make a certain kind of domestic “peace” possible. It is an easy-to- identify peacetime crime that is usually maintained as a public secret by the government and by a scared or apathetic populace. Most subtly, but no less politically or structurally, the phenomenal growth in the United States of a new military, postindustrial prison industrial complex has taken place in the absence of broad-based opposition, let alone collective acts of civil disobedience. The public consensus is based primarily on a new mobilization of an old fear of the mob, the mugger, the rapist, the Black man, the undeserving poor. How many public executions of mentally deficient prisoners in the United States are needed to make life feel more secure for the affluent? What can it possibly mean when incarceration becomes the “normative” socializing experience for ethnic minority youth in a society, i.e., over 33 percent of young African

American men (Prison Watch 2002). In the end it is essential that we recognize the existence of a genocidal capacity among otherwise good-enough humans and that we need to exercise a defensive hypervigilance to the less dramatic, permitted, and even rewarded everyday acts of violence that render participation in genocidal acts and policies possible (under adverse political or economic conditions), perhaps more easily than we would like to recognize. Under the violence continuum we include, therefore, all expressions of radical social exclusion, dehumanization, depersonalization, pseudospeciation, and reification which normalize atrocious behavior and violence toward others. A constant self-mobilization for alarm, a state of constant hyperarousal is, perhaps, a reasonable response to Benjamin’s view of late modern history as a chronic “state of emergency” (Taussig, Chapter 31). We are trying to recover here the classic anagogic thinking that enabled Erving Goffman, Jules Henry, C. Wright Mills, and Franco Basaglia among other mid-twentieth-century radically critical thinkers, to perceive the symbolic and structural relations, i.e., between inmates and patients, between concentration camps, prisons, mental hospitals, nursing homes, and other “total institutions.” Making that decisive move to recognize the continuum of violence allows us to see the capacity and the willingness - if not enthusiasm - of ordinary people, the practical technicians of the social consensus, to enforce genocidal-like crimes against categories of rubbish people. There is no

primary impulse out of which mass violence and genocide are born, it is ingrained in the common sense of

everyday social life. The mad, the differently abled, the mentally vulnerable have often fallen into this category of the unworthy living, as have the very old and infirm, the sick-poor, and, of course, the despised racial, religious, sexual, and ethnic groups of the moment. Erik Erikson referred to “pseudo- speciation” as the human tendency to classify some individuals or social groups as less than fully human - a prerequisite to genocide and one that is carefully honed during the unremark- able peacetimes that precede the sudden, “seemingly unintelligible” outbreaks of mass violence. Collective denial and misrecognition are prerequisites for mass violence and genocide. But so are formal bureaucratic structures and professional roles. The practical technicians of everyday violence in the backlands of Northeast Brazil (Scheper-Hughes, Chapter 33), for example, include the clinic doctors who prescribe powerful tranquilizers to fretful and frightfully hungry babies, the Catholic priests who celebrate the death of “angel-babies,” and the municipal bureaucrats who dispense free baby coffins but no food to hungry families. Everyday violence encompasses the implicit, legitimate, and routinized forms of violence inherent in particular social, economic, and political formations. It is close to what Bourdieu (1977, 1996) means by “symbolic violence,” the violence that is often “nus-recognized” for something else, usually something good. Everyday violence is similar to what Taussig (1989) calls “terror as usual.” All these terms are meant to reveal a public secret - the hidden links between violence in war and violence in peace, and between war crimes and “peace-time crimes.” Bourdieu (1977) finds domination and violence in the least likely places - in courtship and marriage, in the exchange of gifts, in systems of classification, in style, art, and culinary taste- the various uses of culture. Violence, Bourdieu insists, is everywhere in social practice. It is misrecognized because its very everydayness and its familiarity render it invisible. Lacan identifies “rneconnaissance” as the prerequisite of the social. The exploitation of bachelor sons, robbing them of autonomy, independence, and progeny, within the structures of family farming in the European countryside that Bourdieu escaped is a case in point (Bourdieu, Chapter 42; see also Scheper-Hughes, 2000b; Favret-Saada, 1989). Following Gramsci, Foucault, Sartre, Arendt, and other modern theorists of power-vio- lence, Bourdieu treats direct aggression and physical violence as a crude, uneconomical mode of domination; it is less efficient and, according to Arendt (1969), it is certainly less legitimate. While power and symbolic domination are not to be equated with violence - and Arendt argues persuasively that violence is to be understood as a failure of power - violence, as we are presenting it here, is more than simply the expression of illegitimate physical force against a person or group of persons. Rather, we need to understand violence as encompassing all forms of “controlling processes” (Nader 1997b) that assault basic human freedoms and individual or collective survival. Our task is to recognize these gray zones of violence which are, by definition, not obvious. Once again, the point of bringing into the discourses on genocide everyday, normative experiences of reification, depersonalization, institutional confinement, and acceptable death is to help answer the question: What makes mass violence and genocide possible? In this volume we are suggesting that mass violence is part of a continuum, and that it is socially incremental and often experienced by perpetrators, collaborators, bystanders - and even by victims themselves - as expected, routine, even justified. The preparations for mass killing can be found in social sentiments and institutions from the family, to schools, churches, hospitals, and the military. They harbor the early “warning signs” (Charney 1991), the “priming” (as Hinton, ed.,

