List of Newspapers Covered
Total Page：16
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LIST OF NEWSPAPERS COVERED
BUSINESS STANDARD
DECCAN HERALD
ECONOMIC TIMES
HINDU
HINDUSTAN TIMES
PIONEER
STATESMAN
TELEGRAPH
TIMES OF INDIA
TRIBUNE
1 CONTENTS
BACKWARD CLASSES 3-4
BLACK MONEY 5
CIVIL SERVICE 6-15
CONSTITUTIONS 16-17
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 18-22
EDUCATION 23
ELECTIONS 24-28
EMINENT PERSONALITIES 29-32
HEALTH SERVICES 33-36
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 37-39
LIBRARIES 40-43
MASS MEDIA 44
PARLIAMENT 45-48
POLICE 49-50
POPULATION 51-52
PUBLIC FINANCE 53-59
RAILWAYS 60-61
TAXATION 62-63
2 BACKWARD CLASSES
TIMES OF INDIA, SEP 23, 2015 Rajasthan government breaches 50% bar, quota now at 68%
JAIPUR: The Rajasthan assembly on Tuesday passed two bills granting 5% reservation to Gujjar-led special backward classes (SBC) and 14% to economically backward classes (EBC), taking the total quota quantum in the state to over 50% -- the upper ceiling that twice felled quota laws of the state.
The Vasundhra Raje government also pushed through resolutions urging the Centre to place the twin bills in the 9th schedule of the Constitution to buffer them from legal scrutiny.
Interestingly, the hurried decision of the state came a day after RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat stirred a storm by suggesting that the reservation system be reviewed. The two are, however, unlikely to be linked as the bills are a result of a long process.
If the Raje regime passed the legislations despite knowing the pitfalls of breaching the halfway mark and introducing quotas on economic criteria that are legally untenable, as flagged by two MLAs in the assembly, the recurring protests by Gujjars are seen as the provocation.
The government hopes to prove its bona fide through its demand to the Centre that the bills be put in the 9th schedule.
It, however, poses a tricky question for the Centre to heed the state's prayer for 9th schedule as it may open the floodgates for similar pleas from other states.
Given the polarization around quotas in Rajasthan society, it is anticipated that the two bills will be challenged in the high court the moment they are signed by the governor.
As of now, quotas in state jobs and educational institutions stand at 49% and the fresh measures will stretch it to 68%.
It is deja vu for experts and beneficiaries. Under pressure from Gujjars, the Raje government in 2008 had passed the same SBC and EBC quotas though as part of the same bill. It was stayed by the high court in 2009 when the succeeding Ashok Gehlot government tried to implement it.
3 It was on the advice of legal experts and Gujjars that the state brought separate bills for the two categories this time around.
The chequered history of quotas had another tryst with the legal process when the high court stayed 5% SBC quota introduced by the Gehlot government in 2012. While the chief minister did not introduce the EBC quota this time, the total quota still reached 54%. As a consequence, the court struck down 4% excess quota and 1% SBC quota is still in operation.
Despite the uncertainty over the fate of the bills, parliamentary affairs minister Rajendra Rathore exuded confidence. "We drafted both the bills after detailed discussions with experts. Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Odisha too have reservation beyond 50%. Also, the Constitution preamble allows policies to be framed to remove economic and social backwardness," he said.
A riled Congress questioned the government's sincerity. "If this government is really serious about reservation on economic basis, it should first get the Constitution appropriately amended," leader of opposition Rameshwar Dudi said, accusing the Raje government of misleading the people on EBC quota.
4 BLACK MONEY
TRIBUNE, SEP 22, 2015 BLACK-MONEY HOLDERS Declare assets by Sept 30 or face action, says govt The Centre’s warning The government said undisclosed foreign assets will entail higher penalty, prosecution and even forfeiture of assets The government had provided a 90-day compliance window to escape the harsh punishment by declaring the assets and paying 60 per cent tax and penalty The Finance Ministry has assured that information contained in the declaration will be kept confidential
The government today warned that non-disclosure of black money hidden abroad before the September 30 deadline will result in severe consequences, including prosecution and forfeiture of assets.
The Finance Ministry said today that persons holding undisclosed foreign assets were advised to file their declarations in time well before the September 30 deadline. This is a one-time compliance window provided by the government in which black money holders can disclose their income and assets held abroad with no questions asked by the government.
The Finance Ministry today assured that information contained in the declaration will be kept confidential as Section 138 of the Income-tax Act is applicable to the declarations. The process of filing declaration is simple and the declaration can be filed online also.
“ The fears of harassment of the declarants expressed in certain fora are also totally unfounded,” the statement said. Some industry chambers and industrialists had voiced concerns that the information on disclosure will be misused by the Income Tax Department to hound the industry.
The Black Money (Undisclosed Foreign Income and Assets) and Imposition of Tax Act, 2015, has been enacted to deal with the menace of black money stashed abroad. The Act provides for a one-time compliance opportunity which will end on September 30.
5 CIVIL SERVICE
HINDUSTAN TIMES, SEP 19, 2015 Myth that most IAS officers in Modi govt from Gujarat Aloke Tikku
Kerala and Himachal Pradesh top the list of states that have the largest proportion of their Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officers serving in the Narendra Modi government, an analysis has shown.
This analysis was carried out in the backdrop of a growing perception that Gujarat cadre IAS officers have started dominating the bureaucracy in Delhi since the NDA government took over last year. “It is clearly a myth,” a senior government official told HT.
There are only 16 Gujarat cadre officers in Delhi as against 20 in September last year. That means less than 8% of the 204 Gujarat cadre IAS officers are in Delhi.
A reason for this perception could be that everyone has scrutinised more closely movements of IAS officers from Gujarat, such as economic affairs secretary Hasmukh Adhia, than others.
“ But if you look at the statistics, of the 97 secretary-level posts, only seven are from Gujarat. In contrast, Uttar Pradesh cadre has 19, Tamil Nadu has eight, and Bihar has seven,” the official added.
Yes, UP is the largest cadre with its 484 officers, making up for 10% of the total strength of IAS officers (4,802) in the country.
The big surprises, however, are states such as Kerala, which has 25% of its 156 IAS officers serving in Delhi. Himachal Pradesh cadre has over 22% of its officers serving in the government; Bihar about 18%; and the north-eastern states, such as Sikkim, Assam and Meghalaya, about 15%-17%.
However, these statistics do not reflect the biggest change in the way civil servants are appointed.
There has been a grudging acknowledgement within the civil service that the government has been able to fix the appointment process that was open to manipulation in the past.
6 “The government has ensured that officers are appointed on merit; their track record and ability to deliver, rather than extraneous reasons,” a senior official said.
This has been achieved by discouraging ministers from nominating officials they want to induct into their ministry. Instead, the PMO — that closely tracks the performance of bureaucrats — identifies suitable officers for senior-level appointments.
A government official said it may still not be a perfect system and could do with some tweaks. “But it was certainly better than a system that it replaced,” the officer said.
ECONOMIC TIMES, SEP 22, 2015 Need to utilise pensioners' capabilities: MoS Personnel
Most of the pensioners who retire around the age of 58 or 60 years, are still in the prime of their health, physical as well as mental performance.
NEW DELHI: Citing increase in lifespan in elderly people, Union Minister Jitendra Singh today emphasised on the need to utilise capabilities of pensioners for various nation building efforts.
Addressing a day-long training programme for representative of different ministries on pension related matters here, he said the Department of Pensions will do an in-depth exercise and find out various workable options.
With an increase in lifespan and the status of health in the elderly also having improved over the last few years, most of the pensioners who retire around the age of 58 or 60 years, are still in the prime of their health, physical as well as mental performance, he said.
"They are, in other words 'retired but not tired. The challenge for the society is how best to utilise the services of this experienced and qualified lot so that their talent and capabilities do not go waste and are not lost to the nation," said Singh, Minister of State for Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions.
He said the government is working on a more organised single window pension system to ensure that a pensioner during the last year of his service does not have to run around to collect 'No Due Certificates' and thus waste his time and energy which he can otherwise devote to the service of the government and the nation.
Singh also referred to a number of other pending issues requiring attention including disparity in implementation of pension benefits of 6th Pay Commission, among others.
The Department of Pensions will devise a mechanism whereby the pensioners will find
7 representation in the government's decision making with regard to their matters, the Minister said.
On the one hand while India is having more than 65 per cent of its population under the age of 35 years and on the other hand the number of elderly population is also on the increase. "A 'Samanvay' (coordination) between these two groups is essential to achieve the goal of 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas'," he said.
There are about 50 lakh central government employees and 56 lakh pensioners.
TIMES OF INDIA, SEP 22, 2015 Pay row: Delhi goes soft, headache for MHA
NEW DELHI: Three days after lieutenant governor Najeeb Jung directed bureaucrats not to follow orders given by the state that have been declared "illegal" by the Centre, the Delhi cabinet decided to defer the government's earlier decision to upgrade the salary structure of DANICS officers. In a first, the unrelenting state conceded ground on a policy matter but not without giving it a political twist.
The ball is now back in the Centre's court with Delhi government asking it to give the "final approval" to the decision that has already been struck down as "null and void".
The LG's memo to all officials last week warned that non-compliance with his direction would attract punishment. After this, chief minister Arvind Kejriwal had reacted by sending a sharply worded letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Monday saw the AAP government hold a cabinet meeting to dwell on the LG's memorandum. The first decision appeared to be a step towards scaling down the fight and conceding ground. The state has decided "to defer the implementation of the grant of grade pay and time-bound grant of scales for DANICS officers till the Union ministry of home affairs ratifies this decision".
To show the DANICS officers that the state was with them, the Kejriwal government tried to score a point by giving the matter a political twist. "The MHA has been requested to take a final decision soon on the salary revision as it has been pending for more than a decade," the state said.
However, the Kejriwal government reiterated its stand on other issues to be firmly in place. "On the issue of the Commission of Inquiry to probe the CNG fitness scam, the
8 cabinet noted that this matter is already pending before the Delhi high court and all parties must respect the court of law," a press statement reads.
"The government will seek the MHA's advice on issues, including under which law the LG issued instructions directly to officers of Delhi government and under which rule can he issue instructions to an elected government," the cabinet decided. It was also decided to ask the MHA under which powers the LG declares the circulars and orders of an elected government null and void.
ECONOMIC TIMES, SEP 18, 2015 Poor posting policy: Secretaries insecure in Narendra Modi government
By Ravish Tiwari & Aman Sharma, ET Bureau | 18 Sep, 2015, 07.00AM IST ET studied DoPT records to find that at least 20 ministries or departments have seen three secretaries. A query sent to the DoPT remained unanswered.
NEW DELHI: 1980-batch IAS officer Shankar Agarwal and his batch-mate VK Subburaj have something more in common: Both have headed three different departments as secretary in 15 months of the Modi government.
Being a secretary at the Centre, a much coveted assignment in the sunset of a bureaucrat's career, seems the most insecure job presently. One's efficiency and suitability for the job seems under a constant and careful watch — the sacking of LC Goyal as the home secretary last month has driven home this clear message.
A game of musical chairs is on in the finance and home ministries, with key chairs of secretaries of home, economic affairs, financial services and revenue seeing three occupants each during the tenure of this government. So have the priority ministries like water resources and ganga rejuvenation, civil aviation, urban development and key HRD departments like higher education and school education — all have seen three secretaries at the helm so far.
9 10 ET studied DoPT records to find that at least 20 ministries or departments have seen three secretaries. A query sent to the DoPT remained unanswered. A comparison with the first 15 months of UPA-2 and UPA-1 show the shuffling of secretaries in Modi government has been far more intense. While ET found at least 79 orders were issued by Appointments Committee of Cabinet in last 15 months for transfers of secretary-level officers, only 24 such orders were issued during first 15 months of UPA-2, while 31 orders were issued in UPA-1's same period. No ministry or department saw more than two secretaries at their helm during the first 15 months of the UPA-2, while the Official Languages department was the only one which saw three secretaries in the same period in UPA-1 government.
"Earlier, ministers used to choose their secretaries and, hence, terms were longer. Now, ministers have little say in the selection of their secretaries — it is a direct PMO choice," a senior government official said. Ex-home secretary GK Pillai said the scenario showed "poor posting policy" and said bureaucrats must have more stability. Ex-cabinet secretary TSR Subramanian said: "This government hardly changed any secretary immediately on coming to power. The changes have taken place after government assessed the performance."
ECONOMIC TIMES, SEP 18, 2015 LG Najeeb Jung warns officers not to follow Delhi government's 'illegal orders'
In a stern move, Lt Governor Najeeb Jung today directed all officers, including IAS and DANICS, not to follow the Delhi government orders which were declared by the Centre as "null and void".
NEW DELHI: In a stern move, Lt Governor Najeeb Jung today directed all officers, including IAS and DANICS, not to follow the Delhi government orders which were declared by the Centre as "null and void".
In the memorandum issued by the LG's Secretary, it was stated that officers would face strict action for non-compliance with the order.
