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Professional Ideologies in Russian Social Work: Challenges from Inside and Outside

*Elena Iarskaia-Smirnova

Abstract Since 1991 the Russian Federation faces multiple challenges for its welfare systems and for the development of social services and social work as a profession as a response. This chapter provides a review of some of the key challenges for social work in Russia. It focuses on contradictory ideologies that are shaped in discursive formations of social work in education and everyday experience of social workers in post-Soviet Russia. It is based on qualitative methodology, referring to interview material, and discourse analysis of the Russian textbooks used in social work and social policy education. The chapter addresses several main issues: social policy reforms, identity constructions of social workers; managerial modernization of social services and social work ideology; the education policy in particular, discourses of social work teaching materials and the impact of international co-operation in the development of training programs. Social welfare administration in Russia was inherited from Soviet rule with its centrally commanded planning and rigid system of social security based in public institutions. The general modernization of the system of social welfare in Russia is an ongoing process nowadays and it has had a contradictory effect on social work ideology. During 1990s and early 2000s a number of international donors have contributed to the development of higher education in Russia. International effects on social work education in Russia are noticeable at several levels: institutional, systemic, curricular, symbolic and individual. A series of tensions are explored especially in relation to curriculum, standards and modes of regulation; a number of factors are considered that hindered the effectiveness of international exchange programs. The chapter concludes by pointing out the peculiarities of Russian social work and the scenario of its future development. ______*Elena Iarskaia-Smirnova Dr.of Sociology, Professor at the Department of Social Anthropology and Social Work at Saratov State Technical University and Department of Sociology, State University – Higher School of Economics, Moscow (Russia) INTRODUCTION Helping professions today, address the growing number of social problems which have emerged along with contextual changes in Russia’ society, culture, and state social policy. Social work only emerged in Russia in 1991 and it still lacks recognition by the general public and by other caring professions. Many social work agencies are in search of new forms of organization and are trying to develop new philosophies of service, in order to build positive relationships with the community. However, given the 70 years of Soviet era when social protection was highly centralized and bureaucratized, the organizational cultures of the new social services sometimes reproduce old patterns of bureaucracy, especially where employees lack professional education. The goal of this chapter is to explore the peculiarities of the development of social work as a profession in Russia in the context of structural reforms and international co-operation. Reflections on the development of social work education in Russia have been conducted over the last twelve years (Iarskaia-Smirnova & Romanov, 2002; Penn 2007; Ramon, 1998; Shanin 1998; Schmidt, 2009; Templeman 2004). Western researchers note the fast and effective development of social work in Russia. Penn (2007: 523) calls it extraordinary both from the point of view of the universities (teachers, courses, materials and students) and the agencies (supervisors and practice placements). Templeman (2004) suggests that shortages of resources, capabilities and technology have moved Russian social work rapidly towards professionalization. It is true that the network of social work agencies is growing simultaneously with a number of universities offering professional education programs that become an extremely popular choice for young people. However, a contradictory situation is in place: due to a low wages the majority of graduates leave the profession once they have got their diploma, therefore, unqualified social carers still make up the majority of the workforce (Penn 2007). Comparative research into professionalization of social work reveals common features and peculiarities of this process taking into account important contextual factors (Abbott 1999; Hokenstad 1992; Lyngstad et al. 2004; Salustowicz 2008; Weiss et al. 2004; Weiss-Gal & Welbourne 2008). The data make clear a socially constructed nature of this profession, which takes very different forms in the various national settings throughout the world, where there is a distinct lack of ideological consensus over the goals, tasks, desired technologies, major client groups, the preferred sector in which to operate, and a variety of other issues (Weiss, Gal, Dixon 2004). While tackling global and local issues in social work education and practice, the authors are concerned whether a direct transfer and application of professionally specific concepts from one socio economic and political context to another is possible,

2 whether it is appropriate and genuinely helpful to support these developments by introducing new models from a variety of European and transatlantic countries in particular, to Eastern Europe and Russia (Breslauer, 1995; Bridge, 2000; Montague et al. 2008; Penn, 2007; Ramon, 1996; Simpson 2009; Williams, 2003). In the process of adopting a new concept into the spheres of education and practice, different value systems counteract and often contradict each other. This constitutes an important area for research of professional development of social work in today’s Russia. Social work ideology is an important concept in critical reflection of its knowledge building and professionalization (Chiu & Wong 1998; Fook 2003; Loewenberg 1984; Mullaly 1997; Souflee 1993; Woodcock & Dixon 2005). Ideology includes professional values and beliefs motivating people to act in order to realize these values, but it also goes beyond the framework of the profession, being incorporated into relations and discourses around social problems and ways to tackle them. “Social work ideology is anchored in a belief in the welfare state, in the idea that society has not only the right but a moral obligation to intervene on behalf of its most needy and less powerful members, and in the concept that social institutions are responsible for the social needs of the members of the collectivity” (Souflee 1993: 318-319). On the one hand, it is “a consistent set of social, economic and political beliefs” (Mullaly 1997: 31) but on the other, it is a rather complex series of relations and discourses that conceal what is really going on in society and that people inhabit in a contradictory, common-sense way (Baines 1999). In changing societal context this profession may loose its political basis and become less critical (see for instance Chiu & Wong 1998), radical measures may become institutionalized and allow the state to reposition itself once again as a benign provider of welfare (Mclaughlin 2005). And just as the welfare state in its historical development has vacillated between the residual and the institutional solutions to social problems, so has the profession isomorphically shifted between individual treatment and social reform (Souflee 1993). The socio-political context may for example be unconducive for achieving aims of anti-oppressive social work (Millar 2008). Placing social work ideology in a complex picture of theories, policies, philosophies and myths, it is possible to consider various agents contributing to the constitution of shared knowledge and the value base of the profession. The study presented here starts with a short overview of historical and current social context and goes on to discuss peculiarities of educational programs reviewing the issues of international co- operation. It focuses on the key challenges to professional development of social work, everyday experience of social workers and discursive formations of social work in post-Soviet Russia, seeking to uncover the contradictory nature of discourses in social services and training as well as their impact on the professional identity of social workers. The study is based on qualitative methodology, referring to