2002 calls it), or the “genocidal continuum” (as we call it) that push social consensus toward devaluing certain forms of human life and lifeways from the refusal of social support and humane care to vulnerable “social parasites” (the nursing home elderly, “welfare queens,” undocumented immigrants, drug addicts) to the militarization of everyday life (super-maximum-security prisons, capital punishment; the technologies of heightened personal security, including the house gun and gated communities; and reversed feelings of victimization). Plan can’t be justified under util. Consequentialist framing causes genocide and slavery. Anderson, National Director of Probe Ministries International 2004 (Kerby, “Utilitarianism: The Greatest Good for the Greatest Number” http://www.probe.org/theology- and-philosophy/worldview--philosophy/utilitarianism-the-greatest-good-for-thegreatest- number.html) One problem with utilitarianism is that it leads to an "end justifies the means" mentality. If any worthwhile end can justify the means to attain it, a true ethical foundation is lost. But we all know that the end does not justify the means. If that were so, then Hitler could justify the Holocaust because the end was to purify the human race. Stalin could justify his slaughter of millions because he was trying to achieve a communist utopia. The end never justifies the means. The means must justify themselves. A particular act cannot be judged as good simply because it may lead to a good consequence. The means must be judged by some objective and consistent standard of morality . Second, utilitarianism cannot protect the rights of minorities if the goal is the greatest good for the greatest number. Americans in the eighteenth century could justify slavery on the basis that it provided a good consequence for a majority of Americans . Certainly the majority benefited from cheap slave labor even though the lives of black slaves were much worse. A third problem with utilitarianism is predicting the consequences. If morality is based on results , then we would have to have omniscience in order to accurately predict the consequence of any action . But at best we can only guess at the future, and often these educated guesses are wrong. A fourth problem with utilitarianism is that consequences themselves must be judged. When results occur, we must still ask whether they are good or bad results. Utilitarianism provides no objective and consistent foundation to judge results because results are the mechanism used to judge the action itself.inviolability is intrinsically valuable. Our framework is necessary for dignity whih is key to value to life and access to basic rights. Clifford, Professor of Philosophy @ Mississippi State University, 11 (Michael, Spring, “MORAL LITERACY”, Volume 11, Issue 2, https://webprod1.uvu.edu/ethics/seac/Clifford_Moral_Literacy.pdf, Accessed 7-6-13, ABS) Whether or not you believe in individual rights, whether or not you are convinced by arguments one way or another about the metaphysical grounds of rights, we can all appreciate the idea that any ethics should recognize the fundamental dignity of human beings . This is precisely what worries critics of utilitarianism, that it may require us to violate that dignity, for some at least, if doing so will promote the greatest happiness. But to violate human dignity is to ignore or to misunderstand the very point of ethics. For the deontologist, such as Kant, we have a duty not to violate human dignity, even if it causes us pain, even if the consequences fail to maximize the overall happiness. The inviolate character of human dignity is expressed most practically by the idea that we have certain basic rights (whatever the source of rights are, whether natural or by convention). John Locke defined rights as “prima facie entitlements,” which means that anyone who would restrict my rights bears the burden of proving that there are good reasons for doing so. For example, the right to private property is sometimes trumped by the principle of eminent domain, provided that I too stand to gain by seizure of my land. My right to free speech is limited by the harm it might cause by, say, shouting “fire!” in a crowded theatre. There are times when we feel justified in limiting or abrogating certain positive rights for the common good, but even here no social outcome justifies torture, slavery, murder, or any action which violates my fundamental human dignity. Deontological ethics assumes there to be a line that cannot be crossed, regardless of the consequences. AT: Training Teachers Not Effective The lack of training leaves teaching fragmented and unfocused. Training provides a foundation. Freeman 89 (Donald teaches in the MAT Program at the School for International Training in Brattleboro, VT. He has worked with teachers and trainers in various contexts in Asia, South America, and Europe as well as in the United States. “Teacher Training, Development, and Decision Making: A Model of Teaching and Related Strategies for Language Teacher Education” TESOL QUARTERLY, Vol. 23, No 1, March 1989 PG.27-28) Language teacher education has become increasingly fragmented and unfocused. Based on a kaleidoscope of elements from many disciplines, efforts to educate individuals as language teachers often lack a coherent, commonly accepted foundation. In its place, teacher educators and teacher education programs substitute their own individual rationales, based on pedagogical assumptions or research, or function in a vacuum, assuming—yet never articulating— the bases from which they work. This lack of coherence has come about for several reasons: the historical accident of a profession (language teaching) principally derived from an academic discipline (applied linguistics); the transparency of content (language), which often discourages the development of coherent professional preparation, since “anyone who speaks it can teach it”; or perhaps the “polymorphic nature of teaching” itself (Senchuk, 1984, p. 192).Regardless of the sources, however, this lack of an articulated theoretical basis for language teaching and for how individuals learn to teach language remains a central shortcoming that handicaps language teacher education. Without a common terminology to describe language teaching itself, beyond the metalanguage described by linguistics, and without a coherent model of how language teaching is taught and learned, those who educate language teachers are confined to so many parallel discussions that argue unfounded comparisons; this advances the activities of the field and the profession sporadically, if at all. Training for teachers gives them a toolbox that they deliberately use that students respond to quickly. Marzano 03 (Robert J., president of Marzano & Associates, Inc., senior scholar at Mid-continent Research for Education and Learning (McREL), and adjunct professor at Cardinal Stritch University; Barbara B. Gaddy, chief executive officer of Marzano & Associates, Inc.; and Marcia D’Arcangelo, ASCD program manager. Classroom Management that Works: Are Good Classroom Managers Born or Made? PG.114-115) Although the characteristics of an effective classroom manager are clear and even somewhat intuitively obvious, what might not be as clear or obvious is how you become an effective classroom manager. You might ask the question, Are effective classroom managers born, or can you become one if you are not one already? Fortunately, the answer to this question is that effective classroom managers are made. Good classroom managers are teachers who understand and use specific techniques. Awareness of and training in these techniques can change teacher behavior, which in turn changes student behavior and ultimately affects student achievement positively. Again, research evidence supports this assertion. To illustrate, consider the research by Walter Borg and Frank Ascione (1982 ). In a study involving 34 elementary school teachers who were randomly assigned to experimental and control conditions, they found that (1) teachers who had been trained in the use of effective classroom management techniques (the experimental group) improved their use of those techniques when compared to a group of untrained teachers (those in the control group), and (2) the students of the teachers in the experimental group had fewer disruptions and higher engagement rates than those in the control groups. One of the most promising findings from the research on becoming a skilled classroom manager is that apparently it can happen relatively quickly. For example, in their study of some 40 junior high school teachers randomly assigned to experimental and control groups, Emmer, Sanford, Clements, and Martin (1982) found that teachers’ skills at classroom management could be significantly improved even by the simple intervention of providing them with a manual and two half-day workshops. As described by Emmer and his colleagues, The experimental treatment in the study was mainly informational, with no opportunity for feedback, directed practice, diagnosis with targeted intervention, or continued support and encouragement from staff or colleagues. Thus, the treatment conforms to the type noted . . . as a minimal intervention . . . (p. 65) Similar findings were reported for minimal interventions for elementary school teachers by Emmer, Sanford, Evertson, Clements, and Martin (1981). Mindfulness training not only improved students interaction but also nurtured the wellbeing of the teachers and fostered better relationships with teachers. Singh 13 (Dr. Nirbhay N., Department of Psychiatry and Health Behavior, Medical College of Georgia. Mindfulness Training for Teachers Changes the Behavior of Their Preschool Students. Pg.226-228. Accessed 07/14/17) The data are fairly convincing in terms of reductions in the maladaptive behaviors of the children commensurate with mindfulness training of the teachers. Similarly, there was a commensurate increase in the children’s compliance with teacher requests. The social interaction data were interesting in that, though there was almost no change in the children’s positive interactions with their peers, there was a decrease in negative interactions and a substantial increase in neutral interactions, defined as isolate play. This suggests that, though the positive interactions remained stable across children and time, the overall change in social interactions was nonetheless positive. We suspect that, instead of engaging in high levels of negative interactions, the children simply moved away from some negative interactions and played by themselves. Educators have long advocated the use of mindfulness in education (e.g., Johnson, 2001; Tremmel, 1993; Vacarr, 2001), but its inclusion has proven elusive in practice. Using different terminology, there have been calls for teachers to teach with their whole self, including the spiritual self (e.g., Palmer, 1998; Ramsey & Fitzgibbons, 2005). There have been anecdotal reports and discussions regarding teachers using mindfulness, or methods akin to mindfulness, in student-centered teaching (e.g., Ritchhart & Perkins, 2000; Thornton & McEntee, 1995). As described in the Meiklejohn et al. (2012) review, there are now several educational programs that have incorporated mindfulness-based teacher training initiatives. Pilot data from these programs strongly suggest that mindfulness-based training can produce measureable change in the teachers’ sense of well-being, teaching self-efficacy, classroom management, and interactions with their students. Furthermore, emerging proof of concept descriptive and experimental studies are beginning to add to the evidence base on the utility of mindfulness training for teachers and students in diverse educational settings (e.g., Benn, Akiva, Arel, & Roeser, 2012; Flook et al., 2010; Mendelson et al., 2010; Napoli, 2004; Napoli, Krech, & Holley, 2005; Singh, Lancioni, Joy, et al., 2007; Van de Weijer-Bergsma, Langenberg, Brandsma, Oort, & Bogels, 2012). This study extends these findings by showing, in a controlled manner, that training teachers in mindfulness changes student behaviors. These findings are in accord with previous studies showing that mindfulness training of staff members results in positive changes in the behavior of individuals in their care . For example, Singh et al. (2004) showed that mindfulness training of caregiving staff increased the level of happiness in adults with profound multiple disabilities. In another study, mindfulness training of group home staff increased learning and reduced aggression in adults with developmental disabilities (Singh, Lancioni, Winton, Curtis, et al., 2006). In a further study, mindfulness training of a different set of group home staff decreased the use of physical restraints and stat (as needed) medications for aggression and destructive behavior, as well as staff and peers injuries (Singh et al., 2009). Similar findings have been reported in mindfulness training with parents. For example, Singh, Lancioni, Winton, Fisher, et al. (2006) reported that mindfulness training for mothers of children with autism decreased their children’s aggression, noncompliance, and self injury and increased positive interactions with their children. Similar studies with mothers of children with developmental disabilities (Singh, Lancioni, Winton, et al., 2007) and with attention- deficit/hyperactivity disorder (Singh et al., 2010) showed decreases in aggression and increased social behavior, and compliance with mother’s requests, respectively. When taken together, these studies suggest that mindfulness training of caregivers—teachers, staff and parents—decreases maladaptive behaviors and increases social behaviors in the individuals they provide care to, and decreases the use of aversive procedures such as physical restraints and stat medications. As we have reported in previous studies of caregiver mindfulness (Singh et al., 2013), personal interviews of the participating caregivers provide us some insight into how they viewed the change process that took place as a consequence of the mindfulness training. The teachers noted a generalized improvement in the quality of their lives that had a spillover effect not only on their students but also on their family members, a finding commonly reported by meditators (Gunaratana, 1991; McLeod, 2001). This transformation in the teachers’ lives occurred because they gradually changed the way they responded to life on a daily basis. Instead of letting the day’s events and thoughts either buoy them up or weigh them down, they were increasingly able to calmly abide in the present without pushing them away or pulling them in. They noted that the calm abiding meditation had taught them about the interdependence of all things, so they could rest in the knowledge that, without engaging with them, all things arise and fade away. The mechanism for this is the concept of emptiness, a cornerstone of mindfulness, regarding the transitory nature of all things (Hanh, 2011). Their transformation was also aided by their meditation on the beginner’s mind (Suzuki, 1970), which helped them to shift from their conditioned state toward their unconditioned state. In an unconditioned state, the mind simply observes each thought or event as it occurs, without judgment or preconceived notions of its positive or negative valence. In a conditioned state, in microseconds the mind searches for events that confirm the observer’s bias about a person, and makes premature cognitive commitment to respond in a certain way before all information is at hand. Teaching in the mindfulness course about these two psychological principles—confirmation bias and premature cognitive commitment—made them more salient for the teachers. Initially, they found it effortful to refrain from engaging in them, but with the consistent practice of the breathing meditation they were able to lessen the grip that these conditioned responses had on them. With the breathing meditation, they were taught not only to count their breath to train their minds to stay in the present moment, but also to use it outside of formal meditation by consciously breathing in and breathing out at critical choice points in daily life. Thus, “breathe in, breathe out” became their mantra whenever they felt they were being pulled in to respond in a conditioned manner due to either confirmation bias or premature cognitive commitment. When they felt they were being swept away by their prior conditioning, they paused and briefly engaged in their conscious breathing. This brought them back to the present moment, thereby increasing awareness of their usual responses to typical daily emotional triggers. In brief, shenpa is getting hooked on a negative emotion (Chödrön, 2010). The teachers found the shenpa meditation to be superficially similar to what they had been taught in behavior management courses; it had a focus on the antecedents of a behavior, but this was with reference to their own behavior as opposed to that of their students. Also, they soon realized that although it can be characterized as an antecedent mindfulness strategy, shenpa is a very difficult strategy to fully master. Shenpa is the earliest preverbal trigger that leads to thoughts, emotions, and perceptions that result in a behavioral response. It is the almost instantaneous reaction of the mind to some perceived slight, words, or deed by another person, or to one’s own thoughts (Kongtrul, 2008). Shenpa gives rise to everything that follows, and what follows immediately takes the person’s mind away from the present moment. The shenpa meditation taught the teachers how to intuit shenpa “when it first arises, when it’s just a tightening, a slight pulling back, a feeling of beginning to get hot under the collar” (Chödrön,2010, p. 23). They were taught not to analyze the situation that gave rise to it, but only to intuit it, and then to let it go so that the mind did not race away from the present moment. All three teachers agreed that this meditation takes time to mature. A strength of this study is that it details the practices of three teachers within a tightly controlled single-subject design study, thus allowing researchers a more informed understanding of the day-to-day changes that may take place during mindfulness training (Richards et al., 2013). Another strength is that it presents data on the effects that mindfulness training of teachers can have on their students. Such treatment outcome data are seldom reported in the mindfulness research literature (Grossman, 2008).