"Government of India has taken note of current constitutional position in Delhi and major instances of violation of the constitution, laws and rules, such as change in the pay structure of DANICS officers, the constitution of so-called Commission of Inquiry etc.
"Government of India has declared these decisions of Government of NCT AAP as illegal and ab initio void," the memorandum stated.
It stated that the orders (of the AAP government) declared by the Government of India as illegal should not be complied with.
"Should any officer choose to do so, both disciplinary action for compliance of illegal
11 orders, and recovery of financial loss caused to the Government as a result of such action, would follow," it also stated.
The memorandum stated that any officer placed with the Delhi government acts contrary to the orders/directions of Government of India and it's delegates i.e Lt Governor and takes any action against the provisions of the Constitution, laws and rules to implement "illegal and ab initio void orders", will be held responsible for such action and shall invite action.
ECONOMIC TIMES, SEP 16, 2015 Centre wants babus with doubtful integrity, efficiency sacked
The departments have been asked by the Centre to invoke provisions of Fundamental Rule (56J) to compulsorily retire such officials.
NEW DELHI: To tone up the bureaucratic apparatus and weed out officials of doubtful integrity and efficiency, the government has asked all its departments to identify such public servants and move proposals for their premature retirement.
The move by the Department of Personnel and Training follows a meeting chaired by Cabinet Secretary P K Sinha recently on mechanisms to be adopted to ensure probity among government servants.
The departments have been asked to invoke provisions of Fundamental Rule (56J) to compulsorily retire such officials.
Under Fundamental Rule 56(J), the government has the "absolute right" to retire, if necessary in public interest, any Group A and B employee, who has joined service before the age of 35 and has crossed the age of 50.
Under the rules, a C Group government servant, who has crossed the age of 55 can be retired prematurely but action can be taken only if the official is suspected to be corrupt or ineffective.
Group A comprise officers of All India Services like IAS, IPS, Indian Forest Service, IRS, while Group B consists of non-gazetted officers and Group C clerical and ministerial staff.
However, action can be taken only against such officers whose annual increment have stood frozen for a few years and have not got promotion in preceding five years.
The meeting emphasised rotation of officers on sensitive and non-sensitive posts and their review and screening under FR 56(J).
12 The DoPT has been asked to monitor implementation and obtain compliance from all ministries in this regard.
"As this activity is to be completed in a time bound manner, it is requested that priority attention may be paid to it and inputs sent to the internal vigilance section at the very earliest," the notice, sent to all ministries, said.
The Cabinet Secretariat has been issuing such orders from time to time. In February 2012, the UPA government notified a rule making it compulsory for IAS, IPS and officers from other all-India services to retire in "public interest" if they fail to clear a review after 15 years of service.
ECONOMIC TIMES, SEP 16, 2015 Meet Anjuly Chib Duggal: The bureaucrat who likes to cover her ground well By Dheeraj Tiwari
In 2002, when for the first time a commercial Bollywood movie — Devdas — was being screened at the Cannes Film Festival in France, away from the limelight, Anjuly Chib Duggal, then a joint secretary from the information and broadcasting (I&B) ministry, was trying to assuage the fears of global directors on the lengthy approval procedures required for shooting in India.
Cut to 2015, as the new financial services secretary, Duggal, a 1981 batch Indian Administrative Services (IAS) officer, has so far held limited meetings with heads of financial institutions, trying instead to get to the heart of the matter. "She wants to get a hold on the subject first," one person familiar with the developments said.
Duggal isn't new to North Block. She has served there for five years; first as a joint secretary before being promoted to additional secretary in the expenditure department of the finance ministry. Known to have played an important role at a time when fiscal management was a challenge, Duggal's experience in Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion will also hold good as India looks to expand the banking network through payments banks and other modules.
In her nine-month stint with the corporate affairs ministry, Duggal had managed to sort out the long pending issue of setting up of National Company Law Tribunal, and integrated it in the proposed bankruptcy law. She also took various initiatives to improve the ease of doing business and implementation of Companies Act, 2013.
If the North Block grapevine is to be believed, Duggal may have another nine months in her new role before she moves on as expenditure secretary when Ratan Watal retires in February 2016. Besides the government's ambitious social security schemes, Duggal's predecessor has left a wide variety of issues, which may require more than straightjacket policy making decisions. The priority being, setting up of a Bank Board Bureau (BBB) and get luminaries from the financial services industry. The NDA government also looks
13 keener than the previous regimes on merger among private sector banks, and setting up of BBB is looked as a precursor towards that. Duggal will require a lot of backchannel communication to get both bank heads and unions on board for this to happen. A post graduate in psychology, Duggal may have to dig deep to ensure success on this front.
Then there is the tricky issue of bad loans, which may require prodding banks to recover loans, resolving structural issues with Debt Recovery Tribunals, and coordinating with other ministries for stalled projects and reforms in power sector.
In the first month itself, Duggal has held meetings even with junior staff in her department, indicating that she is open to suggestions. Her focus, insiders say, so far has been mainly on the financial inclusion drive billed as 'Jandhan to Jansuraksha'.
Duggal may also consider reassigning roles to her subordinates in the financial services department, as the government looks to restrict its role to only policy making and adopt a hands- off approach from operational aspects of PSBs. Already, there is a vacancy of a joint secretary's post and a realignment of portfolios is not ruled out in the short term. Stay on top of business news with The Economic Times App. Downloa
INDIAN EXPRESS, SEP 16, 2015 I-T officers hold dharna against pending promotions, inadequate infrastructure The agitation was also witnessed at all the department offices across the country.
Income tax officers in Pune on Wednesday held a day-long dharna outside the office of the Principal Chief Commissioner of Income Tax to protest against inadequate infrastructure, pending promotions and the apparent apathy of the Central Board of Direct Taxes towards the non-IRS officers and staff. The agitation was also witnessed at all the department offices across the country.
According to the official communique released by the Joint Council of Action (Income Tax Employees Federation and Income Tax Gazetted Officers Association), the department has 30-40 per cent posts vacant. “The vacancies are arising due to no proper steps being taken to even notify the recruitment rules which are the basics of the process,” said the release.
14 The release added that the department has 4,923 officers, of which 50 per cent are from the IRS cadre. “Although they hardly have 4 per cent of the total workforce, but IRS officers alone have the privilege to interact with political authorities and take decisions,” the release read.
Members of the joint council said there was no basic infrastructure like sitting accommodation for a majority of the officers. Also, steps to promote officers as assistant commissioners have not been taken. “Almost 900 posts of assistant commissioners are lying vacant,” the release added.
The joint council has demanded that the outsourcing of regular officers be stopped and immediate steps be taken to fill up all the vacant posts. The dharna will be followed by a half-day walk out on October 1 and a possible strike on October 8, after which the council will intensify its protest if their demands are not met.
15 CONSTITUTIONS PIONEER, SEP 21, 2015 NEPAL GETS FEDERAL, SECULAR CONSTITUTION
Nepal on Sunday adopted a historic Constitution after seven years of painstaking deliberations marking its transition into a fully secular and democratic republic from a Hindu monarchy, amid violence by minority Madhesi groups over a seven-province federal structure. “ I announce the presented Constitution of Nepal, passed by the Constituent Assembly and authenticated by the chairman of the Constituent Assembly, effective from today, September 20, 2015, before the people of Nepal,” President Ram Baran Yadav said as he unveiled the statute in Parliament. “ I call for unity and cooperation of all at this historic moment,” he said at the special ceremony at the Constituent Assembly hall in Naya Baneshwor amid sporadic violence reported from southern areas bordering India where the minority Madhesi community is opposed to the idea of dividing the country into seven federal provinces. Meanwhile, as Nepal adopted its new Constitution, India urged the neighbour to resolve its differences through a peaceful dialogue. “ We are concerned that the situation in several parts of the country bordering India continues to be violent. Our Ambassador in Kathmandu has spoken to the Prime Minister of Nepal in this regard. We urge that issues on which there are differences should be resolved through dialogue in an atmosphere free from violence and intimidation, and institutionalised in a manner that would enable broad-based ownership and acceptance. This would lay the foundation of harmony, progress and development in Nepal,” said Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Vikas Swarup in a statement while congratulating Nepal. In the tiny Himalayan country, national flags soared high and firecrackers went off as thousands of Nepalese thronged the streets to mark the Himalayan nation’s transformation into a secular, federal democracy from a Hindu monarchy. They also gathered in front of the Constituent Assembly hall in large numbers. There were processions at different places of Kathmandu to celebrate the occasion, with people decorating streets and lighting candles with excitement of their own Constitution, the first to be drafted by elected representatives, after a 67 year-long democratic struggle. The President added, “The Constitution is the common document of all of us to protect our freedom, independence, geographic integrity, and sovereignty in people.”
16 With this the Interim Constitution has been annulled. President Yadav said the newly- promulgated ‘Constitution 2072’ has institutionalised republicanism in the nation. He expressed hope that the Constitution would bring peace and stability in the country and pave way for economic development and prosperity. “ People have fought nearly for seven decades for democracy and lasting peace,” he added. The new Constitution has given an opportunity to maintain unity in diversity in the nation and ensure rights of all, he added, while addressing the final meeting of the CA as the Assembly unanimously endorsed an acknowledgement motion, thanking the President for announcing commencement of the statute. It has been endorsed by 85 per cent of the 601 members of the CA and has the provision of a bicameral legislation. The Lower House or the House of Representatives will have 375 members and the Upper House has 60 members. The Constitution has 37 divisions, 304 articles and 7 annexes. The seven provinces will be finalised by a high- level commission within a year. Sunday’s historic moment came amid protests by Madhesi groups over the issue of federating the country. Violence surrounding the federal structure that will divide the country into seven provinces has triggered violence in the Himalayan nation, claiming at least 40 lives including one reported on Sunday. Reports of protests and vandalism poured in from some southern Nepal districts as President Yadav announced the new Constitution. There were both pro-Constitution and anti-Constitution rallies and sporadic clashes in Biratnagar, Birgunj, Dharan and Sarlahi in southern and eastern Nepal. In Siraha, the Madhesi Front cadres set on fire the house of a Nepali Congress lawmaker. In Birgunj, one person was killed in police firing while the protestors vandalised the house belonging to a CPN-UML lawmaker. Security was beefed up in the wake of the agitation, including a large number of security personnel deployed at the CA hall. Madhesis and the Tharu ethnic communities in southern Nepal and some western districts are opposed to the new Constitution as they believe it has failed to address concerns raised by the Madhesis and the Tharu ethnic communities. Earlier, a bomb threat was sounded in two places of Lalitpur district, adjoining Kathmandu, but the suspicious objects were found to be hoax, police said. On Saturday, Prime Minister Sushil Koirala appealed to the agitating Madhesi and Tharu groups to withdraw their agitation and come forward for dialogue, saying the outlet to all problems can be found through agreement and co-work.
17 ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
STATESMAN, SEP 16, 2015 India must ensure economic reforms: US
Noting that progress on a bilateral investment treaty with India has been "slow", a senior US trade official has said in the absence of progress on economic reforms by India to ensure ease of doing business, the likelihood of getting to such a treaty is "low".
"Frankly, it has been going slowly," Undersecretary of Commerce for International Trade at the US Department of Commerce Stefan Selig said during a discussion organised by the Council on Foreign Relations here on Tuesday, ahead of the US-India Strategic and Commercial Dialogue in Washington next week.
"For us to get there, to have a BIT (Bilateral Investment Treaty) that works for us and works for them (India), it fundamentally means that they make progress around some of the economic reforms...that the (Narendra) Modi government has mentioned around the general ease of doing business framework.
"...And an absent progress on those topics, the likelihood of us getting to a BIT is low frankly but with progress on those topics we can get closer and closer" towards a bilateral investment pact, Selig said.
With a million Indians entering the workforce every month, Selig said the country needs to grow at pace faster than the 7 per cent and address issues like ease of doing business, tax policy, infrastructure bottlenecks, burdens and regulations, localisation requirements, IPR protection and enforcement among other things.
India and the US had last discussed the BIT in April, he said adding that the US perspective is clear that it will only enter into a BIT with India or any country if it is "comprehensive and high-standard".
"If we are able to do so, we do think it will allow us to take our relationship to a new level," he added.
He underscored that the US is looking forward to the BIT with India and the opportunities of investments that come with it.
18 "The BIT will be great for US companies in terms of their ability to invest in India. Frankly it will be even better for India because it will gradually create a framework for economic growth within the country.
"It is one of those perfect win-win opportunities if we are able to get there in terms of the high-standard agreement," he added.
Acknowledging that the progress on moving the bilateral investment treaty has been slow, Selig said "we are pretty focussed on seeing on how we can move forward."
Selig said Modi's goal is to take India to the top 50 countries in ease of doing business from its current rank of about 142.
"That was the first time that an Indian government official was not only that specific but that audacious in terms of setting a goal," he said.
Selig said that currently several other emerging economies like China, Russia and Brazil are facing some "very profound challenges.