3 interviews with social workers and social service administrators (1996-2006), heads and teachers of social work university departments (2006), observation in the field of social work education (since 1991 until now) and discourse analysis of the Russian textbooks used in social work and social policy education. The chapter addresses several main issues in shaping professional ideologies of social work: social policy reforms and modernization of services, identity of social workers, discourses of social work textbooks; education policy, and in particular, the impact of international co-operation in the development of training programs.

Legacies of the past: glimpses into the history of socialist welfare After the decline of czarism with its relatively low developed social services Russia experienced since 1917 the transition to socialist principles of welfare. These principles underwent various major changes during years of Stalinism, the Second World War and in the post-war times, as well as in the late Soviet period while the “social work” was carried out by a number of other agents, institutions and professions – educators at youth and children places of culture and clubs, activists of women’s organizations and trade unions, teachers at schools and educators in kindergartens and orphanages, nurses or visiting nurses at policlinics and militia (Iarskaia-Smirnova & Romanov 2009a). State ideology in socialist times combined elements of conservative and social democratic value systems, and while the early Soviet political rhetoric appealed to the values of self-government and equality, the shift was made towards paternalism and totalitarianism. It was reflected in changes relating to the understanding of social problems, their causes and ways of tackling them, reforming social support and service provision. The Soviet system of social welfare shaped in the 1950s served as a model for the states of the Eastern socialist bloc (Schilde & Schulte 2005). The state and its various agents played a major role in carrying out the double-edged care-and-control task at all levels of social life in society which was supposed to gradually move from tough and selective schemes of social security and insurance to the “bright future” of a communist welfare state. Social care tightly enwrapped the society, controlled the activity and thoughts of Soviet people for more than seventy years. According to the figurative conclusion made by Fitzpatrick, who created a historical and anthropological picture of the everyday life of ordinary soviet people, the USSR for them was something like school, quarter and charity dinner (Fitzpatrick, 1999). The population viewed the government and its agents as the source of both well- being and trouble. The Soviet system undoubtedly had developed the system of social services in terms of organizing residential care for the elderly and people with disabilities, and care for the poor, orphans and students.

4 However, the so-called universal medical care and equal welfare meant in practice the overall equally low level of service and unfair redistribution of resources to separate elite centers – for capital dwellers and party nomenklatura (the higher officials in the Soviet Union). Personal social services (Wiktorov, 1992) in Soviet times, included for example, the system of incentives, benefits and discounts on kindergartens and nurseries for children from single-mother and low-income families, the benefits on tickets to sanatoriums for aged citizens, the provision of clothes and food for children with disabilities living in boarding schools and for elderly people in nursing homes besides vocational education for persons with disabilities. The education and health care systems in the Soviet Union were supplied with cadres having professional education, but there were no social workers with appropriate education. Under socialism a need for social work could not be articulated since it was considered that the achievement of economic equality should automatically solve the social problems generated by the previous system of market relations. Therefore in socialist Russia the social, social-psychological, or social-medical services existed in a fragmentary form and rather belonged to other kinds of activity: for instance, family problems were to be resolved in a court or at party gatherings. In turn, many social problems were not recognized while some of them, for example, dissidence, disability, prostitution and alcoholism were defined in medical and/or criminal terms. The recognition of such issues as problems generated by the system and not as an individual diagnosis would mean an offence against the foundations of dominating ideology (Iarskaia-Smirnova & Romanov 2009b). Russia inherited from the Soviet period a complex system of social security based in public institutions, without professional social work and with the small social transfers to different social groups (people with disabilities, single mothers, veterans, etc., altogether more than 150 categories of population), which were in addition irregularly paid.

Notes on contemporary development: new challenges and demands At the very beginning of the 1990-s social work burst into Russia – simultaneously as a program of higher education (or a retraining program) and professional practice. The society changed drastically. It became more open and heterogeneous which brought acquisitions to some people and hardships to others. It was a time of big political changes and painful social transformations which were accompanied by a dramatic growth of poverty and unemployment, homelessness and juvenile delinquency, drug and alcohol misuse, mental health issues; HIV/AIDS (Green, 2000; Höjdestrand 2003; McAuley 2010; Pridemore 2002; Stephenson 2000; 2008; Titterton 2006). It was evident that previous social institutions could not cope with these new social problems. During the 1990s a wide network of social services were established under the responsibility of the Ministry of Labour and

5 Social Development (recently Ministry of Health Care and Social Development). This social services network has been expanding rapidly during the last 10-12 years (see fig. 1).