Training has helped teachers execute the academic curriculum to build upon students’ academic and social skills. Stratton and Reid 08 (Carolyn Webster-Stratton,1 M. Jamila Reid, 1University of Washington, School of Nursing, Parenting Clinic, Seattle, USA; Preventing conduct problems and improving school readiness: evaluation of the Incredible Years Teacher and Child Training Programs in high-risk schools. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 49:5 (2008). Pg. 484-485) Results of observations of teachers’ classroom management style with students indicated significant improvements for teachers in intervention classrooms. Teachers who received intervention were significantly different from control teachers on four of the five TCI variables: harsh/critical, warm/ affectionate, inconsistent/permissive, and social/ emotional. Intervention teachers used more specific teaching strategies that addressed social and emotional skills than teachers in control classrooms. The effect sizes were moderate to high, indicating that the curriculum and training had robust effects on changing teachers’ classroom management approaches. MOOSES ratings confirmed the TCI findings, showing that intervention teachers used significantly fewer critical statements than control teachers. Results of the observations of students in the classrooms on the COCA-R showed both significant improvement and significant differential improvement in emotional self-regulation, social competence and conduct problems compared with the control students’ behaviors. Here the effect size was particularly strong for those students from classrooms with the poorest initial scores. The intervention had a large impact on students from classrooms with average levels of school readiness and conduct problems and a very, very large impact on students from classrooms with very low initial levels of school readiness and high conduct problems. In addition, MOOSES frequency measures of two discrete child behaviors, conduct problems and disengagement (or off-task behavior) in classroom activities, also significantly differentially improved in the intervention classrooms compared to the control condition and showed the same pattern of differential effectiveness. Thus, overall, children from classrooms that were most at initial risk benefited most from the intervention. A global measure of Classroom Atmosphere based on student behaviors of responsiveness, engagement, and cooperativeness and teacher supportive behavior also indicated significant intervention effects. We found no evidence that the student gender, age or grade moderated the effects of the intervention on student outcomes. Indeed, only one of the teacher outcomes (effective discipline) showed HS versus K/1st moderation so it appears that the intervention works equally as well for boys versus girls, and preschool Head Start children versus elementary school children. All of our student behavioral outcomes showed strong teacher-level effects, meaning that groups of students associated with a particular teacher changed more than groups of students associated with a different particular teacher. In addition, the groups of students that showed the most change due to the intervention were those groups that needed the most improvement to begin with. Because the groups of students are formed about a particular teacher, it is tempting to assume that those groups of students who were most in need of improvement and showed the most change had teachers who also were most in need of improvement and showed the most change as a result of the intervention. That is in fact our hypothesis for future work but it is important to point out that this was never directly demonstrated in any our models and need not be the case. Results of the individual testing of a subset of high-risk students confirmed the classroom observations of enhanced children’s social problem-solving skills and emotional literacy. Students who received intervention had more prosocial solutions to problem situations and an increased positive feeling vocabulary compared with control students. Increasing children’s social problem-solving knowledge and emotional language is promising because it increases the likelihood that children exposed to this curriculum will be more successful in solving problems with peers. Teachers in the intervention group reported feeling more bonded or involved with the parents of children in their classes, with the strongest effects occurring with teachers who reported initial low bonding with parents. This finding indicated that teachers made more efforts to involve parents through newsletters, phone calls and homework. However, intervention teachers did not report a significant improvement in parents’ efforts to call them or volunteer in the classroom or attend meetings. Because this intervention was not directly offered to the parents, this might suggest that further studies include an intervention for parents in how to be involved in their children’s education and work with the teacher. In fact, a prior prevention study that offered a 12-week parent training program to parents we did find 484 Carolyn Webster Stratton, M. Jamila Reid, and Mike Stoolmiller that intervention parents were significantly more involved with their children’s education and school than control parents on this measure (Reid, Webster-Stratton, & Hammond, in press; Webster- Stratton & Reid, 2008). Since parent involvement and ability to work collaboratively with teachers has been shown to be an important predictor of children’s school success (Hawkins et al., 1999), it is important to understand how to promote parental involvement. Finally, teacher evaluations indicated that teachers were very satisfied with their training and their ability to implement the curriculum in conjunction with their academic curriculum. In addition, parent evaluations indicated that parents were very satisfied with the content of the curriculum and its effects on their children. Interestingly, on these evaluations over 85% found the dinosaur homework useful and over 65% reported using the strategies at home. This would suggest there was a fairly high level of parent involvement at home with the curriculum concepts. This study contributes to a growing body of literature evaluating the social, emotional and problem solving classroom curriculum (Domitrovich, Cortes, & Greenberg, in press; Grossman et al., 1997; Walker et al., 1998b) showing promise for improving young children’s overall school readiness and reducing conduct problems. Like the PATHS curriculum, the Dinosaur curriculum focused on preschool and kindergarten children who were socioeconomically disadvantaged and showed similar findings in terms of increased emotion knowledge skills as well as enhanced problem-solving strategies for the sub-sample tested with the Wally measures. A strength of the current study is the use of independent classroom observations of teachers’ interactions and children’s social and emotional behavior. These observations indicated that the intervention resulted in enhanced teacher classroom management skills as well as improvements in children’s overall school readiness and reduction of conduct problems. To date, few other studies have used observational methods to measure teacher and child behaviors in the classroom. Instead, most have relied on teacher self-report behavior ratings to measure changes (Domitrovich et al., 2006; Lynch, Geller, & Schmidt, 2004). While teacher report provides important information about teachers’ perceptions of children’s behavior, these ratings are usually provided by the same teachers who received training and implemented the intervention, and thus may be biased in favor of reporting positive student changes. The addition of independent observations that corroborate teacher report findings strengthens the intervention effects reported in the current study. Further follow-up research is under way to assess whether the changes in the students’ social, emotional, and behavioral competence are sustained in subsequent grades, and whether they lead to enhanced academic achievement and reduction of conduct disorders. Another strength of the current study is very high intervention implementation integrity. Because research staff co-led the Dinosaur curriculum with teachers almost all classrooms received a full dose of intervention delivered using consistent implementation standards. This allowed for an accurate evaluation of the intervention when it is delivered with integrity and with ‘full strength,’ as intended by the developers. Further research is now needed to conduct an effectiveness trial where the program is evaluated under ‘real world’ conditions without the research support and careful monitoring that was offered in the current project. It remains to be seen what level of technical support teachers will need to implement the program effectively on their own after receiving the training. Another limitation of the study is that we cannot determine whether the child behavior improvements occurred outside the classroom environment and whether they generalized to the home environment. Further study should include parent report of behavior change as well. Children between the ages of 3 and 6 years are developing social and emotional skills at a pace exceeding any other later stage of life. Their behavior is still flexible and their cognitive processes, which vacillate between fantasy and reality, are highly malleable and receptive to adult socialization processes. Teaching and learning that happens in this age range is crucial because it sets either a firm or a fragile foundation for later relationships and socialization, learning, and attitudes toward school. Early childhood learning can be seriously threatened by social, emotional impairments and conduct problems. Intervening early to remediate these difficulties may have lifelong benefits for enhancing children’s later success. Research, such as this, that provides empirical information about ways to change these key variables can provide the basis for early intervention plans for schools that will help to benefit children at high risk for later school difficulties. In other words, focusing on promoting social and emotional learning and preventing conduct problems in these early years may put children on a trajectory leading to a cycle of lasting improvements in school achievement and mental health.