"India now really has the opportunity to assert itself in a leadership role commercially around the world," he said.
TELEGRAPH, SEP 16, 2015 More action, less talk: Narendra Modi has miscalculated the time needed for reform Commentarao - S.L. Rao
In its issue of August 29, 2015, The Economist asked, in "Lights, camera, inaction!", whether Prime Minister Narendra Modi prefers talk over deeds. The Modi government, however, did initiate many actions. Its serious mistake lay in misjudging the complexities and challenges of getting things done in a fractious democracy.
The Modi government was preceded by years of missed opportunities, large-scale corruption, and lack of coordinated action. Modi, however, is different from many earlier prime ministers. A great orator, he has mesmerized audiences everywhere, irrespective of education and class. His election speeches promised development, eradication of black money, modernization, improvement and building of new cities, a vast skills- development programme, creation of jobs in urban India, promotion of entrepreneurship, improvement and building of infrastructure, encouragement to massive foreign investment and making India a single market, with less government and more governance. All of this aimed at speeding India's economic growth.
19 The Modi government, it was promised, would move away from State control to more reliance on markets and private enterprise. Modi would eliminate tax harassment. The administration would be efficient, accountable and free of corruption.To reach these goals, the government would have a more holistic decision-making structure by combining ministries. For example, a single energy ministry to look at power, renewable energy, nuclear energy, fuel, especially coal. Transport optimization would happen by combining road, rail, waterways and shipping. Health, medical education, sanitation and water supply would be looked at together. India's mistake in separating public health, sanitation and safe water would be corrected. A more market-determined pricing mechanism would replace administered pricing in all sectors. By direct delivery of benefits to the needy, the country would save wasted and stolen resources. The removal of the heavy hand of the government on regulation of agricultural markets and prices would enrich farmers. There would be more private power generation, open markets for fuels, private investment in transmission, greater reliance on power exchanges to make power tariffs more competitive.
Modi, it was said, would help India shed Nehruvian socialism and Indira Gandhi's State control and orient itself to the market. This radical departure from a deep-rooted national ideology that had held it captive for over 60 years would be nothing short of a revolution. This was never explicitly stated for fear of the ruckus the Congress and the Left would raise. Clearly, Modi's ideas were different and well-articulated. He also gave his audience the impression that the promises would be delivered almost immediately. But given that all this would take time, is The Economist correct in claiming that the Modi government is all about talk and inaction?
In spite of his lack of foreign-policy experience, Modi has succeeded in evolving and implementing a foreign policy that gives India its rightful place in the Indian Ocean and the Pacific region. He has wooed the large Indian diaspora abroad for investment. He has got countries such as Japan, China, South Korea and the United Arab Emirates to commit themselves to investing in India in a big way. He has successfully built on India's relationship with Israel.
Modi has had much good luck and some bad luck. The severe failure of the monsoon will affect growth but ample stocks and low inflation will prevent this from spoiling the growth objective. China's current economic problems make India a strong magnet for foreign investment. The collapse of crude oil prices soon after the elections has reduced retail prices of petro-products. Commodity prices have fallen, making major imports - crude oil and gas, coal and many other commodities - cheap. This moderated inflation has improved the balance of payments and made the fiscal deficit more manageable.
Modi was the all-powerful chief minister of Gujarat for almost three terms. He had never held office in the Central government. Unlike Gujarat, a cohesive state, India is a minefield of vested interests, power centres, unscrupulous political and commercial interests, caste and communal groupings. Modi as prime minister forgot that even a numerically small Opposition could damage his legislative programme. Not having a majority in the Rajya Sabha has been a negative influence on his governance. Modi's
20 overbearing personality and powerful rhetoric have become a disadvantage. He had been contemptuous of the Opposition in the lower house, but it has retaliated strongly. The Congress has almost used a 'scorched earth' policy in its attacks. The mass media have publicized Modi's errors. His extempore public speeches have led him to make promises that have not been carefully thought out.
And yet, Modi, certainly has not been a complete failure in managing the domestic economy as The Economist would have its readers believe. Certainly, the Indian masses do not seem to think so. One promise made before the general elections that has taken 15 months to deliver is the one rank one pension policy for the armed forces. The misguided promise to bring back unaccounted-for money stashed overseas by Indian nationals requires legislation and international cooperation. Promises to ease doing business in India require speeding government clearances and simplifying land acquisition. Introduction of the goods and services tax has been delayed by the Opposition, which goes to show that coordinated and holistic decision-making is a work in progress. The bureaucracy is yet to become more accountable. The government is yet to significantly reduce the cost of subsidies. In other words, the stated timeline to give effect to the promises has not taken into account the practical difficulties.
However, on all these matters, action has been initiated. The Supreme Court order on auctioning earlier allotted coal mines was implemented speedily. Coal production has risen. The 14th finance commission has backed Modi's promise to give more autonomy to states. Abolition of the Planning Commission and the creation of the Niti Aayog as a policy-evolution body that would consult the states assure states greater freedom in taking economic decisions. The 2015 budget transferred many social schemes to the states along with over 10 per cent increase in their share of Central tax revenues. The states have to efficiently run the schemes and deliver better value to the beneficiaries.
Legislation on black money is being worked on. Tax havens are also in the process of committing to disclose holdings by Indians. Coal, renewable energy and power have been brought under one ministry, which is a good step forward. Many large investors have promised to invest in infrastructure. A Rs 1,000 billion plan for interstate electricity transmission is attracting private investors. Domestic coal supplies have improved. A fuel supply policy has been evolved for large users. Actions are afoot to revive stranded power capacities. Electricity distribution is a state subject and with over Rs 200,000 crore in investments that are blocked, power supply, banks and the overall economy have been affected. Massive private investments in ambitious road development seem to be on course. Railways-restructuring is in progress. The national sanitation programme is making much headway with public and private participation. Crores of bank accounts have been opened, Aadhaar cards are being used for identification and these make it possible to rationalize subsidies. The collapse in prices of crude oil and gas has reduced subsidies on kerosene and fertilizers. Land reform will be left to state governments. The government is also showing willingness to listen to the states on the GST bill.
However, the Modi government has attracted little new talent. The cabinet has too many ineffective ministers. Modi's personality appears to overawe them. There is little sign of
21 bureaucratic reform. Selection of statutory regulators remains confined to retired bureaucrats. There is little sign of privatization to improve the efficiency of public sector enterprises. The Reserve Bank of India has taken the first steps to regulate nationalized bank-lending and get tough on collections. Long term savings are yet to support long term investments, like infrastructure.
Mr Modi, quite certainly, has underestimated the time needed for action. But most of what he promised is under negotiation or is being implemented. His bombastic promises and his penchant for rhetoric have misled many (including The Economist). National politics does not allow quick domestication and results. Naturally, in just over one year, the Modi government has initiated but not completed many actions.
The author is former director-general, National Council of Applied Economic Research
22 EDUCATION DECCAN HERALD, SEP 16, 2015 Foreign lingo may go in CBSE schools Prakash Kumar Private schools offering CBSE syllabus may not be able to teach foreign language as third language very soon.
In a circular, the CBSE has asked students to spell out their third language preference following a five-decade-old government formula that prescribes learning any of the 22 scheduled Indian languages, besides English and mother tongue from Class VI to VIII. Though the circular is only about registering students’ preference, it may eventually take away their option of learning a foreign language like German, French or Mandarin as third language, as is taught in many private schools. The CBSE, in its August 20 circular, made it mandatory for schools to register the students’ mother tongue and obtain their preference under the three language formula.
“Include the column for eliciting information on the mother tongue of the child in the application form for admission and record in the admission and withdrawal register. And obtain information (from students) relating to the preference of the languages for study under the three language formula,” CBSE’s controller of examination K K Choudhary has directed the schools.
Many teachers and principals found it a way to stop teaching foreign languages in private schools. “There is no clarity in the circular, but the intention is apparent. It is another way of making schools stop teaching foreign languages as the third language by asking students to register their preference under the three-language formula,” principal of a Delhi-based school told Deccan Herald.
Choudhary did not respond to the phone calls made to seek his comments.
According to the three language formula prescribed in the National Education Policy, 1968, students should be taught their mother tongue, English and any of the 22 scheduled Indian languages.
“When the three language formula is being implemented in government schools, why private schools should not be made to implement it? The three language formula has been prescribed by a national policy. There cannot be separate policies for private schools and government schools,” said D K Jha, president of the Sanskrit Shikshak Sangh (SSS).
It was the SSS which had dragged the erstwhile UPA government to court over teaching of German in schools.
23 ELECTIONS
TRIBUNE, SEP 18, 2015 SC stays minimum edu norms for Haryana panchayat polls Khattar-led BJP government, election commission put on notice
New criteria Class X For general category candidates Class VIII For women and SC candidates Class V For Scheduled Caste women candidates The petitioners Rajbala from Swami Nagar (Fatehbad district), Kamlesh from Kaimri village (Hisar district) and Preet Singh from Bhambhewa Beri village (Jhajjar district) Their plea The impugned Act sought to impose a harsh and severe penalty on its citizens for being poor and for the government’s failure to provide free and compulsory education to children in the age group of 6 to 14 years, as mandate under the Constitution Court order The Haryana Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Act, 2015, passed by the Assembly on September 7 will not be applicable from the ongoing polls
R Sedhuraman The Supreme Court today prevented the Haryana Government from imposing fresh educational and other conditions for contesting the ongoing elections to the local bodies at village and district levels. A Bench comprising Justices J Chelameswar and AM Sapre ensured this by staying the operation of the Haryana Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Act, 2015, passed by the state Assembly on September 7.
The apex court issued the order on a writ petition filed by three persons rendered ineligible by the fresh conditions under which the general category contestants should have passed class X examination, while women and SC candidates should have cleared class VIII school examination for being eligible to contest panchayat elections. The minimum educational qualification for women SC candidates was class V exam. The polling is scheduled to be held in three phases on October 4, 11 and 18.
24 The amended Act also barred those people from contesting elections who had loan arrears due towards cooperative banks, had failed to pay electricity bills or had no functional toilet at their residence. The apex court also issued a notice to the state government and the state election commission, seeking their response to the petition by Rajbala from Swami Nagar (Fatehbad district), Kamlesh from Kaimri village (Hisar district) and Preet Singh from Bhambhewa Beri village (Jhajjar district). Appearing for the petitioners, counsel Kirti Singh and Sanjay Parikh pleaded that the government had made the conditions applicable for the ongoing panchayat elections, for which nominations would be open from September 15 to 19, only to prevent a vast majority of candidates from contesting the poll. The government had gone ahead with the move despite the fact that the Punjab and Haryana High Court stayed the relevant ordinance on August 21, they said. The petitioners have sought quashing of the amendment Act.
HINDU, SEP 23, 2015 Good arithmetic but no chemistry RAHUL VERMA PRANAV GUPTA
25 The key to understanding the upcoming polls in Bihar lies in a rather simple question: will the coming together of Lalu Prasad and Nitish Kumar work on the ground? Any analysis of the 2014 Lok Sabha election results, which many consider as the lowest point for the Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)], Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), and Congress, suggests only one possibility — that the mahagathbandhan (grand alliance) is comfortably ahead of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).
The combined vote share of the grand alliance was more than that of the NDA by at least five percentage points. The parties in the alliance were also comfortably ahead in approximately 130 Assembly segments. This means that the grand alliance can manage a victory by simply ensuring that the voters of the individual parties from 2014 do not drift away.
Rivalry and distrust
This, however, is not going to be easy for three reasons. The first challenge for the leadership of the RJD and the JD(U) is to deal with a growing animosity between their core support bases, namely the Yadavs and the Kurmis, respectively. There is a history to this animosity. Mr. Kumar’s separation from Mr. Prasad’s Janata Dal, which led to the formation of the Samata Party and then the JD(U), has its roots in the Kurmi Chetna Rally of 1994, at Patna’s Gandhi Maidan. The major issue at the rally was of the Yadavs getting all the benefits while the Kurmis were marginalised in the Lalu regime.
This mutual distrust was also reflected in opinion poll surveys conducted by Lokniti- Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in 2014. Results clearly showed that while the RJD voters and the Yadavs were not very fond of Mr. Kumar, the JD(U) voters and the Kurmis had a similar perception about Mr. Prasad.
In a National Election Study (NES) survey conducted in 2014, voters were asked to mark their preferences on whether they liked Mr. Kumar. Results showed that one-fourth of the RJD voters and one-fourth of the Yadavs said they never liked him. The numbers were more marked than those of even Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) voters. According to the results, 18 per cent of the BJP voters ‘never liked’ Nitish Kumar.
Similarly, in a survey conducted in January 2014, voters were asked about Lalu Prasad’s arrest in the fodder scam case and whether the sentence handed down was appropriate or rather harsh. One in every five JD(U) voters said the punishment should have been more stringent. The results also suggest that this pattern was replicated among the core support base of respective parties. Among the respondents surveyed, while 19 per cent overall felt that Mr. Prasad should have been more severely punished, the proportion rose to 24 per cent when it came to Kurmi voters. This raises serious questions over whether the two parties would manage to transfer their core support bases to each other.