Figure 1. Increase in the number of social service agencies Source: Ministry of Health Care and Social Development, Moscow, 2006

3500

3000

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2000 3444 3229 3373 1500 3059 2744 2444 2240 1000 997 2048 2079 2134 1421 500

0 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005

Since the beginning of the 1990s the practice field of social work was developing rather separately from the field of professional training, while the situation in human resources of the social work services sector was characterized by low wages, labor shortage, high fluctuation of personnel and insufficient opportunities of retraining. In the mid-1990s the majority of social workers in Russia were recruited from unemployed women, some of them were mothers with young children. Flexible working hours provided much opportunity for women to do caring work both in the family and in public services. Added to this, these positions were open while other job chances were scarce: “There are not very many options to find jobs, no choices” (Interview 2 with social worker, 1996) and at risk to be closed down. Such a symbolic contract between women and the state has been legitimised by the ‘National plan of activities concerning the improvement of women’s position in Russia and increasing their role in society up to 2000’ which promotes a ‘creation of additional working places for women by widening the network of social services’ (National Plan, 1996). The research shows that, by setting up inadequate wage policies for social workers, the state has reinforced the societal assumption of cheap women’s labour as well as the lack of professionalisation of social work. Dissatisfaction with low wages and medicalized treatment of social problems were the key notions in social workers discourse in the 1990s (Iarskaia-Smirnova & Romanov 2002). Research conducted in different regions of Russia bears this out: most employees lack training, and this impacts negatively on the quality of their services. At the same time, for some social workers, work was not difficult, but rather interesting. A central motive in all interviews was altruistic, i.e. being useful to people: “I would like to help, [with]

6 some kindness, not even material [support], just purely psychological. [We have a] large effect – both mums and children leave with shining eyes – it inspires a lot!” (Interview 4 with social worker, 1996). Not only politics and welfare policies but also the organization is an environment for shaping social work legitimacy (see Anleu 1992). The practitioner herself too contributes to the construction of the set of notions and values about an ideal client and ideal technology for intervention and treatment, quality of work, as well as the need for certain knowledge and skills. Social work everyday ideologies are practice theories, which often exist in a form of ‘tacit knowledge’ (Zeira & Rosen 2000), are interconnected with dominant thinking on gender and social order. The problems of a client might be an outcome of beliefs in traditional gender roles and traditional family definitions, which supposes inequality and subordination of women. As our research shows (Iarskaia-Smirnova 2004; Iarskaia- Smirnova & Romanov 2008), statutory agencies in 1990s have operated on a base of positivist ideologies reflected in attitudes of determinism and passivity (Fook 2003) in dealing with the issues of domestic violence against women, trying to solve the problems of each woman separately instead of bringing them together with other people with similar experience, which could provide help from the group. In contrast to them, non-governmental organizations, such as crisis centers for women, working with the support of international donors, have developed a strong emancipatory view based on feminist ideology. Currently, new understanding has formed that the various forms of violence against women are a problem worthy of state response (Johnson 2009). During the early 1990s four professional associations were created (Association of Social Workers, Association of Social Pedagogues and Social Workers, Association of Social Workers, Association of Social Services Employees, Association of Schools of Social Work) and several special periodicals were developed and established anew. While the association of educators was not so visible, the others have been more active, they published several magazines and arranged for a number of conferences and training courses. Since 2001 the Union of Social Pedagogues and Social Workers has been acting as the national association with over 4500 members in 70 Regions of the Russian Federation (see: Russian Public Organization). However, it is not the Association but the Federal government which has jurisdiction over the profession. The Social Services Federal Law (1995) claims that “the system of social service agencies includes organizations under the control of both Federal and regional authorities, in addition to municipal systems which involve municipal organizations of social services. Social service can also be provided by organizations and citizens representing different sectors of the economy”. The workforce of social services provides care in many different settings, which according to the Social Service Federal Law (1995) includes home care, social assistance for family and children, social-rehabilitation services for children and youngsters under 18; helping

7 children who are left without parents; shelters for children and adolescents; psychological-pedagogical help to the population; hot-line services; night stay hostels; day care for lonely elderly; residential social services (nursing homes for elderly and disabled, psycho-neurological nursing homes, nursing homes for children with mental retardation, nursing homes for children with disabilities); elderly care. Residential care established in state-owned institutions and other state-based social care services are also found in Russia. Similarly to the situation in Ukraine (Dzhygyr, 2007), this imbalance is rooted in various barriers in the development of the social services market, with non-governmental players, such as alternative non-state providers. Outreach work with youth delinquents, drug addicts and homeless people is conducted mainly by NGOs, which are active in big cities. Recent changes in Russian social services of the 2000s include rise of a third sector, a concern with social work professionalization, and the development of the new managerialism. The most characteristic feature of the process of change in the Russian public sector in general and in the social services sector in particular is the persistence of the monopolised position of organizations providing public services and the narrow possibilities for creating a competitive environment. The on-going processes of social policy reforms in Russia are determined by the intentions of neoliberal ideologists and the government to make relationships between the citizens and the state more efficient and effective. In Russia these processes took place after the “shock therapy” of the late 1990s in crisis circumstances of economical and political life, competition for power between private oligarchs, regional leaders and central power. Under the conditions of rapid decrease of the quality of life during market reforms a number of welfare clients groups increased. Due to the ineffectiveness of a universalistic approach, the emphasis in solving welfare problems was shifted to implementing the means testing scheme. This has led to a cancellation of a number of welfare clients groups, and recently to compensating them via monetary means. This shift to a market welfare system using the ‘means-testing’ method in distributing welfare including social support, characterizes the process of social policy liberalization in contemporary Russia. The content of the overall reform had been determined by the emphasis on increase in transparency of the system of social services in order to manage and optimize the distribution of budget resources. The development of a market for social services, provided in Russia by the state based, private and non-governmental organizations has been accelerated, which opens up for all types of social services a possibility to participate in the process of budget means distribution in frames of so called quasi-market processes. In Russia the liberalization of the social services market is limited by the lack of standards of services, weak knowledge base concerning the methods of working with clients and standard regulation in this field, lack of skills in evaluation of quality and effectiveness by many