The avoidance of training teachers about mental health is an avoidance of students mental well being and results in issues like prison and drug abuse later down the road LAHEY16 (JESSICA IS A CONTRIBUTING WRITER FOR THE ATLANTIC AND AN ENGLISH TEACHER. SHE WRITES “THE PARENT-TEACHER CONFERENCE” COLUMN AT THE NEW YORK TIMES. The Failing First Line of Defense October 18, 2016. Accessed 07/15/17 https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2016/10/the-failing-first-line- of-defense/504485/) I love teaching writing; it’s where revelations happen, where children plumb the dark corners, nudge the sleeping dogs, and work out solutions to their most convoluted dilemmas. As much as I adore reading student work, I still get a little nervous about what I’ll find there. Among the stories of what my teenage students did last summer and what they want to be when they grow up are the more emotionally loaded accounts: firsts (periods, kisses, or failures), transitions (moves, their parents’ divorces, or custody disputes), and departures (dropouts, graduations, or suicide attempts). Over the years, my students have entrusted me with their most harrowing moments: psychotic hallucinations, sexual molestation, physical abuse, substance abuse, HIV exposures, and all sorts of self-injurious behavior ranging from cutting to starvation to trichotillomania. When students write about delicate and dangerous experiences, there are decisions to be made and judgments to be called. And yet, for much of my career, I have been horribly unprepared and have failed to secure the services my students needed as a result. Teachers are often the first person children turn to when they are in crisis, and yet they are, as a profession, woefully unprepared to identify students’ mental-health issues and connect them with the services they need—even when those services are provided by schools. Aside from the obligatory professional-development session on mandatory reporting laws for child abuse and neglect we have to attend during new faculty orientation, teachers receive little or no education in evidence-based mental-health interventions. According to Darcy Gruttadaro, Director of Advocacy and Public Policy at the National Alliance on Mental Illness, “Most teachers are not trained about mental health in their formal education and degree programs, and yet an unidentified mental-health condition often interferes with a student’s ability to learn and reach their full academic potential.” According to the National Institute of Mental Health, approximately one in five children currently have or will experience a severe mental disorder. For some disorders, such as anxiety, the rates are even higher. For people who do experience mental-health disorders, most experienced their first symptoms before young adulthood . Half of all people with mental disorders experienced the onset of symptoms by age of 14; 75 percent by age 24. Half of these students will drop out of school. As suicide is the second- leading cause of death among adolescents and young adults, lack of appropriate mental-health interventions and treatment can mean the difference between life and death. Given the amount of time children spend at school, teachers are likely be the ones to identify and refer children for mental-health services. For children fortunate enough to be identified and given access to those services, treatment will mostly likely take place at school, as schools serve as the primary providers of mental services for children in this country. However, all the mental- health services in the world won’t help if teachers don’t understand the nature of the services available in school and can’t identify the students in need of intervention. In 2011, researchers at the University of Missouri looked at whether teachers understood the 10 evidence-based mental-health interventions or resources their schools employed. The results were disheartening, to say the least. While two-thirds of the surveyed teachers held graduate degrees, and the remaining third had earned undergraduate degrees, more than 80 percent had never heard of some of the interventions or strategies their own school utilized. Half of the teachers surveyed did not know if their schools provided functional behavioral assessment or intervention planning at all. Given that the response rate for this study was only 50 percent—and it’s likely that teachers with a heightened interest in student mental health would be more likely to respond to the survey—these results probably overstate teachers’ understanding of the tools their own school districts use to support students’ mental and emotional health. I can’t help but mourn for all the lost opportunities and squandered potential that was wasted on the way As an increasing number of schools roll out evidence-based mental-health programs such as Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (PBIS), teaching that promotes appropriate student behavior by proactively defining, teaching, and supporting positive student conduct, and Trauma- Sensitive Schools, programs aimed at reducing the effects of trauma on children’s emotional and academic well-being, educators need to be at least minimally conversant in the terminology, methods, and thinking behind these strategies. These programs provide strategies that can be highly effective, but only if the teachers tasked with implementing them are sufficiently trained in the basics of mental-health interventions and treatment.Teachers routinely receive first-aid training in CPR, EpiPen use, and safe body fluid cleanup, but it’s rare for schools to offer training in mental health, said Todd Giszack, Academic Dean of Fork Union Military Academy in Fork Union, Virginia. Recognizing that schools are responsible for their students’ mental, as well as physical health, Fork Union Military Academy designed and implemented its own curriculum with the help of two mental-health professionals, and now offers eight-hour certification programs in Mental Health First Aid. “It has taken two years, but nearly all of our faculty and staff has become certified in Mental Health First Aid. This has allowed our school community to become familiar with trends and warning signs associated with adolescent emotional and mental health” Giszack said. Dr. Michael Hollander, Assistant Professor in Psychology at Harvard Medical School and director of Training and Consultations on the 3East Dialectical Behavioral Therapy program at McLean Hospital in Belmont, Massachusetts, urges teachers to use caution when intervening in students’ mental-health crises. “In my experience, teacher response tends to be bi-modal; either they get solicitous, over-involved, and in over their head, or they mistake mental health issues for behavioral problems that require in-class discipline.” Programs such as NAMI’s Parents and Teachers as Allies presentation are beneficial, Dr. Hollander said, because they help teachers understand both the benefits and limitations of in-class interventions. Despite his worries about teacher-facilitated mental health interventions, he’s grateful for the trend toward a greater understanding of students’ mental health. “We have arrived at a place where we finally understand that teaching is not just about educating someone’s rational mind, but also educating their heart,” he said. Children with untreated mental-health issues can get by. They can limp along toward adulthood until an inevitable, eventual mental-health crisis lands them in the hospital, in jail, or even at an inpatient drug and alcohol rehabilitation facility for adolescents, where I teach. But by then, a lot of damage has been done to their young minds and hearts—damage that could have been prevented if they had received support when their symptoms first appeared. As I read their essays about crippling childhood anxiety, alcoholic parents, and/or domestic violence, I can’t help but mourn for all the lost opportunities and squandered potential that was wasted on the way. A2 States CP Perm do both – Federal and state governments have to work together with states using the funding/regulations from the federal government to implement the plan. Solves the plan and the CP. NASSP ‘16 (NASSP is the leading organization of and voice for school principals, assistant principals, and school leaders from across the United States and in over 35 countries around the world. Founded in 1916, NASSP's mission is to connect and engage school leaders through advocacy, research, education, and student programs. “PROMOTING MENTAL HEALTH IN MIDDLE LEVEL AND HIGH SCHOOLS.”April 21, 2016)NAE Federal and state governments must provide financial support to enable local communities to implement a comprehensive culturally and linguistically appropriate school-based mental health program that supports and fosters the health and development of students. Federal and state governments should encourage local communities to focus on schools as the hub for delivery of mental and other health and social services . The federal government should give states and local communities the ability to combine federal and state funding from separate agencies to address mental health and school safety issues at the local level. Federal and state governments must provide funding to enable schools to lower the counselor-to-student ratio to levels recommended by the American School Counselor Association in support of providing counselors greater opportunity to help students with the mental health issues they face (as well as academic issues). Federal and state policymakers should assist schools in recruiting and retaining school counselors, school social workers, school psychologists, and mental health specialists to support school-based interventions and the coordination of mental health and wellness services. at: disads federalism – non-unique

Past federal interventions already involved teacher training Hess 16 Frederick M. Hess, has an M.A. and a Ph.D. in government, as well as an M.Ed. in teaching and curriculum, from Harvard University, resident scholar and the director of Education Policy Studies at the American Enterprise Institute, Andrew P. Kelly, Ph.D. and an M.A. in political science from the University of California, Berkeley, resident scholar in education policy studies and the director of the Center on Higher Education Reform at the American Enterprise Institute, American Enterprise Institute, September 21, 2016, “No college left behind?”, http://www.aei.org/publication/no-college-left-behind/

When it came to remedies for children in low-performing schools, Republicans abandoned the proposal to voucher-ize Title I for low-income students when they realized they did not have the votes. What emerged instead was a prescribed series of interventions for schools deemed “in need of improvement.” The federally mandated “cascade” of remedies included the opportunity for students to transfer to another public school after two years, the ability to use Title I funds to purchase “supplemental services” (e.g., tutoring) after three, the adoption of a corrective-action plan by the school in year four, and the eventual requirement to “restructure” the school after five. In practice, this all amounted to a lot of bureaucratic box-checking and little actual change. There was no obvious logic to the sequence of remedies; they were a mishmash assembled by lawmakers who wanted states to do something about low-performing schools. The law also adopted new federal language intended to boost teacher quality. A personal cause of George Miller, the provision defining “highly qualified teachers” opened the door to federal meddling in teacher training and assessment. It placed a heightened emphasis on education- school credentials. It encouraged states to restrict charter-school autonomy on staffing matters. It also stifled innovation, as opponents of alternative licensure programs sued under this provision in an attempt to shutter programs like Teach for America in California. Finally, the Bush administration agreed to dramatic increases in both authorized and proposed spending on education. From 2000 to 2005 alone, federal appropriations for K-12 rose 70% — from $22.6 billion to $37.5 billion (in nominal dollars). This rapid spending increase under a Republican president served to set a new baseline for federal outlays. Despite this torrent of new spending, however, Democrats attacked Bush for “underfunding” NCLB, pointing out that he had agreed to set the authorized spending levels even higher. The result was that Democrats could complain year after year that Bush was shortchanging the nation’s schools — and enjoyed much success blaming him for the law’s problems. All of this served to make NCLB, at best, a Pyrrhic victory for education reformers. Conservatives got “accountability,” but it was of a race-based, intrusive, inchoate variety. They took the education issue off the table for a cycle, but at the cost of owning an ill-constructed, tarnished policy. Before too long, parents of students in tens of thousands of schools, many of which seemed to be performing reasonably well, were told that their schools were failing. The educators in those schools were compelled to adopt a series of ineffectual, federally mandated remedies. Testing and school accountability became kitchen-table controversies. By 2006, 19 states had filed suit charging that NCLB was an unfunded mandate, had prohibited the use of state funds for NCLB implementation, or were considering legislation to opt out of the law. On Capitol Hill, Representative Pete Hoekstra and Senator Jim DeMint collected scores of Republican co-sponsors for legislation allowing states to opt out of NCLB. Worse, NCLB invited federal interference from any future administration eager to meddle. As luck would have it, one took over in 2009. The Obama administration’s Department of Education used the “highly qualified teacher” provision to pressure states to craft federally approved plans for ensuring the “equitable distribution” of such teachers. When state leaders blanched at the prospect of labeling most of their schools as “failing,” Obama made governors an offer they truly couldn’t refuse — offering to waive the 100% proficiency requirement if they agreed to adopt a series of Obama administration priorities, including the Common Core. NCLB’s failings were not just a matter of miscalculation or inevitable implementation challenges. They were baked into the law, thanks in large part to the compromises needed to pass it. Yet, conservatives enamored of accountability and the chance to sock it to the teacher unions wound up helping to enact a compromise that sounded conservative (and was considered conservative in the public mind) but that proved to be a significant expansion of federal power and reach. politics – no link

No Link – Republicans have previously voted in favor of cultural competency. Gray 13 Christopher David Gray, Writer for the Lund Report, “Cultural Competency Training Compromise Likely to Become Law,” 4/4/13, https://www.thelundreport.org/content/cultural- competency-training-compromise-likely-become-law, EP

Rep. Alissa Keny-Guyer forged a bill to allow cultural competency as part of education requirements of the state medical boards, earning the support of both the Urban League and Republicans. Oregon took a step toward acknowledging its increasing racial diversity when the House Health Committee passed a cultural competency bill for medical professionals that heads to the House floor next week. The committee voted 8-1 to allow the state’s medical licensing boards to require cultural competency courses for continuing education that health professionals must take to remain licensed. A separate amendment allows the state’s community colleges and universities to require cultural competency training for those who work on campus clinics. “We think it’s a big deal,” said Ron Williams, director of the social justice group Oregon Action. “It really speaks volumes that three of the four Republicans supported it. … We think it will pass the House and move onto the Senate.”