26 The second challenge is to deal with the negative perception of Mr. Prasad’s regime among JD(U) voters. Mr. Kumar in the last ten years has portrayed himself as a ‘Vikas Purush’ (a leader who gives importance to development). The alliance with Mr. Prasad is likely to alienate a section of the voters, who may have voted for Mr. Kumar on the plank of good governance and development.
Perception problem
In politics, performance is measured by perceptions and the incumbent’s record is always compared with that of the previous government. As an ally of the RJD, the JD(U) does not have that leverage. The NDA has intensified its attack on the RJD by calling its regime ‘jungle raj’. In such a scenario, Mr. Kumar will not only have to allay these fears, but also defend the state of affairs during the RJD regime.
The field reports suggest that the JD(U) and the RJD at present are running mutually exclusive campaigns. The chemistry between the cadres of these two parties is missing at the booth level. There is an unease among RJD workers because their leaders have already given up a claim for the chief ministership and hence they will be treated as the ‘junior partner’ in the alliance despite having a broader social base in the State. The JD(U) workers, on the other hand, dissociate themselves from the Lalu style of politicking and governance. The grand alliance is likely to find it difficult to create a common campaign platform and rally the party cadres under one banner.
The third challenge is dealing with parties like the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) and the rebel candidates, who could significantly dent the grand alliance.
The NCP and the Samajwadi Party have already walked out of the alliance, unhappy with the number of seats allocated to them and have announced a joint front. Similarly, the presence of a six-party Left Front and Asaduddin Owaisi’s MIM is likely to make things difficult for the grand alliance in the Bhojpur region (Bhojpur, Jehanabad, Aurangabad, Gaya, and Nawada) and Seemanchal region (Araria, Kishanganj, Purnea, Katihar, and Bhagalpur) of the State, respectively.
Simultaneously, the seat-sharing arrangements within the grand alliance is likely to create rebellion within the RJD and JD(U). These two parties announced that they will contest 101 seats each, while the Congress would contest the remaining 41. The RJD and JD(U) in last two Assembly elections contested around 170 and 140 seats respectively, which means they will have to deny tickets to some of the leaders who contested in 2010. This could lead to a desertion by several potential alliance candidates who could either join the NDA or contest as independents. Overcoming these challenges is going to be a tall order. In the absence of a strong electoral chemistry on the ground, it is likely that the grand alliance’s electoral arithmetic will fade very quickly. In that sense, the single biggest
27 challenge for the alliance between Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad — friends-turned-foes- turned-friends again — is to maintain a posture of being natural allies and present a united front that instils confidence in their party cadre and voters.
( Rahul Verma is with Lokniti-CSDS and the Travers Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley. Pranav Gupta is with Lokniti-CSDS, Delhi .)
Reports suggest that the JD(U) and the RJD are running mutually exclusive campaigns on the ground
The NDA is likely to intensify its attack on RJD, calling its period of governance ‘jungle raj’. Nitish Kumar will then not only have to alleviate these fears but also be defensive about the state of affairs during the RJD regime
28 EMINENT PERSONALITIES
INDIAN EXPRESS, SEP 16, 2015 Netaji files: Documents suggest US, UK believed Subhas Chandra Bose was alive in 1949
The documents purportedly suggest that in 1948-49, British and American intelligence agencies believed that Bose was alive and instrumental in a number of communist uprisings in Southeast Asia.
The Netaji files stacked at Writers’ Buildings. On Tuesday morning, files on Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose arrived in a small corner room in the east wing of Kolkata’s Writers’ Buildings for digitisation, before being made public Friday. But with some of these documents purportedly raising questions over his death in a plane crash in 1945 in Taipei, a familiar controversy has been reignited.
The documents purportedly suggest that in 1948-49, British and American intelligence agencies believed that Bose was alive and instrumental in a number of communist uprisings in Southeast Asia.
Another letter, written by the Information and Broadcasting Ministry to Netaji’s nephew Amiya Nath Bose in 1948, also suggests the same thing, said sources.
A letter written by Ohou Hrian Kuan, from the Publication Division of the I&B Ministry at the Old Secretariat in New Delhi, was intercepted by the Intelligence Bureau at the Elgin Road post office before it reached Amiya. It reads: “I regret I could not find out that news about Netaji which have been published in Chinese newspaper in Nanking some time ago. I am still believing that he is alive.”
29 These files are among the 64 that date back to the period between 1937 and 1947, and are being declassified by the West Bengal government. They are scheduled to be put up in public domain Friday. Many of these files have as many as 300 pages, with handwritten notes on the margins. Among these files are personal correspondences between Netaji and his elder brother Sarat Chandra Bose, the British intelligence’s analysis of Netaji’s speeches at various public meetings and invitations given to him to attend various functions.
“The documents suggest that British and American intelligence agencies believed Bose was undergoing training in Russia to emerge as another Tito or Mao. The British government was also very concerned that Netaji was alive and waiting for the right opportunity, while security services had failed to find any evidence confirming his death. The UK government believed that Netaji had escaped to Communist China or Russia,” claimed a senior government official.
Sugata Bose, TMC MP from Jadavpur and the great-nephew of Netaji, however differed from the conclusions being drawn from these documents. “It is unfortunate that such distortion is taking place. There is enough evidence, documented in the existing historical body of work, which says Netaji had died in the plane crash. At the time, there were obviously those who hoped Netaji was alive and detractors who feared that he could be alive. But we shouldn’t lose sight of Netaji and his life,” he said.
He also criticised the Union government’s stand that disclosing some files could hamper relations with other countries. “I don’t buy the central government’s argument that disclosing these files might adversely affect foreign relations. Nobody is going to blame today’s government for what a predecessor government may have done 50 or 60 years ago,” he said.
30 While making the announcement to declassify these files last week, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had said that the files will be transferred to the Kolkata Police Archives and put on display at the Kolkata Police Museum. She had stressed on the need for disclosure and transparency regarding “the truth about Netaji”, and added that “it is for the Centre to decide” whether they want to declassify the files they have in their possession.
Netaji’s grand-nephew Chandra Kumar Bose said he had received communication from the Union government regarding a meeting and hoped they would soon declassify files in their possession. “I have received communication from the Prime Minister’s Office and we are hoping that there will be a meeting in October. We want the declassification of another 135 files lying with the central government, the erstwhile KGB and those with the British intelligence. We have filed an RTI with the British government and they have responded saying that they are scrutinising the files. Already some of the files have revealed that my family was being spied on by the Indian government; other revelations will only make things clearer,” he claimed.
Krishna Bose, a former Trinamool Congress MP and Netaji’s family member, said there was no reason to hold back the files for 70 years after his disappearance. “I think it’s a very good decision and I hope that the NDA government will follow the example set by the West Bengal government and declassify these files. Not doing so is only leading to distortion of facts and wild conjectures.”
Meanwhile on Tuesday, as a team from the Centre for Development of Advanced Computing — appointed by the state government to provide technical support — conducted the digitisation process, the room in which the files were being scanned remained under heavy security.
31 STATESMAN, SEP 22, 2015 More about Netaji
The data on Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose that has been de-classified by the West Bengal government ought to be assessed with far greater seriousness of purpose than has been evident since last Friday. More fundamentally, the Netaji papers are not merely of viewers’ interest in the Kolkata Police Museum and they lend no scope for trivialisation of history. They relate to a sensitive phase of India’s past (1939-45), and ought to have enriched the collection of the West Bengal State Archives, if not the National Archives in Delhi. There is no scope for another Centre-State ego clash on this score and the Chief Minister is justified in appealing to the Centre to open up the files. The edification of the tourist is of lesser moment in the overall construct. At stake is the Idea of History, as RG Collingwood once wrote so famously.
Sad to reflect, the de-classification ceremony turned into grandstanding by the ruling political class and its police... incidentally eight months ahead of the Assembly elections. It begs the question why the data was not de-classified much earlier; Mamata Banerjee has proffered a specious plea that she wasn’t aware that Lalbazar - her department - was in possession of the 64 files. It is the historian’s craft that is on test both in terms of delineating the information and its inference, though the second is a matter of subjective reflection as in all social science disciplines. Both parameters appear to have been overshadowed. Sure there is considerable public interest in the matter after 70 years, yet the overriding anxiety is decidedly political when it ought to have been almost wholly academic. A distressing thought when one reflects that Kolkata boasts some of the country’s finest historians; none has been in the forefront of the government’s initiative during the past 72 hours. A grand opportunity to craft historiography during the War years and in the period leading up to Independence ought not to be frittered away. The task envisages a two-in-one capsule of information, embedded in what authoritative historians would call “primary sources”. In the absence of professional evaluation of what has been de-classified, there is bound to be an overdose of speculative cant. And the trend has been fairly pronounced since the de-classification. A serious study of the data must of necessity transcend the cursory glance at the police museum gallery. Small wonder that the little that has transpired is of relatively peripheral interest - the letter from Emile Schenkl to Sarat Bose, declaring herself to be Subhas’s widow; the arrival of Lakshmi Sahgal (nee Swaminathan); the prisoners of INA; and the tabs on German radio broadcasts. Without question, there is more in the papers than such nuggets of information. Let front-ranking historians take over.
32 HEALTH SERVICES
ECONOMIC TIMES, SEP 18, 2015 Punjab government's health insurance scheme to employees A decision to this effect was taken by the Cabinet in its meeting chaired by Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal here at Punjab Bhawan this evening.
CHANDIGARH: In a significant move that will benefit over 6.50 lakh employees and pensioners of the state government, the Punjab Cabinet today gave its nod to implement Cashless Health Insurance scheme in lieu of the existing policy of reimbursement of the medical expenses.
A decision to this effect was taken by the Cabinet in its meeting chaired by Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal here at Punjab Bhawan this evening.
Disclosing this here today, a spokesperson of the Chief Minister's Office said that the facility of cashless treatment would be provided to Government employee/pensioners and their dependents in more than 250 empanelled public and private hospitals in Punjab, Chandigarh and NCR (Delhi, Gurgaon and Noida) adding that under this scheme all the benefits would be granted to the employee as per Service Rules (Medical Attendance Rules 1940).
The expenses on treatment if taken outside the state would be reimbursed to the employees by the insurance company within 15 days of submission of medical claim.
As per the scheme, the expenditure on treatment of patient admitted in hospital and 246 kinds of "day care" procedure (in which treatment was provided in less than 24 hours) and treatment of chronic diseases in OPD would be provided to patient without spending any money.
The OPD expenses other than those related to chronic diseases would continue to be met through fixed medical allowance.
The scheme would cover pre and post hospitalisation benefits up to seven days and 30 days respectively, which were not available under the prevailing rules.
Though the insurance company cover was Rs 3 lakh per family, however, the scheme would cover a family for an unlimited amount.
Though the scheme would be made compulsory to employees and pensioners it would be optional for All India Service Officers, serving and ex-MLAs, serving and ex-Judges of Punjab and Haryana High Court.
HINDU, SEP 23, 2015 National Health Profile highlights poor doctor-patient ratio RUKMINI S.
33 ‘India spends less of its GDP on health than some of the world’s poorest countries’
Every government hospital serves an estimated 61,000 people in India, with one bed for every 1833 people, new official data shows. In undivided Andhra Pradesh, every government hospital serves over 3 lakh patients while in Bihar, there is only one bed for every 8800 people.
Union Minister for Health J.P. Nadda released the National Health Profile 2015 prepared by the Central Bureau for Health Intelligence (CBHI) on Tuesday along with officials of the Ministry, the Directorate General of Health Services and the CBHI.
Every government allopathic doctor serves a population of over 11,000 people, with Bihar and Maharashtra having the worst ratios. The number of qualified allopathic doctors registered with medical councils fell in 2014 to 16,000, or less than half the previous year’s number; the data was however provisional, CBHI officials said. India now has cumulatively 9.4 lakh allopathic doctors, 1.54 lakh dental surgeons, and 7.37 lakh AYUSH doctors of whom more than half are Ayurvedic doctors. India’s 400 medical colleges admit an estimated 47,000 students annually.
The Centre’s share of total public expenditure on health has fallen over the last two years, and India spends less of its GDP on health than some of the world’s poorest countries. Among all States, undivided Andhra Pradesh had the highest public expenditure on health in 2012-13. Goa and the north-eastern States spent the most on health per capita while Bihar and Jharkhand spent the least.
Out-of-pocket private expenditure on health has risen steadily over the years, with the cost of medicines, followed by that of hospitalisation accounting for the largest share of the household expenditure. Absolute spending, as well as its share in total non-food expenditure, rises with income levels. Kerala spends the most privately on health.
34 Communicable diseases
Deaths from most communicable diseases have been falling steadily in India. Despite recording over 10 lakh cases, deaths from malaria are officially down to just over 500 annually; Odisha accounted for over one in three cases of malaria in 2014. The number of recorded chikungunya cases has fallen since a 2010 outbreak, but Maharashtra accounts for nearly half of all cases. Just over 40,000 cases of dengue were officially reported in 2014 and 131 deaths. While the number of cases of Acute Diarrhoeal Disease has risen every year to 1.16 crore in 2014, mortality from the disease has been steadily declining.