8 public and non-governmental organizations, as well as knowledge of how to be competitive to promote good services, organizations and methods of work (Romanov 2008). Although means-tested assistance was supposed to increase the effectiveness of the social welfare system, it has had negative effects on the most vulnerable population, especially single mothers who are the heads of low-income households. Having engaged in interactions with the social service system in late 1990s-early 2000s, they were often frustrated by the inadequate assistance and impossibility to improve their life situations. There is an obvious attempt to move from the vague concepts of social work as an occupation where one needs only a 'big heart' and motherly kindness to manageable and accountable activities. Terms from business and management are increasingly entering the world of social services, like effectiveness, efficiency, productivity, professional qualification, successful performance, effective service delivery. These changes may indicate a turn towards technocratic competencies (Dominelli & Hoogvelt 1996), but in social services the majority of employees are still women with low pay and prescribed feminine qualities in their job: “She got herself engaged into their situation, she shouldered a number of families with domestic violence, she gets inside these families, almost got herself in-between this offender and victim. She sort of takes them through herself. She tries hard, so that the family would be an ideal one” (interview with social service administrator, 2006). A feature of the professional qualification, which is still being taken-for-granted, is a set of ‘natural’ qualities of a specialist’s personality. This gives rise to uncertain definitions of services, as well as fuzzy expectations and demands on the part of both administrators and clients. The features of social work routine in social services include high workload and inadequate reward, indefinite and irrational relations between a social worker and a client, an uncertain, irrational nature of worker-client relationships, a vulnerability of workers vis-à-vis the organisation and service users, paternalistic treatment of clients, non-transparency and complexity of caring work measurement, too high demands on the clients’ side and the concomitant risk of neglecting the needs of the same. Clearly, it is not ‘feminine qualities’ but the structural conditions of work that determine the labour relations and the choice of women among the labour force. In today’s Russia the principles of neo-managerialism in social work are infused by the ideologies of neo-liberal welfare state. Dividing the poor as deserving and undeserving turned out to be useful to scientifically rationalize the allocation of resources already under socialism. By saving resources, modern ideologies of control create a gap between clients and social workers. This governmentality may be the reason why clients view practitioners not as sources of help, but as obstacles that must be

9 overcome to get required services (Dominelli 2004). However, these market-oriented ideals are mixed with the notions of non-professional assistance, “big and kind heart” meaning emotional care, and rudiments of the universal welfare arrangements.

Social work education: challenging experiences and discourses Human dignity and social justice are fundamental principles to be realized both in training and in practice and they constitute the core professional ideology of social work. Social work in various parts of the world is targeted at interventions for social support and developmental, protective and/or therapeutic purposes. According to IASSW (Sewpaul 2005), the core purposes of the social work profession include the following: o facilitate the inclusion of marginalized, socially excluded, dispossessed, vulnerable and at-risk groups of people, o address and challenge barriers, inequalities and injustices that exist in society, o form short- and longer-term relationships with and mobilize individuals, families, groups, organizations and communities to enhance their well-being and their problem-solving capacities o assist and educate people to obtain services and resources in their communities, o encourage people to engage in advocacy with regard to pertinent local, national, regional and/or international concerns, etc. Provision of anti-discriminatory service is possible only if social work specialists would recognize inequality on individual and institutional levels in direct contacts with clients or on a structural level during organizational, social and political interaction. Education is called to contribute to the development of such reflexive professionals. The arrival of social work as a new educational discipline in 1991 in a period of significant political, economical and cultural change was considered as an inevitable component of the formation of democracy and the welfare state and coincided with the restructuring of social sciences and humanities in Russian universities. This revival of social thought in Russia, supported by national and international foundations, has resulted in public discussion on matters of social inequality, exclusionary practices and social problems by a number of university departments and through the activities of independent research and training centers. Translation from English, German and Swedish made the name of the profession sound modern, but it was not quite understandable either to the population, or to university teachers in the 1990s.