No Link – A similar bill passed in Washington State June 9 2016 with no public backlash WSL 16 Washington State Legislature, Government of the State of Washington, “Final Bill Report 4SHB 1541,” 6/9/16, http://lawfilesext.leg.wa.gov/biennium/2015-16/Pdf/Bill %20Reports/House/1541-S4%20HBR%20FBR%2016.pdf, EP

FINAL BILL REPORT 4SHB 1541 Brief Description: Implementing strategies to close the educational opportunity gap, based on the recommendations of the educational opportunity gap oversight and accountability committee. Sponsors: House Committee on Appropriations (originally sponsored by Representatives Santos, Ortiz-Self, Tharinger, Moscoso, Orwall and Gregerson). Background: Educational Opportunity Gap Oversight and Accountability Committee. In 2009 the Educational Opportunity Gap Oversight and Accountability Committee (EOGOAC) was established to recommend policies and strategies to close the achievement gap. The EOGOAC has six legislative members, representatives of the Office of Education Ombuds (OEO) and the Office of the Superintendent of Public Instruction (OSPI), and five members representing the state ethnic commissions and federally recognized tribes. In its 2015 report to the Legislature, the EOGOAC made the following recommendations: reduce the length of time students of color are excluded from school due to suspension and expulsion, and provide student support for reengagement plans; enhance the cultural competence of current and future educators and classified staff; endorse all educators in English Language Learner (ELL) and second language acquisition; account for the Transitional Bilingual Instruction Program (TBIP) for instructional services provided to ELL students; analyze the opportunity gap through deeper disaggregation of student demographic data; invest in the recruitment, hiring, and retention of educators of color; incorporate integrated student services (ISS) and family engagement; and strengthen student transitions. Student Discipline. Each school district board of directors must adopt and make available written policies regarding student conduct and discipline. The OSPI must adopt rules for providing dueprocess rights to students who are subject to disciplinary actions. Disciplinary actions made –––––––––––––––––––––– This analysis was prepared by non-partisan legislative staff for the use of legislative members in their deliberations. This analysis is not a part of the legislation nor does it constitute a statement of legislative intent. House Bill Report - 1 - 4SHB 1541 at the discretion of the school district must be in compliance with district policies and state laws and rules. Long-term suspension is defined as more than 10 days. In 2013 made following changes were made to the laws regarding student discipline: Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ required collection of disaggregated data through the student data system on nine categories of student behavior, seven categories of interventions, and the number of days of suspension or expulsion; required a Student Discipline Task Force to be convened by the OSPI to develop standard definitions for the data collected at the discretion of the school districts; prohibited indefinite suspensions or expulsions and required an end date of no more than one year, with a petition process to exceed the one-year limitation for reasons of public health or safety; and required districts to create an individualized reengagement plan for students returning to their school program. Cultural Competence. The Professional Educator Standards Board (PESB) must incorporate standards for cultural competence into each level of teacher certification. Cultural competence is defined as: (1) knowledge of students' cultural histories and contexts; (2) knowledge and skills in accessing community resources and community and parent outreach; and (3) skills in adapting instruction to students' experiences and identifying cultural contexts for individual students. Application of knowledge about students' cultural development and a commitment to closing the achievement gap are among the criteria for evaluating teacher and principal performance under revised evaluation systems. The OSPI must design a professional development program to support implementation of the revised evaluation systems. English Language Learner Instruction and Accountability. The state allocates additional funding for the TBIP to provide additional support for ELL students to gain English language proficiency. Under federal accountability rules, states and school districts must report the following data on ELL instruction programs: students making progress in learning English; students attaining language proficiency and exiting the TBIP; and student performance on state academic assessments. Disaggregated Data. The OSPI collects student data on race and ethnicity through the statewide student data system. The data system contains 57 different racial subcategories and nine ethnic subcategories, but school districts are not required to report at this level of disaggregation. The K-12 Data Governance Group oversees data collection protocols and standards, and provides guidance for school districts. Federal race and ethnicity reporting guidelines require, at a minimum, reporting of student race as White, African American/Black, Asian, American Indian/Alaskan Native, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, and then a separate reporting of ethnicity as Hispanic or nonHispanic. The 2015 Legislature required that, starting no later than the 2016-17 school year, House Bill Report - 2 - 4SHB 1541 data on students from military families must be collected according to the these federal guidelines, with the following additions: Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ further disaggregation of the African American/Black category and Asian category; further disaggregation of the White category to include Eastern European nationalities with significant populations in Washington; and reporting of students by their discrete racial categories if they report as multi-racial. During the 2010-11 school year, the OSPI reduced the number of students that must be in a subgroup before data on the subgroup may be publically displayed from 30 to 20. The United States Department of Education (ED) reported, in 2012, that some states are reporting data for subgroups as small as five students. Recruitment and Retention. About 5 percent of teachers leave the workforce each year. The Recruiting Washington Teachers program was established in 2007 to recruit and provide training and support for high school students to enter the teaching profession, especially in teacher shortage areas and among underrepresented groups and multilingual, multicultural students. The demographics of the student population in Washington public schools has changed over the past decade to include more students of color. The demographics of educators has not changed at the same rate as that of students. Transitions. The Early Achievers (EA) program is the quality rating and improvement system for the early care and education system in Washington. The EA program establishes a common set of expectations and standards that define, measure, and improve the quality of early learning and care settings, including licensed or certified child care facilities and early learning programs serving nonschool-age children and receiving state funds. As of August 2015, 2,746 licensed providers are participating in the EA program. Integrated Student Supports and Family Engagement. Integrated student supports is an educational reform that is being implemented across the country. The ISS model is a school-based approach that promotes the academic success of at-risk students by coordinating academic and nonacademic supports to reduce barriers to success. These academic and nonacademic resources include: tutoring and mentoring; physical and mental health care; and connecting families to parent education, family counseling, food banks, and employment assistance. Studies suggest that providing ISS can impact students' academic achievement and behavior. Center for the Improvement of Student Learning. The Center for the Improvement of Student Learning (CISL), housed at the OSPI, serves as a clearinghouse for information, promising practices, and research that promotes and supports effective learning environments for all students, especially those in underserved communities. The duties of the CISL are contingent on funds appropriated for the purpose. Learning Assistance Program. The Learning Assistance Program (LAP) provides instructional support for students who are performing below grade level in reading, writing, and mathematics. School districts must House Bill Report - 3 - 4SHB 1541 submit an annual plan that identifies the activities to be conducted and the expenditure of funds under the LAP. The plan is required to have a number of specified elements and must be approved by the OSPI. Summary: Student Discipline. Opportunity to Receive Educational Services. School districts may not suspend the provision of educational services to a student as a disciplinary action, whether discretionary or nondiscretionary. Students may be excluded from classrooms or instructional or activity areas for the period of suspension or expulsion, but districts must provide students with an opportunity to receive educational services during that time. If educational services are provided in an alternate setting, the alternate setting should be comparable, equitable, and appropriate to the regular education services a student would have received without the exclusionary discipline. Limits. School districts may not use long-term suspension or expulsion as a form of discretionary discipline. "Discretionary discipline" means a disciplinary action taken by a district for student behavior that violates the rules of student conduct, except for actions taken in response to: Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ a violation of the prohibition against firearms on school premises, transportation, or facilities; certain violent offenses, sex offenses, offenses related to liquor, controlled substances, and toxic inhalants, and certain crimes related to firearms, assault, kidnapping, harassment, and arson; two or more violations within a three-year period of criminal gang intimidation or other gang activity on school grounds, possessing dangerous weapons on school facilities, willfully disobeying school administrators or refusing to leave public property, or defacing or injuring school property; or behavior that adversely impacts the health or safety of other students or educational staff. Except for violation of the prohibition against firearms on school premises, districts should consider alternative actions before using long-term suspension or expulsion for any of the violations listed above. Possession of a telecommunication device and violation of dress and grooming codes are removed from the list of discretionary violations that, if performed two or more times within a three-year period, may result in long-term suspension or expulsion. Where disciplinary action involves a suspension or expulsion for more than 10 days, the end date must be no more than the length of an academic term, as defined by the school district, rather than one year, from the time of the disciplinary action. Reengagement. After a student is suspended or expelled, the district must, rather than should, convene a reengagement meeting with the student and family. Families must have House Bill Report - 4 - 4SHB 1541 access to, provide meaningful input on, and have the opportunity to participate in a culturally sensitive and culturally responsive reengagement plan. Discipline Policies and Procedures. The Washington State School Directors' Association (WSSDA) must create and publicly post model school district discipline policies and procedures by December 1, 2016, and update the policies as necessary. The districts must adopt and enforce discipline policies and procedures consistent with the WSSDA model policy by the beginning of the 2017-18 school year and annually disseminate these policies to the community. Districts must use disaggregated student-level data to monitor the impact of the school district's discipline policies and procedures. Districts must, in consultation with school district staff, students, families, and the community, periodically review and update their discipline rules, policies, and procedures. The OSPI must develop a training program to support the implementation of discipline policies and procedures, as specified. Districts are strongly encouraged to train school and district staff on the discipline policies and procedures. Civil Liability. Neither the requirement that school districts provide students with the opportunity to received education services nor the limitation on imposing long-term suspension or expulsion as a form of disciplinary action create any civil liability for districts or create a new cause of action or theory of negligence against a school board, district, or the state. Other provisions. Tribal representatives are added to the membership of the Student Discipline Task Force. The Education Research and Data Center (ERDC) must prepare a regular report on the educational and workforce outcomes of youth in the juvenile justice system. To enable this data collection, certain research data held by the Administrative Office of the Courts may be shared with the ERDC. The Department of Social and Health Services is added to the list of agencies that must work with the ERDC. Cultural Competence. Professional development programs to support teacher and principal evaluation systems must be aligned to cultural competence standards, focus on multicultural education and principals of English language acquisition, and include best practices to implement the tribal history and culture curriculum. Cultural competency training must be developed by the OSPI for administrators and school staff, and by the WSSDA for school board directors and superintendents. Required Action Districts, districts with schools that receive the federal School Improvement Grant, and districts with schools identified by the Superintendent of Public Instruction as priority or focus are strongly encouraged to provide cultural competence professional development and training. English Language Learner Instruction and Accountability. House Bill Report - 5 - 4SHB 1541 All classroom teachers in the TBIP must hold an endorsement in bilingual education or ELL by the 2019-20 school year. At the beginning of each school year, the OSPI must identify schools in the top 5 percent of schools with the highest percent growth in ELL students during the previous two years and strongly encourage districts with identified schools to provide cultural competence professional development and training. The Legislature is no longer required to approve and fund the TBIP evaluations before the program can be implemented. Subject to funding, the OSPI must provide districts with assistance and support related to the TBIP. Disaggregated Data. The OSPI must collect, and school districts must submit, student data using federal race and ethnicity reporting guidelines, including subracial and subethnic categories, with the following additions: Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ further disaggregation of the African American/Black category and Asian category; further disaggregation of the White category to include Eastern European nationalities with significant populations in Washington; and reporting of students by their discrete racial categories if they report as multi-racial. This data must be collected beginning in the 2017-18 school year for students who newly enroll, transfer, or change schools within a district. The K-12 Data Governance Group must develop protocols and guidance for this data collection, and the OSPI must incorporate training on best practices for collecting data on racial and ethnic categories into other datarelated training. The OSPI must convene a task force to review the ED guidelines to clarify why collection of race and ethnicity data is important and how students and families can help administrators properly identify them. Subject to funding, the OSPI must convene a task force to review the federal race and ethnicity reporting guidelines and develop race and ethnicity guidance for the state. The content of the guidance is specified. By August 1, 2016, and in cooperation with certain state entities, the OSPI must adopt a rule that the only student data that should not be reported for public reporting and accountability are data where the school or district has fewer than 10 students in a grade level or student subgroup. Recruitment and Retention. The OSPI must, to the extent data are available, post on the Internet the percentage of classroom teachers per school district and per school, and the average length of service of these teachers, disaggregated by race and ethnicity as described for student-level data. Transitions. The Department of Early Learning (DEL) must collaborate with the OSPI to create a community information and involvement plan to inform home-based, tribal, and family early learning providers of the EA program. House Bill Report - 6 - 4SHB 1541 Integrated Student Services and Family Engagement. Subject to funding, the Washington ISS Protocol (WISSP) is established at the CISL within the OSPI. The purposes of the WISSP include: Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ supporting a school-based approach to promoting the success of all students by coordinating academic and nonacademic supports to reduce barriers to academic achievement and educational attainment; fulfilling a vision of public education where educators focus on education, students focus on learning, and auxiliary supports enable teaching and learning to occur unimpeded; encouraging the creation, expansion, and quality improvement of community-based supports that can be integrated into the academic environment of schools and school districts; increasing public awareness of the evidence showing that academic outcomes are a result of both academic and nonacademic factors; and supporting statewide and local organizations in their efforts to provide leadership, coordination, technical assistance, professional development, and advocacy to implement high-quality, evidence-based, student-centered, coordinated approaches throughout the state. A framework is provided for the WISSP, including needs assessments, integration and coordination, community partnerships, and a requirement that the WISSP be data driven. The framework must facilitate the ability of any academic or nonacademic provider to support the needs of at-risk students, including: out-of-school providers, social workers, mental health counselors, physicians, dentists, speech therapists, and audiologists. Subject to funding, the OSPI must create a work group to determine how to best implement the framework and report to the Legislature by October 1, 2016 and 2017. Learning Assistance Program. The requirement that expenditure of funds from the LAP be consistent with certain academic achievement and accountability provisions is removed. The school board, rather than the OSPI, must approve in an open meeting the community-based organization or local agency before LAP funds may be expended. Votes on Final Passage: 2015 Regular Session House 53 45 2015 Second Special Session House 53 43 2015 Third Special Session House 54 44 2016 Regular Session House 50 47 Senate 38 10 (Senate amended) House Bill Report - 7 - 4SHB 1541 House 59 38 (House concurred) Effective: June 9, 2016