However, 2014 saw a sharp spike in cases and deaths due to Acute Encephalitis Syndrome, a disease concentrated in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Assam, and West Bengal. Japanese Encephalitis, concentrated in Assam and Uttar Pradesh also rose last year. Pulmonary tuberculosis remains the biggest communicable disease killer in India, accounting for over 63,000 deaths in 2014. Since disease data is largely reported from government health facilities only, it is likely to be heavily underestimated, CBHI officials said.
Non-communicable diseases are on the rise with cardiovascular diseases according for a quarter of deaths from non-communicable diseases and cancer accounting for six per cent.
ECONOMIC TIMES, SEP 16, 2015 Delhi government to expedite introduction of the Delhi Health Bill for regulating hospitals By AKSHAY DESHMANE
Bill passage may be expedited following complaints against hospitals in Capital that turned away dengue patients.
NEW DELHI: The Delhi government may expedite introduction of the Delhi Health Bill which seeks to strictly regulate services provided by hospitals and clinics in the national capital, following mounting concerns about dengue patients being 'turned away' by hospitals.
The bill drafted by Delhi Dialogue Commission was put up for public comments till last month and was to be introduced in the assembly some time later but chief minister Arvind Kejriwal on Tuesday indicated that the introduction of the bill may be expedited.
"We might hold a special assembly session to introduce a law wherein hospitals which refuse healthcare to patients can be punished," Kejriwal told reporters following visits to two hospitals. Delhi government officials told ET that the Delhi CM had in mind the Delhi Health Bill that will bring all Clinical Establishments, including big private hospitals, under a statelevel framework of regulation.
35 Private hospitals are regulated by the Delhi Nursing Homes Registration Act, 1953, at present butthe new health bill will empower the Delhi government to take action against erring private and government hospitals and clinics. The bill envisages formation of a 'State Council for Clinical Establishments'. The state council will have vast powers for drafting bylaws, putting in place standards of healthcare services and norms, levying monetary penalty ranging from Rs 10,000 to Rs 5 lakh and in case of extreme and repeated offenders, cancellation of licence for operating in the national capital. It also seeks to address issue of overpricing of healthcare services.
Speaking with ET, health minister Satyendar Jain on Monday evening explained that comments had been received by the government for the bill. "We had kept it for seeking public opinion. Experts are having a look at it. It is an extensive bill," he had said. On Tuesday evening, an official statement said, the AAP Cabinet discussed "possibility of convening a special session of the Delhi assembly" to implement one among many options considered to ensure private hospitals do not refused to admit dengue patients.
The Delhi government's ongoing campaign against dengue gathered momentum when Kejriwal paid a surprise visit to the GTB Hospital and Hedgewar Hospital along with health minister Satyendar Jain and senior officials. His visit followed appeals by Union health minister JP Nadda and Odisha chief minister Naveen Patnaik, whom asked Kejriwal to act against 'erring' private hospitals.
"Hospitals which refuse healthcare to dengue patients won't be spared. Some private hospitals have sent back patients because they wanted to make a profit. Government will take strict action against them" the CM said.
Earlier, the director-general of health services issued show-cause notices to five hospitals under the Delhi Nursing Homes Registration Act. According to an official statement, deputy chief minister Manish Sisodia followed this up by ordering an inquiry. "Sisodia has instructed the divisional commissioner of Delhi to depute the local sub-divisional magistrate to conduct a probe and submit the report to the government within seven days."
36 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
TELEGRAPH, SEP 23, 2015 Counting the pages: A brief history of not-so-brief joint statements K.P. Nayar
The anvil of a high-level official meeting between India and the United States of America is the worst time to be with any American official dealing with South Asia. It is especially so if a meeting is about to take place between India's prime minister and the US president. Five days before Narendra Modi meets Barack Obama in New York, history is repeating itself. Accommodating by nature, trained to deal with the media by the book and sticklers for protocol, American officials go into a tizzy of the worst kind when an Indian prime minister is about to visit their capital or when their president has to meet India's head of government on the sidelines of a multilateral summit: as in New York, next week.
India's political leadership has compulsions to demonstrate back home each time that their leader's meeting with the US president has been a great success, nothing short of historic and that it has produced results. On their side, Americans are under no such compulsion. On Raisina Hill - the seat of power in the national capital - this obsession is a hangover from the heady days of Indo-Soviet bonhomie. The success of Indira Gandhi's summits with Leonid Brezhnev, general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, were invariably measured by the number of agreements the two sides inked during meetings between the two leaders.
In India's engagement of the Americans, it is not so much agreements or memoranda of understanding that New Delhi is keen to generate. US presidents are invariably cautious about any Soviet-style ostentation in signing documents at summit meetings with counterparts or peers. Most things signed at summits have to go to the Congress for ratification in one form or another: more often than not by way of ensuring that they conform to existing US laws. Moreover, American presidents have no authority to put their signatures on documents the way Soviet presidents could do. In the US, especially, issues relating to job creation or its fallout on trade and services are in the realm of the private sector. So, only those who own the means of production - not the president - can meaningfully commit on paper anything of this nature with a foreign leader.
Therefore, ever since P.V. Narasimha Rao charted a new course in Indian foreign policy of adding substance to relations with the US, Indians have broken away from Soviet-era diplomacy of carrying at least a dozen agreements to summit meetings in the White House or in New Delhi's Hyderabad House, where such meetings take place.
But Indian diplomacy's DNA cannot be easily transformed. So Indians now measure the success of their bilateral summits with Americans by the length of the joint statements issued by the prime minister and the US president. The Americans are wholly unused to
37 such an exercise. It gives them the jitters every time an Indo-US summit is on the anvil. Such jitters, that on one occasion, not long ago, contrary to all norms and discipline, the assistant secretary in the state department dealing with South Asia went on leave when a major Indo-US meeting was approaching. He returned to work only after the Indians had left Washington. The director at the White House national security council for India had to do the substantive work for that meeting, which the assistant secretary should normally have anchored.
To fully diagnose this Indian diplomatic malaise and grasp the seriousness of this problem, compare what happens when the British prime minister or German chancellor goes to Washington. Their joint statements with the American president are rarely more than four or five paragraphs. At best, when complex matters of extreme gravity are involved, a US-German joint statement may cover one full page. Atal Bihari Vajpayee signed a statement with Bill Clinton when they met in March, 2000, grandiosely called "A Vision for the 21st Century". It covered four full pages of A4-size paper in single space. In addition, that summit produced 25 more pages of similar statements.
By contrast, the joint statement between Vajpayee and Pakistan's prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, when the former went on his famous bus journey to Lahore - a visit which was no less historic than Clinton's travel to New Delhi - was merely one and a quarter pages. When Modi met Sharif in Ufa recently, their joint statement was just 198 words.
Within the goalposts of Indian diplomacy, what counts as goals are the pages of a joint statement. If the joint statement is only 198 words, obviously India's ties with the country whose leader the Indian prime minister has just met are no cause for celebration - as in the case of Pakistan. If, on the other hand, a joint statement is four or six pages long - often the case with the Americans - it goes without saying that a bilateral meeting of the prime minister has yielded positive results in New Delhi's assessment.
Modi is a reformer. But so far, his reforms have only scraped the fringes of the ministry of external affairs and in ways which make little difference to the way India conducts its diplomacy. Pruning joint statements may be a good way for Modi to begin a serious effort in this direction.
Several years ago, I ran into an official of the prime minister's office in the elevator on the Tower side of the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in Manhattan, which is reserved for country delegations to the United Nations general assembly and needs a room key card to operate. This official thought he was doing me a great favour by whispering conspiratorially that "there will be a joint statement after our meeting with the American President". Those were the years when Indian prime ministers stayed at the Waldorf Astoria, the hotel to which Modi is now returning after 15 years. The US president also used to stay in the same hotel then. For this PMO official, with no clue of the way the Indian media have changed, the fact that there will be a joint statement was news in itself, which he very kindly shared with me.
38 I did not have the heart to tell him that I was in the reserved elevator because I was visiting an American official who was tearing his hair upstairs and was apoplectic about the draft joint statement, which Indian officials had delivered to the Americans a short while ago for consideration, discussion and approval. It was the longest draft of a joint statement that this official, who had spent several decades as a US diplomat, had ever seen.
Credit should be given where it is due. So, it must be acknowledged that part of the reason why India's diplomatic interlocutors - especially those for whom English is not the native or working language - are unhappy about long Indian texts is that officials in South Block, the MEA headquarters, are often very good draftsmen. Many of them have a command of the English language that is better than those on the opposite side, whose mother tongue is English.
The best recent example was when India and the US announced their civilian nuclear deal in 2005. As the documents fleshing out the deal were put on the table, drafts referred to the safeguards agreement that India will have to enter into with the International Atomic Energy Agency. As the documents evolved through countless sessions by negotiators who often burned the midnight oil, Indian draftsmen changed "THE safeguards agreement" in the documents to "A safeguards agreement".
The US side did not seem to notice. If they did, they never made an issue of the change because its significance did not register with the state department or any other American agency engaged in the talks. After the deal with the George W. Bush administration was signed and sealed, when the time came to deal with the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, India said it would not sign the standard safeguards agreement that the agency had for non-nuclear weapons states or which were signatories to the nuclear non- proliferation treaty.
India held up the documents and argued that it had agreed to enter into "A" safeguards agreement with the IAEA and not "THE" standard safeguards agreement. Indian drafting skills prevailed and a new agreement was eventually negotiated. Without that, New Delhi may well have surrendered its autonomy in nuclear matters to pressure - and even blackmail - by the big powers, which claim monopoly of their nuclear arsenal.
39 LIBRARIES TRIBUNE, SEP 18, 2015 Centre accepts Nehru library chief Rangarajan’s resignation
Controversial appointment Mahesh Rangarajan’s (pic) appointment kicked up a storm in 2014 when then PM Manmohan Singh, during the fag end of his regime, cleared his permanent absorption as NMML Director despite DoPT’s objections
The NDA government’s acceptance of resignation comes days after reports that Modi government will ‘expand’ the mandate of NMML to research beyond Nehru — a move the Opposition Congress had challenged Nearly 16 months after then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh approved permanent absorption of Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (NMML) Director Mahesh Rangarajan to the coveted position, the BJP government today accepted his resignation having earlier termed it as “illegal”.
Addressing reporters today, Culture Minister Mahesh Sharma said Rangarajan pressed his resignation which the NMML Executive Council accepted. The Council had two days ago declined acceptance of the resignation.
“NMML Director Mahesh Rangarajan resigned from his post yesterday. The resignation has been accepted by the Executive Council Chairman Lokesh Chandra. Rangarajan had resigned two days back also but the council had asked him to reconsider the move. He resigned for the second time today citing personal reasons,” Sharma said adding the development had paved the way for the post to be filled afresh. A search committee will be soon formed for the purpose.
The government also rejected opposition Congress’ allegations that it was “pursuing a politics of vendetta to dilute the legacy of Jawaharlal Nehru and its motives were diabolical”.
“ The issue is one of illegality, not of personal choices…There has to be a limit to irregularities,” Sharma said.
40 The minister denied exerting pressure, written or verbal, on Rangarajan though he conceded he had sought the views of Law Ministry on his appointment. He also trashed Congress’ accusations of saffronaization of institutions saying Nitin Desai and Pratap Bhanu Mehta, appointed by the ex-UPA government to NMML Council, were still on it.
Citing an anonymous letter as the reason behind opening the file of Rangarajan’s appointment, Sharma said he had no motives behind the move except upholding rules. The development comes days after reports that the government would “expand” the mandate of NMML to research beyond Nehru – a move Congress had challenged. Rangarajan’s appointment had generated controversy last year when then PM Singh cleared his permanent absorption as NMML Director despite DoPT’s objections.
ECONOMIC TIMES, SEP 18, 2015 Exclusive children libraries in Bengaluru nurtures book reading
The libraries conduct various activities to keep the children engaged. The activities range from storytelling sessions to 'create something'.
Three-and-a-half-year old Samyuktha loves the Noddy book series. It is just one of the many books that the toddler has been exposed to, thanks to her mother Lakshmi Mohan , who subscribed to Inferalpha's 'book kit', after she got to know of it from a friend. Inferalpha is one of the ten exclusive children libraries in the city .
These libraries cater to their readers in two ways: as the old-world physical library or as online libraries where parents can order books that are delivered at their doorstep."We have categorised books according to the age of the children. We also get feedback from parents. We have books that can cater to the needs of a six-month old child right up to young adults," said Chaitra Erappa, franchise owner of Easy Library .
There are various subscription plans so as to provide flexible options for the parents. The owners also keep a `floating population' of books, so that children have access to wider variety . "We have plans that range from 10 books per delivery or 20 books per delivery and for homes with multiple kids, we have 35 books per delivery," said Aarthi Ramasubramanian, founder of Inferalpha.