10 The lack of national consensus about what constitutes a professional core of social work was clear in Eastern Europe, too, where the profession was re-established in 1980s. For instance, in Hungary in past decades, it was possible to mark off conceptions which imagine social work as a means of making up for the missing workforce of nurses in health-care while in higher education programmes social work was seen as a sophisticated and well qualified profession with complex knowledge and refined skills (see: The main steps of the development… 2007). In Russia people associated the term “social work” either with “public voluntary work” as non-paid socially useful activity to be done in one’s free time, or with the phenomenon of more current importance – “temporary public work” offered by the employment service for registered unemployed people. University teachers had to appeal to foreign experience for models of education and practice as they felt a dissonance between public perception and personal expectations in relation to the training of a university specialist. At the end of the 1980s, some energetic pioneers of social work and other social science and humanities education (qualified philosophers, psychologists, historians) were engaged into inter- regional teams. They participated in classes conducted by US, British and Swedish specialists, discussed priorities and tried to make up the core knowledge base for a new profession in Russia. The first syllabi of social work were influenced by encounters with foreign representatives of the profession. The certification of new programs, including sociology, psychology, social work, cultural studies was possible through the activity of pioneers, American and European social workers, volunteers, educators and researchers who visited Russia who explored and developed these unknown territories with some uncertainty and naivety but with great enthusiasm: “The point is that teachers who came here to work did not appear from the Moon, there was no social work [in Russia]. Teachers arrived from other institutions of higher education. We could not hire employees of social services, from any welfare agency – without higher education at all. Therefore, they had to master the program from scratch” (Interview 16, head of the university department of social work). The first international contacts at the beginning of the 1990s supplied this import with vivid examples of “real social workers” and practicing psychologists. More and more Russian educators had an opportunity to get acquainted with absolutely new subjects and methods of teaching: “to become familiar on site, in Germany and England, with new working experience” (Interview 2, professor at the university department of social work); “Real people, those who work with the youth outside, those who work at prevention of alcoholism among children and adolescents …” (Interview 7, head of the university department of social work). Some educators managed to travel abroad and visit big university centers and different social agencies. In 1992 four Russian educators including the author of this chapter were enrolled to the faculty of a one-year SW Master’s program at Gothenburg University.

11 Several textbooks by the Swedish, UK, US and Norwegian authors were translated and published at that time. At the same time, a lot of social work textbooks were published since early 1990s that have ignored not only a conceptual discussion on gender and multiculturalism but also of many other basic social theories (see analysis of 42 social work and social policy textbooks published between 1996 and 2006: Iarskaia-Smirnova & Romanov 2008). Many analyzed textbooks are written from the social pathology perspective (see Mills 1943) and present a large incongruence between the IASSW and Russian understanding of SW theories and practice. Gender is considered as a concept in some textbooks written on the basis of foreign research. These manuals are devoted to the examination of western theories supported by foreign research examples and results. However even in these books the concept of gender differences viewed from the aspect of human rights and factors contributing to the appearance of social problems are mentioned transiently. As a rule they are usually viewed in small extracts in one of the parts. Further examination is not based on gender theory; it even tries to ignore it. Failure to explore gender issues means lack of knowledge, but in many cases it indicates a conscious choice of biodeterminist ideology. In most cases gender differences are represented as biologically materialized substances, and social conditions of their construction are not taken into account. Mothers in general are presented from the point of view of a patriarchal state ideology while single mothers in particular are shown as immoral, unfortunate and dangerous not only for their own children but also for society on the whole. Not only are women’s issues in social work education largely ignored, the experiences of both women and men are presented in frameworks of a traditional body of knowledge and not reflected critically. Women’s issues become an addendum to the body of dominant knowledge; they are presented as exceptions or deviant cases from the general theoretical and practice principles that are being taught; this marginalises women even further and consigns their knowledge to the ghetto. Social work is defined here as “according to therapeutic models that reinforce socially sanctioned consumer roles. The expert defines what needs to be changed by defining (diagnosing) what is wrong with the consumer, interpreting and shaping the consumer’s life toward socially desirable adaptation” (Figueira- McDonough et al. 2001: 418). The notion of ethnicity in analyzed social policy and social work textbooks is determined with a different degree of anxiety in relation to social security and order. Such characters as migrants or minorities are qualified as special clients of a social welfare system who are able to integrate but remain a source of real or potential social danger. These books avoid issues of non-discriminatory or multicultural social work, active tolerance and social criticism. Fragments of international rhetoric on

12 social work theories and practice are present in some of the textbooks but in an eclectic and not coherent way. The centralization of symbolic power is illuminated by this analysis, as the majority of the textbooks are written by authors from Moscow and StPetersburg. Such discourses are rarely challenged: the analyzed textbooks received little public critical appraisal as the practice of independent peer review is not yet a wide spread practice within the academic community. Looking at such textbooks, one may judge that social work theory and practice generally is taught in an apolitical way (see Ephross & Reisch 1982). But the reality of social work training in Russia is rather diverse. International projects provided resources for institutional and curriculum development, influenced teaching methods and have provided opportunities for improving English language skills and enhancing computer literacy, helped teachers to improve their qualifications through new cross-cultural communication experiences, improved foreign language skills, and the acquisition of updated professional knowledge. Tempus projects have improved cooperation between universities and ministries, and has mobilized universities, public institutions, NGOs and businesses to analyze weak points in the Russian higher education system and in universities (see: TEMPUS in Russia). To reveal these points was a real challenge for many. The investments by international donors into the development of social work education in Russia included the endeavors by the TEMPUS, Inter-University Partnership of USAID, HESP projects, British council programs, Fulbright and Soros fellowships for guest lecturers in social work, as well as IMF loan sponsored programs to further qualifications, a number of international research projects conducted with social work departments, as well as individual study visits under the support of Fulbright, ACTR, IREX, Institute of International Education of Ford Foundation. The role of international co-operation should not be overestimated. Out of 130 universities offering social work programs 23 took part in 27 TEMPUS projects, which usually have quite an extended mobility schemes. It can be approximated that about five hundred out of 3500 Russian educators working at social work departments and faculties conducted study visits under the support of various foreign donors. It is evident that the number of grantees, scholarships, projects and universities taking part in them cannot be the only feature indicating the extent of social work education development on the whole and its internationalization in particular. Attention should be paid to peculiarities of curriculum development, motivation of teachers and students and to changes in university management.