spending – turn

Funding cultural competency training will boost the economy by keeping marginalized students in school Levin and Rousejan ’12 (By HENRY M. LEVIN and CECILIA E. ROUSEJAN. Henry M. Levin is a professor of economics and education at Teachers College, Columbia University. Cecilia E. Rouse, a professor of economics and public affairs at Princeton University, was a member of President Obama’s Council of Economic Advisers from 2009 to 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/26/opinion/the-true-cost-of-high-school-dropouts.html? mcubz=1, “The True Cost of High School Dropouts”, 01/26/12) A.K.

ONLY 21 states require students to attend high school until they graduate or turn 18. The proposal President Obama announced on Tuesday night in his State of the Union address — to make such attendance compulsory in every state — is a step in the right direction, but it would not go far enough to reduce a dropout rate that imposes a heavy cost on the entire economy, not just on those who fail to obtain a diploma. In 1970, the United States had the world’s highest rate of high school and college graduation. Today, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, we’ve slipped to No. 21 in high school completion and No. 15 in college completion, as other countries surpassed us in the quality of their primary and secondary education. Only 7 of 10 ninth graders today will get high school diplomas. A decade after the No Child Left Behind law mandated efforts to reduce the racial gap, about 80 percent of white and Asian students graduate from high school, compared with only 55 percent of blacks and Hispanics. Like President Obama, many reformers focus their dropout prevention efforts on high schoolers; replacing large high schools with smaller learning communities where poor students can get individualized instruction from dedicated teachers has been shown to be effective. Rigorous evidence gathered over decades suggests that some of the most promising approaches need to start even earlier: preschool for 3- and 4-year-olds, who are fed and taught in small groups, followed up with home visits by teachers and with group meetings of parents; reducing class size in the early grades; and increasing teacher salaries from kindergarten through 12th grade. Continue reading the main story These programs sound expensive — some Americans probably think that preventing 1.3 million students from dropping out of high school each year can’t be done — but in fact the costs of inaction are far greater. Photo Credit Oliver Munday and Ryan LeCluyse High school completion is, of course, the most significant requirement for entering college. While our economic competitors are rapidly increasing graduation rates at both levels, we continue to fall behind. Educated workers are the basis of economic growth — they are especially critical as sources of innovation and productivity given the pace and nature of technological progress. If we could reduce the current number of dropouts by just half, we would yield almost 700,000 new graduates a year, and it would more than pay for itself. Studies show that the typical high school graduate will obtain higher employment and earnings — an astonishing 50 percent to 100 percent increase in lifetime income — and will be less likely to draw on public money for health care and welfare and less likely to be involved in the criminal justice system. Further, because of the increased income, the typical graduate will contribute more in tax revenues over his lifetime than if he’d dropped out. When the costs of investment to produce a new graduate are taken into account, there is a return of $1.45 to $3.55 for every dollar of investment, depending upon the educational intervention strategy. Under this estimate, each new graduate confers a net benefit to taxpayers of about $127,000 over the graduate’s lifetime. This is a benefit to the public of nearly $90 billion for each year of success in reducing the number of high school dropouts by 700,000 — or something close to $1 trillion after 11 years. That’s real money — and a reason both liberals and conservatives should rally behind dropout prevention as an element of economic recovery, leaving aside the ethical dimensions of educating our young people. Newsletter Sign UpContinue reading the main story Opinion Today Every weekday, get thought-provoking commentary from Op-Ed columnists, The Times editorial board and contributing writers from around the world. Enter your email address Sign Up You agree to receive occasional updates and special offers for The New York Times's products and services. SEE SAMPLE PRIVACY POLICY OPT OUT OR CONTACT US ANYTIME Some might argue that these estimates are too large, that the relationships among the time-tested interventions, high school graduation rates and adult outcomes have not been proved yet on a large scale. Those are important considerations, but the evidence cannot be denied: increased education does, indeed, improve skill levels and help individuals to lead healthier and more productive lives. And despite the high unemployment rate today, we have every reason to believe that many of these new graduates would find work — our history is filled with sustained periods of economic growth when increasing numbers of young people obtained more schooling and received large economic benefits as a result. Of course, there are other strategies for improving educational attainment — researchers learn more every day about which are effective and which are not. But even with what we know, a failure to substantially reduce the numbers of high school dropouts is demonstrably penny-wise and pound-foolish. Proven educational strategies to increase high school completion, like high-quality preschool, provide returns to the taxpayer that are as much as three and a half times their cost. Investing our public dollars wisely to reduce the number of high school dropouts must be a central part of any strategy to raise long-run economic growth, reduce inequality and return fiscal health to our federal, state and local governments. spending – case outweighs

Especially in the black community, the wellbeing of students should be prioritized over fiscal setbacks MFBL 16