The `book kits' comprise of touch and feel, pop-up, read-aloud, activity based and sing along books so as to kindle various senses of the child. Priyadarshini Rao, mother of one year Aadya, agrees. "My daughter tends to recognise the tunes in the sing along books, her sensory development has improved," she said.
If some parents prefer the convenience of doorstep delivery , some are intent on taking their children to library . "I like physical libraries. The feeling of having a book in your
41 hand is something else. Somehow I feel good about it, so I like to take my son to the library too," said Vikram Prakash, father of 11-year old Chirag.
Pramodini Prashant, co-founder of i-CUE library , observed that exclusive children libraries are a sign that parents recognise the value of inculcating a reading habit from a young age.
The libraries also conduct various weekend activities to keep the children engaged. The activities range from storytelling sessions to `create something' workshops. "We organise book reading, storytelling, plays and poetry sessions. Children can get bored, so we have an active library ," said Sitalakshmi Chinnappa, an octogenarian, who oversees the functioning of the Shankara Rotary library in Shankarapuram.
BUSINESS STANDARD, SEP 21, 2015 The trouble between the govt and Nehru Memorial Museum
Well-known academics and film-makers, such as Romila Thapar and Girish Karnad, have been quick to issue an appeal calling for an informed debate before any attempts are made to change the character of the institute
In his Sunday edition of Mann Ki Baat, PM asked people to remember the contribution of icons and to mark the upcoming birth anniversaries of heroes such as Deen Dayal Upadhyaya on September 26, Mahatma Gandhi and Lal Bahadur Shastri on October 2, Jayaprakash Narayan on October 11, Sardar Patel on October 31, and of "countless more".
Immediately, many on Twitter reacted that the PM had "deliberately" skipped mentioning first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's birth anniversary on November 14 and that of his daughter and third PM Indira Gandhi's on November 19. Intentional or not, this latest episode comes in the wake of the BJP-led government's steps to discontinue postage stamps bearing pictures of Indira and Rajiv Gandhi and recast the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (NMML).
Well-known academics and film-makers, such as Romila Thapar and Girish Karnad, have been quick to issue an appeal calling for an informed debate before any attempts are made to change the character of the institute.
Last week, NMML director Mahesh Rangarajan had quit. This was after reports that even the Election Commission was likely to look into his re-appointment process by the outgoing UPA government after it had lost power, and the procedure followed contravened the poll code. But his resignation has stoked fears that the venerable institute might fall into undeserving hands.
42 TIMES OF INDIA, SEP 21, 2015 Plan to turn Dara's library into first city museum revived Richi Verma,
NEW DELHI: It began life as the library of an emperor-in-waiting 378 years ago and has since then served as a British residency, a government college, a municipal school, office of the state archaeology department and an archaeological museum. But long neglect and the reduced standing of Dara Shikoh's library near Kashmere Gate now show clearly in its building while plans to covert it into Delhi's first city museum remain on paper.
Experts say this building on the campus of Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University is unique for its layers of Mughal and colonial architecture. On the northern side, cusped arches and columns some of them absorbed by walls added later give it a clear Mughal identity. But alterations and additions made by the British impart an equally strong colonial character.
Amid the whitewashed walls, cracked and dusty display cases house a selection of archaeological artifacts for visitors, although it's not a very welcoming place. TOI found it locked up from inside by the guard who doubles as a caretaker.
In 2011, the Sheila Dikshit government decided to convert the library into Delhi's first city museum within a year in collaboration with conservation body Intach's Delhi chapter. Four years later, Delhi tourism minister Kapil Mishra says the conversion will be done on priority. "We have had discussions about the Dara Shikoh building and want the archaeology department to bring out all its collection of artifacts from storage and display it for visitors," he said, adding, another Delhi museum will be set up at Town Hall.
The Delhi archaeology department has about 2,200 artifacts and most of these will be displayed in the proposed city museum after proper documentation. Besides displaying the excavated coins, stones and other antiquities from ancient and medieval times, the museum will also familiarize visitors with the history of the seven cities of Delhi. There will be a section on the city's natural history. Another will show historical maps and plans of villages along with data to explain spatial distribution and issues like migration, changing social structure, land use and economic activity.
Women who have played a prominent role in Delhi's history, from Razia Sultan down to Matia Begum, Kamala Nehru and Aruna Asaf Ali will also find space here. Paintings, vintage photographs, models and simulated sounds will transport the visitors to a different era and could make the museum a major attraction for children.
43 MASS MEDIA
DECCAN HERALD, SEP 22, 2015 Government exempts social media apps from encryption policy
Hours after a controversy erupted over government's proposal to access all encrypted information, including personal emails and messages, the Department of Electronics and Information Technology clarified that social media sites and social media applications such as Facebook and WhatsApp would be exempted from the purview of the Encryption Policy. e-banking and other password protected e-commerce businesses would also be kept out of the ambit of the Encryption Policy, it said.
The original draft of the policy said that the government will have access to all encrypted information, including personal emails, messages or even data stored on a private business server.
It also said users of services that use encryption to secure communication could be required to store all messages, including WhatsApp and Facebook messages and emails, for 90 days and hand it over to the government when asked.
The draft policy, however, states that the objective is to “use of encryption for ensuring the security/ confidentiality of data and to protect privacy in information and communication infrastructure without unduly affecting public safety and national security”.
The clarification from the government comes after public outrage. The last date for public to comment on the draft is October 16, 2015.
44 PARLIAMENT
TELEGRAPH, SEP 18, 2015 Bygone courtesies: Rajya Sabha was a different space twenty years ago
My parliamentary career was not extensive: one term of six years in the Rajya Sabha two decades ago as the 20th century was approaching its end. Parliament - the Sansad - was not the ass pool it is today. True, there were one or two specimens who talked and behaved like a veteran leader of hoodlum elements and had been responsible, directly or otherwise, for a hundred murders. There was another lot too, who, while gentlemanly in manners, must have accumulated a hundred crore or more through grossly unfair means. The Constitution was still considered as sovereign; both those who occupied the treasury benches or were in the Opposition by and large tried to go by the rule book. True, there were times when tempers flew high and there would be angry walks to the well. But such occasions were few and far between. Able, well-informed speeches were listened to with respect irrespective of the political allegiance of the speakers or the particular views they were expressing. The question hour was often noisy but at the same time exciting enough, and ministers needed to be alert while responding to 'starred' questions and the sharp spells of comments and interjections that followed. In short, civilization had not altogether bidden adieu to Parliament House.
In fact, I have warm, abiding memories of courtesy, kindnesses and consideration extended to me by many parliamentary colleagues and even those who radically disagreed and, in fact, despised my ideological position. I would at this point like to recollect and put on record a few instances of such grace-laden courtesies before the faculty of the mind breaks down totally.
My swearing-in in the Rajya Sabha was on August 19, 1993; I remember the day particularly because earlier in the day Utpal Dutt had passed away in Calcutta.
It was quite a number of years since I had formally resigned from the party when it decided to send me to the Rajya Sabha and had therefore no place in the official hierarchy of the party in the House and was assigned a seat on a relatively rear bench. No matter, I was at the receiving end of an extraordinary gesture of thoughtful courtesy by the leaders of the Janata Dal, at that moment constituting the main Opposition in Parliament. The furore over the Bofors scandal was yet to die down and I had some things to say.
During my first few weeks in the Rajya Sabha, whenever my turn came to speak on this or any other important economic issue, Inder Gujral and Jaipal Reddy, then stalwarts of the Janata Dal in the Rajya Sabha, would insist on my addressing the House from the seat of either of them at the very front and right across the treasury benches occupied by senior Congress ministers. This happened on at least a couple of occasions.
The next instance of out-of-the-way-generosity extended to me during formal proceedings in the Rajya Sabha had a bit of a personal angle. The second half of the last
45 decade of the last century was a period of considerable political confusion, reflected in the fact that the Lok Sabha got elected in 1996, got dissolved within two years, the poll in 1998 did little to clear the confusion and yet another election had to take place in 1999. Following one of these polls - I cannot quite remember it with precision which one it was - T.N. Chaturvedi, who had retired as comptroller and auditor general of India, got elected to the Rajya Sabha as a nominee of the Bharatiya Janata Party. This came as a surprise to many of us who had known him for long years. He entered the Indian Administrative Service in the early 1950s and was in the Rajasthan cadre. After a most distinguished career in that state as well as in New Delhi, he had been home secretary in the Union government, and subsequently picked as the country's comptroller and auditor general. It was his zeal which unearthed the shoddy goings-on preceding the signing of the Bofors agreement. Quite understandingly, he was immensely disliked by Congressmen. His donning the BJP garb nonetheless took me aback. Way back in 1959, we had been to Washington DC, where he took a six-month training course with the Economic Development Institute. I was then on the faculty of the institute. I got attracted to him because he was far different from the common IAS type. He was, and continues to be, a bookworm, has a fantastic collection of books which now adorns his modest house in Noida. He lives a quiet life there, immersed in books, following the end of his tenure as governor of Karnataka. He once confided to me his cynicism regarding the BJP ideology; it was because he could not say 'no' to the earnest request of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, whom he greatly admired, that he agreed to take that party's ticket.
But to return to my story. It must have been in that relatively narrow space of time between 1996 and 1998. A discussion was on, perhaps on a bill, or it could be on some specific issue. A Congress member had just sat down after gurgling out a long-winding speech in the course of which he had, quite out of context, made some wild allegations against the Left regime in the state I represented. I was scheduled to speak on behalf of my party, but my turn would come much later, possibly the following day, and the morning papers would carry a report on the Congressman's accusations that had gone uncontradicted. The next member who was called to speak was from the BJP, and what luck, it would be Chaturvedi. He had just stood up and was gathering his notes as I rushed across and caught his attention. He straightaway nodded positively to my barely audible request and prayed to the presiding officer to allow me to speak during his turn, he would avail of the opportunity to speak during the time allotted to me. There was no objection from any quarter and I launched into my rebuttal. Later in the evening as I approached him to thank him, he beamed and remarked, "The guru of course must speak first."
Call it incident, call it episode, the third item in this factual narrative of mine is almost identical to the second with just one change in the dramatis personae. Again, it was a discussion on some important issue; my name was listed for speaking, but close to the time of adjournment of the House at around seven in the evening. The discussion was meandering on, when I received a message from Calcutta: one of my very close relatives had passed away, they would await my arrival from Delhi by the evening flight before leaving for the crematorium. I rose to draw the attention of Najma Heptullah, deputy chairperson, who was presiding. Without mentioning the bereavement, I merely
46 mentioned that an emergency had arisen which needed my flying back to Calcutta by the evening flight and whether some minutes could be squeezed to enable me to speak immediately and leave for the airport to catch the fight. Since the list of speakers and the sequence of their speaking had been decided at the meeting of the business advisory committee, she wrung her hands to express helplessness. At this point, the speaker next to speak from the Congress benches rose. He was no less than K.K. Birla, son of the grand pioneer of Indian industrialization, G.D. Birla, and one of the major targets of my frequent attacks against predatory capitalism. It would be a 'great privilege', K.K. said. He let me speak at this very moment and he would speak later. I spoke for a few minutes on the points I wanted to make, crossed the floor to shake hands and thank Krishna Kumar Birla for his wondrous gesture and rushed to the airport.
My last story was even stranger. The BJP had finally managed to form the government, Vajpayee was prime minister. I was at the fag end of my tenure. A special discussion was agreed upon, on the Opposition's insistence, on growing economic corruption in the country. It was generally agreed that I would be the main speaker in the House on behalf of the party whenever important economic issues came up. This time it was different; the young leadership had taken over full control of the party in my state, they had apparently sent a message to the effect that one of them, who had been in the Rajya Sabha for some time, would speak on behalf of the party in the debate over corruption. He was at least 35 years younger than me in age, had no background in economics and he had once confided to me that he was still in school when I was sworn in as the finance minister of the state he and I belonged to. He made a neat little speech, smart, but at a somewhat superficial level, and barely touched upon what I thought was the key point that ought to be made by the Left: the spread of the neo-liberal philosophy urging profit maximization by whatever means is one of the leading factors underlying the rapid growth of economic corruption. I chanced upon Ram Jethmalani, who had been elected to the Rajya Sabha on the BJP ticket, in the lobby. We fell in conversation; the matter of the on-going debate naturally cropped up. I casually mentioned the apparent lack of awareness concerning the perils of over-obsession with profit-making. Jethmalani seemed surprised at my not participating in the debate and suddenly made an extra-ordinary suggestion: he was scheduled to speak on the next day and had been allotted 20 minutes; after he had spoken for a couple of minutes, I should stand up with an interjection, he would allow me to go on and make my point in regard to the risks underlying the total sell-out to economic-neo-liberalism. I must confess I did not mention to my party colleagues Jethmalani's gracious offer since they were, I was sure, bound to suspect a 'BJP plot' and would strongly advise me against falling into it. Nothing untoward took place. Jethmalani kept his word, he let me interrupt his speech; I however retained my sense of proportion, said what I wanted to say within four minutes and sat back. Jethmalani resumed his talk, made no reference to the point I had made and went on till his quota of 20 minutes was over.