Curriculum development: thinking internationally, acting locally? In 1991 only four institutions of higher education were offering social work programs, while in 2008 there are more than 130. Experts recall that the first SW educational programs and curricula in

13 Russia at the end of the 1980-s – at the beginning of the 1990-s were following the examples from Sweden, Germany, United Kingdom and the USA: “the structure of courses was built on the basis of foreign programs, it was simply translated” (Interview 6, the Dean of the university faculty, which includes social work department). At first program makers “thought that standards would be somehow integrated, however it turned out to be that it’s impossible to integrate them. Our standard is based on the traditions of the first half of the XX century, classical university education unlike other countries” (Interview 3, head of the university department of social work). The concept underlying the first SW curriculum imported into Russia in the late 1980s was a hybrid of Russian and foreign ideas about social worker’s professional activity, with Russian traditions of higher education obviously manifest– both in form and in contents of an educational program. The structure and content of social work curriculum implemented in Russia has to be consistent with the National Standard of higher professional education, established by the National council of social work education located at Russian State Social University (Moscow). This is characterized by overload of theoretical disciplines and fragmentation of social work training. Any Russian university offering social work training programs has the right to amend this curriculum by one third of the suggested model only. In parallel with working in such centralized governance mode, regional universities accumulated their own resources by taking part in the construction of professional knowledge in social work. Regional universities began to take part in international exchanges. The program of Open Society Institute (Soros Foundation) on the development of higher education in Russia enabled several universities to progress in the development of new disciplines within social science and humanities. In 1995 the Russian-British University was established by Professor of Manchester University Teodor Shanin and his associates. It is called Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences and works with the support of international foundations. Its master’s program in social work fundamentally differs in its structure and content from the programs offered in other universities in Russia. In many universities, learning was limited to just one of the learning phases, in terms of Kolb (1984), mainly to the level of conceptualization, leaving aside experience, reflection and application into practice: students only study theory, without learning how to put the acquired theoretical knowledge into practice, then to reflect on it and to integrate this new knowledge into theory. In addition, often the courses are offered by different departments separated by their disciplinary boundaries, for example, in Perm university the courses on legal issues of drug addiction is taught by the Department of Law, while psychological issues of drug addictions are taught by the Department of Psychology, and finally a course on prevention and social work with drug addicts is taught by the

14 Department of Social Work. In addition to the symbolic conflicts concerning the definitions of social problems, the departments sometimes are competing with each other for teaching hours, which interferes with making joint well-coordinated efforts to implement international projects: “I feel so disappointed. May be some time later we’ll manage to join our efforts. But yet we couldn’t succeed” (Interview 8, head of the university department of social work). In consonance with the Bologna process of reforms in education, curriculum and structural changes have occurred within Russian social work education where bachelor and master programs were introduced. International co-operation was in many cases focused on promoting these structural changes at the local level. In most cases transformations are concerned with the content of disciplines, the methods of teaching, evaluation and organization of field placement and elaboration of new textbooks but not with the profound modernization of the curriculum. Its implementation is subject to control from the central body, National Council of Social Work Education every five years during attestation: “The main factor structuring a curriculum is the National Standard; moreover, the attestation of our university is expected in May” (Interview 17, assistant professor and former head of the department of social work). The attitude of the National Council of Social Work Education to the transformation of the curriculum towards international comparison is skeptical: “we conduct comparative analysis of services in different courses; we don’t need any new special courses. Materials and elaborations are used of course. The content (the international aspect) is represented inside of different courses” (Interview 3, head of the university department of social work). Russian educators travelled abroad and visited social service agencies, university departments and libraries, met with social workers and their directors, with students and teachers, were impressed very much and tried to promote changes back home: “The materials we were offered were modern and instrumental. It was viewed how to act in different situations, how to work in community… It was difficult for us to understand it because our leading principle was paternalism” (Interview 2, professor at the university department of social work); “we understood the importance of encouragement of active work of NGOs of people with disabilities, the intensification of partnership between the government, social work agencies and non-governmental organizations” (Interview 16, head of the university department of social work). These impressions often caused a kind of culture shock leading to a fundamental review of course content, having clear impact, for example, on understanding of disability policies among social work educators. It needs to be mentioned here that the Soviet and post- Soviet framework for it is in contrast to the international definition of disability, a ‘medical model’ in which the most significant feature is the provision of medical help to restore a disabled person’s ability to adapt to society, and in particular to work. This medical model is paternalistic, institutionalized,

15 limiting of disabled people, and gives priority to soldiers and workers over children. Its outward manifestations are inaccessible housing, transport and public buildings, and in social attitudes, the perpetuation of stigma and misunderstanding. The important social policy reforms started in the mid- 1990s and in late 2000s there is evidence for gradual increase of inclusion and broader participation of disabled people in all aspects of social life. Teachers added illustrations from their foreign experience, describing the methods of social work and approaches and understanding of social problems, they reviewed teaching methods and content of a discipline: “We gradually refuse the form of education in which lectures prevail and when a teacher translates formal knowledge to students” (Interview 11, head of the department of social work). International exchange in certain ways led to inter-disciplinary integration of courses within the local curriculum. Many courses were substantially modernized, new courses were developed, issues of human rights and anti-discrimination were brought into focus.