(the Movement for Black Lives Policy Table engaged in a year long process of convening local and national groups to create a United Front. The result of our collective efforts is this platform. In addition to the groups in the United Front, we have also engaged our people. We have received feedback from hundreds of people through surveys, national calls, organizational membership, engaged dozens of other organizations, researchers, and other individuals for their insights and expertise to begin developing a framework for shared policy priorities. It does not include every policy Black people should be working on, but elevates those for which there was shared energy and action in this political moment. https://policy.m4bl.org/reparations/ “Reparations”, August 1, 2016) A.K. We demand reparations for past and continuing harms. The government, responsible corporations and other institutions that have profited off of the harm they have inflicted on Black people — from colonialism to slavery through food and housing redlining, mass incarceration, and surveillance — must repair the harm done. This includes: Reparations for the systemic denial of access to high quality educational opportunities in the form of full and free access for all Black people (including undocumented and currently and formerly incarcerated people) to lifetime education including: free access and open admissions to public community colleges and universities, technical education (technology, trade and agricultural), educational support programs, retroactive forgiveness of student loans, and support for lifetime learning programs. Reparations for the continued divestment from, discrimination toward and exploitation of our communities in the form of a guaranteed minimum livable income for all Black people, with clearly articulated corporate regulations. Reparations for the wealth extracted from our communities through environmental racism, slavery, food apartheid, housing discrimination and racialized capitalism in the form of corporate and government reparations focused on healing ongoing physical and mental trauma, and ensuring our access and control of food sources, housing and land. Reparations for the cultural and educational exploitation, erasure, and extraction of our communities in the form of mandated public school curriculums that critically examine the political, economic, and social impacts of colonialism and slavery, and funding to support, build, preserve, and restore cultural assets and sacred sites to ensure the recognition and honoring of our collective struggles and triumphs. Legislation at the federal and state level that requires the United States to acknowledge the lasting impacts of slavery, establish and execute a plan to address those impacts. This includes the immediate passage of H.R.40, the “Commission to Study Reparation Proposals for African-Americans Act” or subsequent versions which call for reparations remedies. Reparations for the Systemic Denial of Access to High Quality Educational Opportunities In the Form of Full and Free Access for All Black People (Including Undocumented, Currently, and Formerly Incarcerated People) to Lifetime Education Including: Free Access and Open Admissions to All Public Universities and Colleges, Technical Education (Technology, Trade, and Agricultural), Educational Support Programs, Retroactive Forgiveness of Student Loans, and Support for Lifetime Learning Programs What is the problem? Education in the U.S. has always been a subversive act for Black people. During enslavement we were legally barred from the most basic forms of education including literacy. Post-Civil War, and even after the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision, Black people have been locked into segregated institutions that are underfunded, under resourced and often face severe health risk because of the decrepit conditions of their school buildings. The current racial equity gap in education has roots that date back to enslavement. In fact, recent studies suggest that racial educational inequalities may be the most (measurable) enduring legacy of slavery. The same study also verified ongoing income inequality correlated to counties where slavery was prevalent. The cradle-to-college pipeline has been systematically cut off for Black communities. According to the National Center for Education Statistics, 23 states spend more per pupil in affluent districts than in high-poverty districts that contain a high concentrations of Black students; and the U.S. Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights shows persistent and glaring opportunity gaps and racial inequities for Black students. Black students are less likely to attend schools that offer advanced coursework, less likely to be placed in gifted and talented programs, more likely to attend schools with less qualified educators, and employ law enforcement officers but no counselors. Public universities, colleges, and technical education remain out of reach for most in the United States and policies to help students cover costs continue to shift towards benefiting more affluent families. Funding cuts across the country are forcing individual students’ tuition and fees to cover more operating costs than ever at public colleges and universities. At City University of New York (CUNY), the largest city public university system in the U.S.,tuition and fees cover over 50 percent of the operating budget. Since right before the recession, government funding for higher education has significantly fallen. 47 states spent less in 2014-2015 on per student funding than they did at the start of the recession.. Financial aid is not sufficiently covering the basic needs of students attending public universities and colleges, leaving many of them struggling to eat and pay for housing, transportation, daycare and healthcare. A Wisconsin Hope Lab survey showed half of all students surveyed were struggling with food and housing insecurity, 20 percent didn’t have money to eat and 13 percent were homeless. Access to education — from university, to college, to community schools, to continuing adult education, to agricultural training — is essential to ensure that our communities can thrive. In addition to college age students, the ability to access lifelong education is essential to the political, economic and cultural health of our nation. The rising costs of higher education and exploitative and predatory lending practices of private and for-profit institutions make Black students more likely to drop-out, and leave them and their families stuck with debilitating and crippling debt. U.S. student loan debt nearly totals $1.3 trillion, with close to $900 billion in federal student loans, and more than 7 million borrowers in default. Historically Black Colleges and Universities continue to play a critical role in offering Black students, especially from low- income communities, access to higher education in an environment where they are supported and able to thrive. However, federal and state funding systematically underfunds Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU’s) compared to Predominantly White Institutions (PWI). Since the recession, deep state funding cuts have disproportionately affected HBCU’s, putting the future of many in jeopardy, and impairing their ability to offer high-quality educational opportunities to their students. What does this solution do? We seek complete open access for all to free public university, college and technical education programs (including technology, trade and agricultural) as well as full- funding for lifelong learning programs that support communities and families. We also seek the forgiveness of all federal student loans. Policies shall apply to all and should focus on outreach to communities historically denied access to education including undocumented, incarcerated and formerly incarcerated people. Cover all living costs, including but not limited to housing, transportation, childcare, healthcare, and food for students attending public universities, colleges, and technical educational programs (including technology, trade, and agricultural). Fully fund and provide open access to K-12, higher education, technical educational programs (including technology, trade, and agricultural), educational support programs and lifelong learning programs to every individual incarcerated in local, state, and federal correctional facilities (juvenile and adult). Provide full access to all undocumented people to state and federal programs that provide aid to cover the full costs, including living costs, to attend public universities, and colleges, technical educational programs, and lifelong learning programs. Increased federal and state investments in all Historically Black College. A Center for American Progress report showed that among Black same-sex couples that reported graduating from high school, only 40 percent report completing some college, compared to 67 percent for white same-sex couples Model Legislation: While, no current legislation provides funding to cover all costs related to higher-education, we can build off of models that cover the costs of tuition and fees and eliminate our current debt-based model. While not ideal, and not inclusive of all components of the above demands, Senator Sander’s College for All Act includes federal funds to ensure free college and university for all eligible students. Discrimination toward, and Exploitation of Our Communities in the Form of a Guaranteed Minimum Livable Income for All Black People, with Clearly Articulated Corporate Regulations What is the problem? Structural racism — particularly against Black Americans — has shaped the rules of our economy since the founding of the U.S. The combination of slavery, America’s deep-rooted system of racial capitalism, and long-lasting discriminatory institutions have for centuries denied Black people equal access to the wealth created through their labor. Second, such racism continues to drive unequal economic outcomes and opportunities that are passed on intergenerationally. Today, an entire system of laws, regulations, policies, and normative practices explicitly exclude Black Americans from the economy and from leading safe, healthy, and economically secure lives. In the past, this took the form of Jim Crow and problematic racial and gender exclusions in New Deal social policies; now, the most glaring example is our racialized system of mass incarceration. In 2011, the median Black household had just $7,113 in wealth, more than 15 times less than the $111,146 in wealth held by the median white household. Today, a mere 42 percent of Black families compared to 72 percent of whites own their homes, driving the historically durable racial wealth gap. At the end of 2015, the unemployment rate for the general population was 5 percent, yet 9.2 percent for Black workers and just 4.4 percent for white workers. The unemployment rate for Black Americans has been roughly double that for whites since at least the early 1970s. There are also stark racial disparities in education, health access and outcomes, the criminal justice system, and social mobility, among many other arenas of economic security and well-being. What does this solution do? A Universal Basic Income (UBI) provides an unconditional and guaranteed livable income that would meet basic human needs while providing a floor of economic security. UBI would eliminate absolute poverty, ensuring economic security for all by mandating an income floor covering basic needs. Unlike most social welfare and social insurance programs, it is not means tested nor does it have any work requirements. All individual adults are eligible. No other social or economic policy solution today would be of sufficient scale to eradicate the profound and systemic economic inequities afflicting Black communities. As patterns and norms of “work” change rapidly and significantly in the decades to come — no matter how profound those changes are — it is likely that Black America and other populations that are already disadvantaged will bear the brunt of whatever economic insecurity and volatility results. A pro-rated additional amount included in a UBI for Black Americans over a specified period of time. The revenue saved from divesting in criminal justice institutions could be pooled into a fund for UBI; this revenue could be earmarked for the “PLUS” aspect of the policy that would be targeted toward Black Americans. If combined with other funds, it would effectively function as reparations, in a grand bargain with white America: All would benefit, but those who suffered through slavery and continuing racism would benefit slightly more. Federal Action: Target: Legislative Process: UBI would have to pass both houses of Congress and then be signed by the president. The revenue could be generated by multiple sources which would require structural reforms to the tax code including higher taxes on the wealthy, taxes on public goods like air (carbon tax) or on certain industries (financial transactions tax), or a dividend based on distributing resources from a common-owned asset (like oil). State Action: Target: Legislative Process: Similar to national policy, UBI would have to pass through state legislatures and be signed by governors. Other instances might require amendments to State Constitutions. The precedent here is the Alaska Permanent Fund, set up in the late 1970s/early 1980s. All residents of Alaska receive an annual dividend based on the invested revenue from the publicly-owned oil reserves. How does this solution address the specific needs of some of the most marginalized Black people? UBI would then provide an individual-sustaining basic floor for people who are formerly incarcerated upon re-entry that does not currently exist. UBI would be an improvement on portions of today’s current safety net and would benefit cash poor Black people the most. Some benefits, such as food stamps, are replete with paternalistic restrictions that rest on racist tropes about recipients and their consumption habits. Others, such as the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), are significantly tied to work, which is problematic when structural racism continues to create so many barriers to Black employment. UBI lacks these flaws. Model Legislation Reparations for the wealth extracted from our communities through environmental racism, slavery, food apartheid, housing discrimination and racialized capitalism in the form of corporate and government reparations focused on healing ongoing physical and mental trauma, and ensuring our access and control of food sources, housing and land. Reparations for the Cultural and Educational Exploitation, Erasure, and Extraction of Our Communities in the Form of Mandated Public School Curriculums That Critically Examine the Political, Economic, and Social Impacts of Colonialism and Slavery and Funding to Support, Build, Preserve and Restore Cultural Assets and Sacred Sites to Ensure the Recognition and Honoring of Our Collective Struggles and Triumphs What is the problem? The United Nations Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent reported after their country visit to the U.S. that they were “concerned by an insufficient recognition in the present day of the influence of the baggage of the past, which necessitates specific institutions and programmes tailored to the situation of people of African descent.” Stories of African American history are often left untold or are under-told, and many individuals have no understanding of the extraordinary sacrifices that were made and hardships that were overcome. We need cultural reparations to publically acknowledge the history of mass violence in the U.S. in order to begin to heal from the trauma. School curriculums often whitewash the history of slavery and the state’s role in oppressing Black people, such as through textbooks that refer to slaves as immigrant workers, claim thousands of Blacks fought for the South during the Civil War, or otherwise downplay the horrors of slavery. Even in states and cities that require Black history education, the subject is often taught sporadically or only during Black History Month or Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday. Teachers at D.C.’s Howard Middle School were even fired for teaching Black history beyond the curriculum . There are too few acknowledged and preserved historical sites commemorating Black history. Of the 412 National Park Service sites in the U.S., only 25 (or 6 percent) are specifically devoted to Black history. According to the Institute of Museums and Library Services, there are 35,000 museums in the U.S., but only about 300 (or less than 1 percent) of these are specifically devoted to Black individuals or history. Despite their valuable programming and exhibitions, these organizations do not receive adequate funding from state legislatures or philanthropic organizations. The Smithsonian will open the National Museum of African American History & Culture in September 2016, making it the first and only national Black history museum to date. What does this solution do? Demand a thorough and accurate public education curriculum on Black History, including not only slavery and civil rights, but also contributions of African and African American heritage at the local, national and global level. This must be integrated throughout the school year and taught in a way that presents the history as part of an ongoing narrative of oppression and resilience, not as historical artifacts. Funding for cultural assets and sacred sites such as Black burial grounds; Black towns (e.g. Mound Bayou, Mississippi); houses of worship; meeting halls; one-room schools; and other significant institutions that speak to the triumphant quest of a determined people to create a new African community in this hostile land. These Black sacred sites, monuments, and museums must be preserved as permanent memorials to continuously inform and inspire future generations of people of African descent about this legacy of trials, tribulations and triumph, and to remind America of the white supremacist terror employed to obstruct the path to freedom of African Americans. Federal Action\ AT: T-Curriculum We meet curriculum Ebert 13 Edward S. Ebert, II is Professor Emeritus of Education at Coker College in Hartsville, South Carolina and an award winning educator, Christine Ebert is Associate Provost, Dean of the Graduate School, and Professor of Science Education at the University of South Carolina, Michael L. Bentley is an associate professor of science education at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, where he teaches courses on methods of teaching K-8 science, excerpt from The Educator’s Field Guide, Education.com, July 19, 2013, “Curriculum Definition”, https://www.education.com/reference/article/curriculum-definition/