It would be caddish on my part if, as the dusk descends on my existence, I fail to refer to such gestures of open magnanimity by one's political opponents. All this is quite apart from innumerable acts of courtesy and exchange of compliments in private among sworn public rivals, such as the occasion when Kapil Sibal and I were passing each other in the corridor of Parliament, when Sibal suddenly stopped and whispered into my ear: he could
47 not of course say it openly, that he listened with great avidity every time I spoke in the House.
My experience during my relatively brief parliamentary career was certainly not unique: in spite of the increasing existence of crude and vulgar behaviour on the part of a few abominable specimens, civilities still reigned in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha and members of parliament, even when their political views were totally polarized, would often be full of consideration for, and gracefully courteous towards, one another. But that was almost two decades ago and neo-liberal economic notions were yet to be firmly grafted into the nation's ethos. It is an altogether different universe now. Once ideas such as, in order to promote one's cause the offer of a bribe is eminently justified, take root in the public consciousness, it is open season for criminals of all species. For it is then one short step to argue that committing a murder is no particular offence if it were necessary for ensuring a bonanza for oneself. Parliament, after all, represents the people, or at least the goons and hoodlums who terrorize the people into voting for them.
48 POLICE
INDIAN EXPRESS, SEP 16, 2015 UGC brings new norms to boost campus security
The guidelines also call for police presence on campus, especially at night. In its attempt to step up security of students in hostels in educational institutes across the country, the University Grants Commission (UGC) has issued a set of guidelines. These include higher boundary walls, barbed wire, police presence on campus and biometric attendance. The guidelines have now come under attack with academicians claiming that they “create conditions of lack of safety and autonomy”. Consider this: * Any physical infrastructure housing students…should be secured by a boundary wall of such height that it cannot be scaled over easily. * A fence of spiralling barbed wires can be surmounted on the wall so that unauthorised access to the infrastructure is prevented effectively.
* …should be manned by at least three security guards, sufficiently armed, CCTV cameras, identity verification mechanism and register of unknown entrants/visitors with their identity proofs and contact details.
* Biometric attendance can be an effective way to overcome proxy.
* At least one woman security personnel should be deployed at such entry points so that physical security check of girl students or visitors can be undertaken. The bags and other belongings of students/visitors can also be examined, manually and/or by metal detectors
49 * Setting up a university police station within the premises of the Higher Educational Institutions.
* …should organize quarterly parents-teachers meet so that grievances and gaps in system can be addressed
* Self-defence training for women studying and working on campus through tie-ups with training institutions / NGOs should be made a mandatory component of extra-curricular activities.
The guidelines further call for police presence on campus, especially at night. “It is understandable that classes, study, research, meetings, films or concerts can keep students on campus late at night. To handle these situations, police officials can provide on demand short-distance escort services to students as they walk down to hostel or nearest taxi or bus stand etc,” the guidelines state.
50 POPULATION TIMES OF INDIA, SEP 16, 2015 Government to allow injectable contraceptive for women? Sushmi Dey,
NEW DELHI: The government may soon introduce an injectable contraceptive for women under the national family planning programme.The country's top drug advisory body has approved the use of Deoxy Medroxy Progestrone Acetate (DMPA) and recommended its inclusion in the government programme.
Though the proposal has garnered acceptability in the health ministry, it is awaiting a final official nod from the ministry.
"We have given in-principle approval. But the cost for inclusion in the national programme has to be worked out," an official said.
DMPA, an injectable drug that prevents pregnancy for three months, is injected into the arm or buttock muscle. The drug has a female hormone which helps prevent the egg from being released from the ovary.
While the health ministry was contemplating expansion of the basket of contraceptives for women for at least the last ten years, it failed to take a final call on inclusion of the injectable drug because of opposition from certain quarters, mainly women activists. Those opposing the move cited safety concerns such as menstrual irregularity, amenorrhea and de-mineralization of bones as a result of its long term use. Besides, some have also raised concerns about increase in risk of breast and cervical cancer due to its prolonged use.
However, the Drug Technical Advisory Body (DTAB) — the top most advisory body on health — recommended inclusion of the drug in the national family programme during a high-level meeting with the Drugs Controller General of India (DCGI).
Generally, on matters related to drugs, DTAB's recommendations are accepted by the health ministry.
If implemented, injectable DMPA would be the sixth contraceptive to be given free of cost. Currently, the government offers five birth control options — female sterilization,
51 male sterilization, IUD, condoms and pills — free of cost under the national family planning programme.
The DTAB's approval to the injectable contraceptive has been welcomed by those advocating women's reproductive rights. A coalition of 32 non-governmental organizations, under the banner of 'Advocating Reproductive Choices' including Population Foundation of India has welcomed the decision.
The coalition has also offered to help the government with technical support to introduce the drug under the national programme.
52 PUBLIC FINANCE STATESMAN, SEP 22, 2015 Decrepit finances-I Shantanu Basu
Finance is the most critical pillar of any government. Logically, therefore, the Union Finance Ministry should be professionally staffed, particularly at the senior management and apex levels. It ought to be aware of the demands of development and suitably dynamic in the task of reorienting the direction, pace and quality of government expenditure to subserve the best public interest... rather than lead repeated media slugfests advancing grossly unlettered opinions and perspectives.
The 13th Finance Commission raised the level of central financial assistance and share of Union taxes by over Rs. 3 lakh crore. The 14th FC, five years later, increased the existing transfers by a paltry Rs. 1.78 lakh crore. If inflation at a conservative rate of 12 per cent per annum were compounded and the 13th FC’s formula maintained, this figure ought to have been 76 per cent higher at around Rs 5.50 lakh crore or nearly three times more than what the 14th FC granted. Even among states, the distribution of funds was dictated by elections that are scheduled later this year and in 2016.
Furthermore, the Government of India stopped funding critical developmental schemes. All this happened while the Finance Ministry was blowing its trumpet to emphasise how its heart was larger than that of the UPA government’s. Since May 2014, the buyers of divested government holdings in central PSUs were, in the largest majority, central public sector financial institutions. In other words, sale proceeds of CPSUs in one pocket equalled the divestment revenues of the central government.
Modification of the bank lending interest rates is now a topic of public discourse. The business camp views rate cuts as the panacea for all our economic woes. Where were they when rates were low, subsidies squandered or pilfered and loans of over Rs 5 lakh crore not repaid ? The RBI Governor sensibly opposes a rate-cut. The investor-friendly Finance Ministry plays the Benevolent Samaritan, batting on behalf of big business. Cash-rich CPSUs are not part of rate-cut deliberations with private industry when CPSUs account for 10-15 per cent of India’s GDP. Nor is any closure or merger of sick PSUs visible although these eat away a third of the turnover of the healthier ones every year. Instead there are newer ones being established with Finance Ministry concurrence, but without any attempt to leverage the strength of healthy CPSUs.
53 When Indian exports account for a bare fifth of our GDP, the Finance Ministry should have devoted singular attention to stoking consumer demand in the vast market. Yet, this ought to have been done without ignoring the plight of the fixed-income group that survives on stable interest rates and have no inflation-indexed dearness allowance/relief to fall back upon. Given the unabated high food inflation, few salary earners or pensioners would invest in a new car or TV or cooking range, assuming that manufacturing picks up with rate-cuts. Is this good governance or examples of personal differences among India’s leading economic tsars?
There is nothing to suggest that measures are on the anvil to widen the personal tax base from hapless salary and pension earners, while vast swathes of the taxable population remain outside the tax net. Similarly, there is no working evidence of the Centre raising additional out-of-the-box large fiscal resources, away from fresh or additional taxes, for investing in India to revive a flagged economy when it has a controlling share in almost every economic activity. I wonder how many would invest in gold bonds when there is no lifetime legal immunity from prosecution for previous non-disclosure.
Even if the interest rate is reduced, there is no assurance that lack of consumer demand, post-rate cut, will not become yet another reason for NPAs to pile up further. In the meantime, the unstated premium on bank lending steadily rises from crowding out of private borrowing by mainly, almost entirely, unproductive government borrowings. Interestingly, NPAs of PSBs have risen by 12-15 per cent since May 2014. Obviously PSBs sanctioned more bad loans under the nose of the Department of Financial Services, a constituent of the Union Finance Ministry. There is no word about punitive measures to prevent the recurrence of such glaring lapses. Yet the Union Finance Minister, in a press briefing on 24 August said: “Except currency all other parameters are on sound footing.” The nation is still searching for invisible yet sound parameters.
Take the case of OROP. A relatively easier and cheaper option would have been to raise the basic pension (all types) to 70 per cent of last pay earned and 50 per cent for family pensioners after 20 years of service for all civilian employees, civil and defence, except for Other Ranks in the defence services for which the pensionable service should have been 15 years. I believe all civilian service associations are waiting for OROP’s formal orders to be issued and then deluge the Supreme Court with their petitions, several hundred of them. Why is it that 40 per cent of the vacancies in the Government of India cannot be earmarked for trained de-mobbed servicemen? After all, defence service and CPMF personnel are already trained and much more disciplined than what the SSC and UPSC currently recruit.
54 Why does the Government of India outsource secretarial, office management, security, I- T and other duties only on the basis of open tenders? Instead, why can wage rates not be fixed for superannuated defence and CPMF personnel and ministries/departments mandated to employ these retired personnel up to 40 per cent of sanctioned posts? What steps have the Centre taken to form cooperative societies of retired defence and CPMF personnel and their qualified dependents to render contract services to the government? Have any steps been taken to absorb retired defence personnel in CPMFs, instead of wholesale reliance on often controversial fresh recruitment? Was it not incumbent upon the Finance Ministry to suggest these measures?
It is entirely possible to form a PSU to offer services ranging from road-building to infrastructure, O&M, security and sanitation to telecom and I-T, staffed by retired defence and CPMF personnel and their qualified dependents, supported by competent managers contracted from non-government professionals. Why can’t the Government not provide the opening Rs. 5000-10000 crore share capital to set up this PSU, instead of bankrolling, say, a terminally sick Air India? Why not provide an interest subsidy of say 5 per cent on the bank lending rate and sponsor ex-servicemen wishing to set up shop on their own?
Some vignettes from the Union Budget 2015-16 would amplify the Finance Ministry’s role. Of a total Rs. 13 lakh crore non-Plan expenditure in 2015-16, 33 per cent represent interest payment; 17 per cent to repayment of principal and 19 per cent to subsidies. No wonder that government borrowing is crowding out private capital needs and driving them into high-cost foreign finance. Sixty per cent of the Government of India’s revenue receipts are eaten away by repayment of debt and interest payment. No wonder the GoI is fast sinking. The postal deficit of approximately Rs. 6600 crore is best met by reverting to the former concessionaire model with postal employees’ cooperatives taking over the business for a share of the profits. A sum of Rs. 10852 crore is the budget provision, mainly for constructing/acquiring government buildings.
About Rs. 1000 crore is provided for CBEC and CBDT’s office and residential buildings and Rs. 700 crore for CPWD buildings, oblivious to their huge capital, O&M costs. Interest subvention for providing short-term credit to farmers gets Rs. 13000 crore. Yet there is no word on the actual beneficiaries. Transfer to the newly constituted Social and Infrastructure Development Fund is a token provision of Rs. one lakh, while the Finance Ministry pontificates on further accretions.
55 Simultaneously, subsidy for operation of Haj Charters of Rs 500 crore clearly proves the State’s malefic intent in promoting communal disharmony for the vote. Barebone foreign assistance to other countries/institutions of Rs 9735.82 crore in a volatile neighbourhood is nothing compared to China’s recent $47 billion infrastructure push to Pakistan. The Finance Ministry also provides a whopping Rs. 52000 crore for central police and investigation when law and order is a state subject.
In addition, the Centre’s Plan budget document states: “In comparison to capital spending of Rs 192378 crore in RE 2014-15, the capital spending will be Rs 241431 crore in 2015- 16. This will be a growth of 25.5 per cent”. Lofty claims when savings are often 90 per cent-plus and re-appropriated to meet burgeoning non-Plan costs by the Finance Ministry and patently by false accounting entries and surreptitious transfers outside the government account to book expenditure without actual physical progress. And part of the money finds its way to the unauthorized purchase or hiring of Toyota Corollas, Honda City, Maruti Ciaz, and myriad more luxury vehicles for the bada babus... again under the nose of the Union Finance Ministry.
(To be concluded) STATESMAN, SEP 23, 2015 Decrepit finances-II Shantanu Basu
The Union Finance Ministry has metamorphosed into an unmanageable and directionless behemoth. The maze of rules and regulations that makes the Ministry the last word in fiscal wisdom militates against operational autonomy of the spending units. Excessive centralization, ineffectual, indeed politically selective, monitoring of giant expenditure mark the ministry’s operations. It is the first entity of the Government of India that needs to be severely downsized so that provisioning and expenditure are separated in line with the constitutional separation of financial powers.