Ideologies of social work education: how institutions think According to Richard Estes (1992), while studying the effects of internationalization of the curriculum, the “issues of organizational climate, politics, and perceived institutional constraints” are very important. It is usually at the institutional level that the real process of internationalization is taking place (Knight 2004). Different organizational ideologies compete within the universities and departments of social work. Having come back from abroad, some teachers managed to change themselves and modify their colleagues’ attitudes, others were absorbed by routine and they continued working with previous models, while the rest were forced out by conservative environments and changed their work place and even occupation. In some cases scarce information resources and poor motivation of university officials hindered the initiatives of teachers and heads of departments to promote international cooperation. Not only finances and office equipment but also intellectual exchange and academic initiatives are crucially important to build the reputation of the department and university but the neo-managerial ideology created barriers: “introducing of new special courses into our program is important for us, but they just need financial reports” (Interview 8, head of the university department of social work); “the administration is indifferent to our work” (Interview 5, assistant professor at the department of social work). Financial management of the projects was in some cases inefficient due to the rigid limits set by foundations and/or local power abuse. At the same time, when the university management cared for the development of certain educational programs and the university as a whole, energetic integration of resources from the “top” to the “bottom” contributed to intensification of international activity.

16 Participants of international educational projects faced a multi-aspect and complex challenge conditioned by the context of the crisis in Russian higher education in the 1990s, a culture shock received due to the cognition of another contrasting academic culture (and for many people – with foreign countries in general). Academic mobility contributed not only to improving qualification of teachers, but also it caused brain drain. Sometimes after the study visits there were no substantial changes in educators’ attitude towards the subject and their manner of teaching. Lack of students motivation caused the loss of educators enthusiasm. Unfortunately, there is a significant language barrier, which makes it difficult for Russian students to get acquainted with foreign experience of social work. Due to this the material accumulated in the process of projects implementation are often ununused by students: “As the level of language acquisition is insufficient all the books are shelved so far; it turned out to be not claimed; only the simplest materials are used (schemes, tables). Students do not know English. There are only few of them who really need it” (Interview 5, assistant professor at the department of social work). A geographical factor along with social and economic inequality of regions has a great impact on the unequal position among Russian universities. The universities of the northwest region of Russia accumulate for themselves the efforts of Scandinavian and European donor agencies. Being at A longer distance from the political and economic center, however, creates much bigger problems than international donors could deal with. Experts from Siberian universities have expressed the feeling of deprivation of information and inability for full participation in the activities of the international and national academic community. The difficulties of logistics of international projects can make financial investments useless, in particular for instance with equipment which cannot be repaired in Russian regions, or into excessive, but not always helpful mobility. At the same time publications are underestimated during the planning of priorities of budgetary policy: “The dissatisfaction with one’s own impact on foreign partners. I would plan more publications. After the implementation of the project people acquire experience, but without publications they lose it. We do our best – there are books, final materials. We have everything. But it was not planned by foreign colleagues. It was our achievement. We issued this challenge” (Interview 1, the Dean of the university faculty, which includes the department of social work); “Insufficient financing of publishing activity in project’s budget; no one of post-graduate students who was engaged in the project (or was in it on probation) defended a thesis or worked at the department. Less money should have been spent on study visits of post-graduate students, more on publications” (Interview 2, professor at the university department of social work). Sometimes these processes were accompanied by conflicts and disappointments. The qualification of foreign lecturers

17 has not always inspired and pleased Russian educators. Bureaucratic mechanisms of project implementation in foreign universities often suppressed creative and intellectual constituents of partnerships which could not but decrease their efficiency. The projects made a contribution to diffusion of power becoming a force which counteracted the so-called Matthew effect (Merton 1988): due to the preferences of the foundations to support scholars from and alliances with provincial universities, this helped to decrease inequality of human and material resources between “rich” capital and “poor” regional universities. Favorable conditions were created in provincial institutions of higher education for the fast professional growth of young teachers and scholars, contributing to the accumulation of relative advantages such as scientific and teaching potential and access to resources. The merits of universities which took part in international projects, the achievements of departments and individual educators enable to increase their cultural and social capital and allow them to act as more equal players in the symbolic struggle for the power of nominations including the sphere of social work. The Social capital of Russian universities participating in international projects has increased substantially due to the expansion of teachers’ academic networks, wider opportunities for academic mobility and, of course, relative increase in information and material resources including libraries, office equipment, and Internet access. Some regional authors are recognized better having published with big and famous publishing companies and having received prestigious prizes and awards: “I have an American degree and it allows me to say such things. Moreover, do you know that in December we became laureates of the State Prize? Such an appraisal means a lot!” (Interview 12, professor at the department of social work). Educational projects indirectly influenced the professional growth of young scholars having offered them access to information and enabled them to extend academic borders and review identification models: “Of course, if it were not for the projects our young scholars would not be able to develop so much for 15 years… We have always had a tendency to underestimate our [young] colleagues” (Interview 10, head of the department of social work). The acquaintance with academic environments and being faced with the high requirements for scientific publications abroad, makes one revalue oneself and one’s own works: “there are things for comparison; cognition of foreign experience and research changes the scale of evaluation” (Interview 17, assistant professor, former head of the department of social work). It is reflected in increased demands on oneself as an educator and in modification of criteria of students’ performance. The acquaintance of Russian educators with their foreign colleagues encouraged scholarly exchange, motivated them to explore new important research subjects, to apply a comparative approach, leading to team building based on research and teaching interests. In several universities international projects infused the establishment of new

18 structures (centers, subdivisions) in universities or jointly with external institutional actors. These subdivisions favored new interest projects in the field of social work, social policy, gender and disability studies and thus accelerated the development of teaching.