Curriculum refers to the means and materials with which students will interact for the purpose of achieving identified educational outcomes. Arising in medieval Europe was the trivium, an educational curriculum based upon the study of grammar, rhetoric, and logic. The later quadrivium (referring to four subjects rather than three as represented by the trivium) emphasized the study of arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. These seven liberal arts should sound a lot like what you experienced during your formal education. The emphasis on single subjects persists even today. Very likely you moved from classroom to classroom, particularly throughout your secondary education, studying a different subject with each teacher. Yet there was more to your education. Perhaps you participated in athletics, or the band, or clubs, or student government, or made the choice not to participate in any extracurricular activities. All of these (including the option not to participate) are part of what we might call the contemporary curriculum. But there is more. Some educators would say that the curriculum consists of all the planned experiences that the school offers as part of its educational responsibility. Then there are those who contend that the curriculum includes not only the planned, but also the unplanned experiences as well. For example, incidents of violence that have occurred at a number of schools across the nation are hardly a planned component of the curriculum. However, the manner in which violence is addressed before, during, and after the actual event sends a very definite message about how people in our culture interact and how the laws of our nation are applied. Another perspective suggests that curriculum involves organized rather than planned experiences because any event must flow of its own accord, the outcome not being certain beforehand. For instance, competitions, whether academic or athletic, can be organized, but the outcomes will depend on a myriad of factors that cannot be planned. Which brings us to the notion of emphasizing outcomes versus experiences. This shift to the notion of outcomes is very much in keeping with the current movement toward accountability in the public schools, that is, the perspective that there are indeed specific things that the schools are supposed to accomplish with children. District personnel, school administrators, and you as one of many teachers are to be held accountable by the public/taxpayers for ensuring that those objectives are met. Curriculum, it turns out, is indeed much more than the idea of specific subjects as represented by the trivium or the quadrivium. And, as we will see in the next section, it can be characterized not only by what it does include but also by what it intentionally excludes. A key concept to keep in mind is that the curriculum is only that part of the plan that directly affects students. Anything in the plan that does not reach the students constitutes an educational wish, but not a curriculum. Half a century ago Bruner (1960) wrote, "Many curricula are originally planned with a guiding idea . . . But as curricula are actually executed, as they grow and change, they often lose their original form and suffer a relapse into a certain shapelessness" (p. 54). Curriculum—however grand the plans may be—can only be that portion of the plan that actually reaches the student. Planning that keeps that point in focus can be expected to result in a more focused curriculum. The Purpose of Curriculum We have suggested that curriculum refers to the means and materials with which the student interacts. To determine what will constitute those means and materials, we must decide what we want the curriculum to yield. What will constitute the "educated" individual in our society? In other words, what purpose does the curriculum serve? The things that teachers teach represent what the larger society wants children to learn. However, beyond teaching reading and writing, what are the necessary things that they should be taught? Is it really necessary to teach science? Does teaching mathematics really lead to logical thinking, or does it just provide students with some basic computational skills that may or may not come in handy at some future time? You may feel that answering such questions is not something a teacher has to be able to do, but rest assured that at some point a parent will ask you questions like these. As a teacher, you will be the representative of "the curriculum" to whom parents and students turn for answers. The purpose of the curriculum is to prepare the student to thrive within the society as it is—and that includes the capacity for positive change and growth.

Their standards only address ‘explicit curriculum’ – but prioritizing emphasis on ‘implicit curriculum’ is key Ebert 13 Edward S. Ebert, II is Professor Emeritus of Education at Coker College in Hartsville, South Carolina and an award winning educator, Christine Ebert is Associate Provost, Dean of the Graduate School, and Professor of Science Education at the University of South Carolina, Michael L. Bentley is an associate professor of science education at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, where he teaches courses on methods of teaching K-8 science, excerpt from The Educator’s Field Guide, Education.com, July 19, 2013, “Curriculum Definition”, https://www.education.com/reference/article/curriculum-definition/

There are essentially four curriculums at work in most educational settings: the explicit, implicit, null, and extra-, or cocurriculum. You are probably familiar with the notions of explicit curriculum and extracurricular activities. The real intrigue of curriculum debate and design comes into play with the implicit and null curriculums. There are four curriculums: Explicit curriculum: subjects that will be taught, the identified "mission" of the school, and the knowledge and skills that the school expects successful students to acquire Implicit curriculum: lessons that arise from the culture of the school and the behaviors, attitudes, and expectations that characterize that culture Null curriculum: topics or perspectives that are specifically excluded from the curriculum Extra curriculum: school-sponsored programs that are intended to supplement the academic aspect of the school experience The Explicit Curriculum Explicit means "obvious" or "apparent," and that's just what the explicit curriculum is all about: the subjects that will be taught, the identified "mission" of the school, and the knowledge and skills that the school expects successful students to acquire. If you speak with an administrator at your school or where you do your observations or practicum work, ask about the curriculum; it is this publicly announced (and publicly sanctioned) explanation of the message of school that will be explained to you. The explicit curriculum can be discussed in terms of time on task, contact hours, or Carnegie units (high school credit courses). It can be qualified in terms of specific observable, measurable learning objectives. The Implicit Curriculum Sometimes referred to as the hidden curriculum, the implicit curriculum refers to the lessons that arise from the culture of the school and the behaviors, attitudes, and expectations that characterize that culture. While good citizenship may be part of the explicit curriculum, a particular ethos that promotes, for example, multiethnic acceptance and cooperation may also characterize a particular school. This is not to say that parents, teachers, and administrators sat around a table and said, "Hey, let's promote acceptance of diverse ethnic values in the context of the American experience." That would be nice, of course, but then it tends to fall into the category of the explicit curriculum. By virtue of a high multiethnic enrollment, a particular school may have a culture of multiethnic cooperation. Another school, isolated in that its enrollment is primarily that of one ethnic group, would develop a different sort of culture. Individual schools within a district, or even classrooms within a school that share a common explicit curriculum, can differ greatly with regard to the implicit curriculum. This is not an altogether bad situation, but to a great degree the implicit curriculum is subjected to less scrutiny than is the explicit curriculum. There are other aspects to the implicit curriculum, and interestingly enough it is the students who pick up on these messages. Notice how the classrooms and common areas are decorated. These decorations will demonstrate what the implicit curriculum of the school values. Watch the children to see how they interact with each other within the class and throughout the building. Does the school display student work throughout the building? Is there an unwritten rule that children are to be seen and not heard? All of these contribute to a very particular message sent to students about expectations, demands, and codes of conduct. If you want to investigate the notion of the implicit curriculum further, speak with some elementary school students. Ask them what is required to get good grades or the approval of the teacher. Don't be surprised when rather than telling you about studying for an hour every night or completing homework correctly, they tell you things like "sit up straight" or "be quiet in class" or "be on time." The implicit curriculum, difficult as it is to identify and articulate, is something that students understand very quickly. When young children explain the expectations for a student in school, it will likely be the implicit curriculum that they discuss.