In all ministries, there are financial advisers and Chief Controllers of Accounts, who adequately represent the Finance Ministry. Further, ministries cannot spend more than what they have been provisioned. They have to follow well-established rules of expenditure, besides the monitoring of the CVC, CBI, CAG, courts, RTI petitions, media publicity and Parliamentary committees. The rules drafted by the Finance Ministry, abetted by a frog-in-the-well CAG, are based on the Machiavellian precept of all men being evil. They rule by routine rather than by exception and portray the Finance Ministry as the supreme keeper of the government’s morals. Yet the rules that this ministry promulgates often border on the ridiculous.
56 Why is it that tendering and public-private partnership remain cash cows? Why must it issue mundane orders fixing rates for working lunches for inter-departmental meetings? Why does it overlook the fact that all ministries routinely hire private cars instead of licensed tourist taxis whose operating costs are substantially higher? Why must delegation of powers to spending ministries remain unrevised for years together with largely notional increases after several years?
If a spending ministry is allotted a budget, why does the Finance Ministry not allow that ministry to assume full ownership over its expenditure and hold it to account when it prematurely runs out of funds? Indeed, the Union Finance Ministry has become the fountainhead for rampant delays in strategic contracts, bulk procurement, staffing, and so on. It is therefore not without reason that serious doubts have often been raised about the real intent of this ministry.
The Aid, Audit & Accounts, Bilateral Cooperation, Multilateral Institutions and Multilateral Relations Division of the Department of Economic Affairs should be integrated with the Economic Diplomacy Division of the Ministry of External Affairs. Why should a large chunk of the Department of Economic Affairs not be part of MEA? Likewise, the Department of Expenditure is already largely decentralized to ministries and departments. Then why have this behemoth department? What is the role of the Department of Financial Services when the RBI and IRDA regulate the banking and insurance sectors and the entire private sector is beyond the control of this department? Why do PSBs or PSIs and government finance companies need this department other than for dispensing informal fiscal patronage to third parties and appointing compliant candidates as top executives in PSBs... adding to NPAs and failing to recover the same? A sum of Rs 70000-8000 crore of development funds for recapping PSBs in lieu of NPAs is hardly a contribution to be proud of. Why cannot this department be merged with Revenue for enforcing better fiscal discipline and board-level appointments delegated to the Department of Personnel? Why not add the Ministry of Corporate Affairs to Revenue and bring all the anti-economic offences agencies under Revenue when the Government of India is severely cash strapped and the private sector is no paragon of virtue.
For its abysmal performance, the Finance Ministry boasts 54 officers of the rank of Joint Secretary and above - a wage cost of about Rs 32.50 crore per annum (inclusive of lifetime pension liability, New Moti Bagh housing at current market rent, full-time staff vehicle, other perks, etc.) plus many times more for their supporting personnel. Why would the Finance Ministry ever suggest obvious rationalisation of fellow ministries?
57 Why not merge the export promotion functions of the Commerce Ministry to the MEA’s Economic Diplomacy Wing? And why not transfer its regulatory and licensing functions to the respective ministries, e.g. agriculture? Similarly, why can’t Social Welfare, Sports & Youth Affairs, Women & Child Welfare, Panchayati Raj and Rural Development be integrated into a single ministry? Why not bring all CPSUs under an underworked, but fully staffed, Department of Industrial Policy & Promotion (DIPP) instead of spreading CPSU largesse to all ministries?
The near-total lack of transparency in the Government of India’s accounts remains unaddressed, even when this needs no constitutional amendment or fresh legislation. The Finance Ministry has raised huge resources by sale of spectrum and coal mining licences, yet only the spectrum fees find mention in the accounts for 2014-15. This ministry raised taxes before Budget 2015 on several items of mass consumption, a continuing education cess, hiked service tax to 14 per cent, giant central excise mopping from an equally giant margin between rapidly declining oil prices and near stagnant sale price of POL, and much more. At the same time, expenditure on non-Plan expenditure jumped over 10 per cent in April 2015 from April 2014. How and where have these huge collections been utilized? No convincing replies are forthcoming from this ministry.
What is even more worrisome is the fact that there is no cap on the maximum rate of GST, whenever it is approved for promulgation. Political compromise has caused the three largest tax earners - tobacco, liquor and POL - to remain outside the GST net. The consumer-centric GST also raises concerns in manufacturing states that would face a downturn in their revenues without adequate compensation. Yet the Finance Ministry strangely advances no media bytes about the cap on the maximum rate of GST and the multiplier effect of the three excluded items plus another 1-2 per cent for manufacturing states’ compensation. If the current rate of service tax of 14 per cent is adopted as a base, the add-ons may come to another 10-15 per cent, making for a probable effective rate of 25-29 per cent. In the net, it will be one of the most regressive taxation systems in the world.
Notwithstanding its critical role in India’s development, the Union Finance Ministry has, over the decades, most particularly since May 2014, come to symbolize the absolute freeze in governance. It is high time the ministry is drastically downsized to provisioning of the annual budget with expenditure being left to the spending ministries. The Finance Ministry has become the principal tool of political and economic subversion set on an arrogant collision course with states that deliver 95 per cent of governance. This militates
58 against development and progress. Re-delegation of its powers to spending units will aid development and enable greater fiscal responsibility. After all this ministry is not and must not be the Government of India’s supreme instrument of common sense and fiscal prudence and keeper of the government’s morals.
Honesty in governance and the ability to comprehend the nation’s problems combined with the will to perform will certainly determine the results of the next national elections in 2019. It would also determine the handover of an impatiently expectant nation to undeserving, unstable and brazenly corrupt and ineffectual coalitions. Non-performers face the risk of historical extinction. For now, policy and performance paralysis remain static from the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance to the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance. (Concluded)
59 RAILWAYS
HINDUSTAN TIMES, SEP 16, 2015 Fare on Delhi Metro’s airport line will be slashed by 50%
The Delhi Metro Rail Corporation has decided to reduce fares on its Airport Express Line (between New Delhi Station and IGI airport) by up to 50%. The new fares will come into effect from Friday.
As per the revised fare structure, the minimum single journey fare on the corridor will be Rs 10, compared to the earlier `20 and the maximum fare will be Rs 60 against the earlier maximum fare of Rs 100.
“ A one-way journey from the New Delhi station to Dwarka Sector 21 using single journey token will now cost only Rs 60. The fare store value card offered to the commuters will have a further discount of 10% as well,” said a DMRC spokesperson.
“The fares are being decreased to mainly encourage commuters from the Dwarka sub city to travel by the Airport Express line instead of the blue line. This will also help decongest the blue line, especially during peak hours, as it is one of the busiest corridors of the Delhi Metro network. The benefit of lesser travel time on the Airport Express line will be communicated to the passengers,” the spokesperson added.
The fares of the Airport Express line were decreased by up to 40% on July 24 last year. As a result, the average daily ridership of the corridor increased from around 13,000 in June, 2014 to more than 20,000 in February earlier this year. On August 28, 2015, more than 32,000 people travelled by the Airport Express line.
DMRC has been taking number of steps to increase the ridership on the airport line and had previously adjusted the departure timings of the train as per the arrival of Shatabdi Express trains at New Delhi railway station.
For nearly two years authorities struggled to increase ridership on the corridor, that was taken over by Delhi Metro Rail Corporation from Reliance Infrastructure on July 2013, due to high fares and several logistical issues.
60 DMRC took over operations of the Airport link after Reliance Infrastructure’s subsidiary Delhi Airport Metro Express Private Ltd (DAMEPL) terminated its concessionaire agreement.
STATESMAN, SEP 21, 2015 Re-rail railwaymen
Time was when in the wake of a series of accidents the railway minister resigned. Now calling a meeting of general managers and other senior officials and giving them a pep talk would appear to suffice for a minister to have fulfilled his responsibilities. While initially Suresh Prabhu “scored” by resisting politicians’ pressures for new trains, extra stoppages etc, his efficiency is being called into question by frequent mishaps, some of them reporting facilities: 54 accidents since April according to one calculation. A few inexpensive brownie points may have been earned by calling that meeting - no such concerted effort was made to tackle the dengue menace in the Capital - but it did little more than present a Rs 1 lakh crore demand for tackling problems that have been highlighted by several of Prabhu’s predecessors - better track maintenance and renewal, newer rolling stock, eliminating level crossings. The minister, of course, also routinely called for greater supervision and accountability from senior officers. It was the chairman of the railway board who put things in a slightly different perspective when he told the media that human failure “constitutes the largest single factor for accidents”, but sadly there was no indication of how that terrible shortcoming was proposed to be addressed. It used to be said that the railways were second only to the military services in terms of the professional pride that contributes so much to efficiency, but that spirit has long dissipated. Not for nothing had the men who “worked” the railway been its heroes: engine drivers, guards, station masters, signalmen and even the “gangs” that patrolled the tracks were not deemed inconsequential, as they are today. While the military does have its officer-men culture, the fact that they are heavily inter-dependent when the bullets fly creates a strong bonding. There is no such “bridge” in the railways, as is so evident from the decay in the upkeep of “running rooms” where outstation crew rest between trips, the awful maintenance of residential complexes, schools and even the local medical centres. No longer is the “driver” of a mail train the man that the railways project as their spearhead. It is that decline in yesteryear’s culture that finds reflection in the “human failure” which the top official lamented. Recalling a little folklore might flesh out the picture. A maharajah had sent an aide, and a bottle of whisky, to summon the guard of the express on which he was travelling; the latter duly obeyed. The “royal request” was that the train halt briefly when it passed near his princely palace. “Thank you, Your Highness, for the Scotch” was the reply, “I would not halt the train for the King of England”.
61 TAXATION
ECONOMIC TIMES, SEP 21, 2015 I-T department to use email for issuing notices
CBDT, the apex policy-making body of the IT department, is working on a strategy to create the required processes and capacity in this regard. NEW DELHI: In welcome news for taxpayers, the IT department has decided to launch a new system of issuing email notices to which an assessee can respond electronically, obviating the need for a physical interface with the taxman which often led to complaints about harassment.
The Central Board of Direct Taxes, the apex policy-making body of the IT department, is working on a strategy to create the required processes and capacity in this regard.
"We have been thinking how can we make life easier for taxpayers especially for those who are in the middle and the slightly higher tax bracket. So, now we are thinking of allowing that when a notice is issued in an assessment or scrutiny case, the taxpayer can send the department an e-response. "We are trying to resolve some security issues in this regard now after which it could be implemented," CBDT Chairperson Anita Kapur told PTI in an interview.
Explaining the procedure, Kapur said if a taxpayer provides the department with a bonafide email address in his Income Tax Return (ITR), the Board will be able to send him an e-notice and not a paper document dispatched through post for which he usually has to travel and meet the Assessing Officer (AO).
"The taxpayer can respond through the email and if we have some more queries we give you another notice by the electronic medium so that both the AO and the taxpayer remain in an e-environment and, may be, during the final hearing when the AO wants to close the matter, the taxpayer can come once to the tax office," the CBDT chief said.
She said the purpose of introducing the system was to reduce the interface between the taxpayer and the AO.
"The taxpayer can send documents over email, scan them, upload them and it's over," she added.
"It (scrutiny session) should be over and should not go beyond that. This is the way we are trying to address the issues of compliance and limiting the interface between the taxman and the taxpayer. This will be a sea change in our tax administration," Kapur said.
Tax experts say the initiative will also ensure privacy of a taxpayers' communication with his AO and the tax department.
62 The CBDT chief said she was aware of instances where the taxpayers complained about the AO raising numerous queries upon meeting the assessees despite their earlier order sheets having mention of only a few queries.
"This (sending emails) is one way of giving both the taxpayer and the AO a good opportunity to solve their things without any problem. It has also been mentioned in our earlier instructions to the field that the questionnaire sent to the taxpayer in scrutiny cases should be focused and specific so that the person knows what is he being enquired about.
"We are trying to do this for a medium-level taxpayer and others," Kapur said, adding she hopes this would bring down taxpayers' complaints.
The CBDT chief said the number of cases landing for scrutiny had gone down over the years following introduction of technology in the administration of taxes.
"The overall percentage of cases brought under scrutiny across the country in a financial year is less than one per cent. The entire system is handled electronically and there is no human intervention. I can assure taxpayers that there is no personal role of a tax official in deciding who can be scrutinised or who cannot be," she said.
Kapur added that as part of measures to further check instances of harassment of taxpayers, the CBDT has recently asked its field offices to not undertake any "fishing or roving inquiries".
"We are also saying to our officers that when you select a case for scrutiny you should say that this is the reason that we have selected your case.
"We are asking our officers that if we are selecting a case for scrutiny on a third-party information (through banks, credit card agencies) just limit your inquiry to those issues which have been flagged and based on which your case have been selected for scrutiny. No fishing inquiries (should be undertaken)," she said.
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