Training for practice: bridging the gaps Due to their participation in international projects, Russian educators gained more flexible and broad insight of the profession unlike their practicing colleagues who had put social work into the frame of non-qualified assistance on the one hand, and regarded it as paper work, on the other. In practice fields of social work international cooperation took place too, but with substantial difference. It started later and allocated less money for mobility from Russia to the West than projects focusing on the development of higher education. No foreign language training was provided, short-time study visits were arranged mainly for the officials and experts from federal and regional ministries and administration of services accompanied by their interpreters. More attention is paid to expansion of new technologies, standards and their application into work practice at a local level. Training events sometimes involve local university teachers, but more often with specialists from abroad and the capital research centers and universities of Moscow and St. Petersburg. These events are arranged in short- term thematic seminars and workshops as well as big and rather formal conferences. These projects helped accumulate material resources within the services, offered short-term training courses to promote further qualification of service providers and increase symbolic importance of social work with certain problems due to participation of high ranking officials but in general did not change power hierarchies and ideological assumptions within the system of social services, which confronts criticism defending the existing status quo: “you have no right to criticize our mental institutions! Good people are working there and they do not deserve such remarks” (higher official of the social services during the working conference of the project sponsored by European fund, 2008). Participation of university teachers and researchers from Russia as well as foreign experts sometimes served only ornamental functions. Non-governmental organizations offering social services to the population succeeded quite well in accumulating their human resources. Due to their flexible organizational structure, strong motivation and high qualification of their leaders and employees, many NGOs working with orphans, people with disabilities, survivors of domestic violence and other vulnerable groups of the population have developed professional skills, are involved in international co-operation and in many cases collaborate with local government, social services and universities. Having grown out of the service users’ associations and grass-roots movements, these NGOs use emancipatory and egalitarian ideology in

19 their struggle to establish human rights and principles of independent living. NGOs located in big cities and funded by international and national foundations can provide an attractive labor market for qualified social work graduates as they offer better wages, encourage and support employees to improve professionally, operate on project-management base, which often is associated with a flexible and vivid organizational culture. However, the number of such organizations is rather limited and unstable due to the specific economic and political situation in Russia, where big involvement of foreign donors is not encouraged while national funds to support non-governmental activities are scarce. Besides, some big international donors and non-governmental organizations, which were previously very active in Russia are decreasing their presence here. In the mid-2000s a negative attitude towards international donors and co-operation was articulated by policy makers. International projects were a source of alternative expert knowledge, they contributed to decentralization of information flows, weakening of power hierarchies in academia and diversification of service provision. Western foundations decreased their activities in Russia and have re-oriented to other world regions. Some of them were disappointed with the ability of international programs to catalyze changes, in particular in the system of higher education. Nevertheless, European programs still are considered as a very important source for enhancing and modernizing the Russian system of higher education and social work training in particular. The most important structural effect of international projects in the field of social work education which appeared in a number of regions is connected with the development of cooperation between universities, social service agencies and local authority. In particular it was discussed by experts taking part in TEMPUS projects and also in projects focusing on the development of social service practice and establishing the educational component (for instance Tacis and SIDA): “The project helps a lot to develop practice and cooperation. The representatives of regional administration take part in the project. They are interested in a university component” (Interview 1, the Dean of the university faculty, which includes the department of social work); “Better contacts were established with the City and Regional Labor and Social Security Committee” (Interview 2, professor at the university department of social work). Within the frameworks of projects implementation some departments even succeeded to reform policies in the region. “It turned out that even thanks to the efforts of several people it’s possible to establish quite a different system”, - says Tatiana Margolina, the ombudsman of Perm region and a head of social work department at Perm university (Interview 8, head of the university department of social work). The participation in IREX project enabled her and her colleagues to apply a new approach to coping with the problem of social orphanhood, i.e. child abandonment:

20 “to establish a new system of prevention – the early pre-crisis one; to draft a law of a prevention system, to ensure monitoring at certain stages of preventive work. We could certainly achieve this ourselves but cooperation with IREX enabled us to understand that the problem is rather acute, to see possible methods of copying with it and to search for our own decisions” (Interview 8, head of the university department of social work). The term “social orpahnhood” is widely used in Russia today to stress that the child is abandoned by her parents while she is not an orphan de jure. During the last century many children in Russia who survived massive social cataclysms such as revolutions, wars, famines, and poverty, have been brought up in orphanages. In times of major structural transformations in the 1990s many children found themselves in the streets engaging in gangs and begging while others were getting institutional custody. Since the late 1990s a new agenda has been proclaimed to implement de-institutionalisation and to advance family placement for orphans. But the ideology of this reform suffers some gaps: the impact of intervention with the native family of the child is not taken into account; the reform is focused on dismantling the residential care system, but does not transform the system of decision making (see: Schmidt 2009). In Russian social work training and practice a tension still remains “between the pre-1987 style of doing things and new models and practices. Often this is reflected by the age and attitude of the people at the helm, be they ministers, academics or agency managers, but not always. It is an inherent problem in the current system and one which cannot be resolved either by funding or by international assistance. It requires time” (Penn 2007: 525). One of the most important problems of Russian education in the field of social work is lack of practice-oriented training. The ratio of the number of hours for practical and theoretical education according to the National Standard of Social Work Education of 2000 constitutes approximately one to seven (in a new project of National Standard of 2008 it increased up to one sixth). These features when discussed in the meetings of international partners often become the objects of criticism necessitating change: “a critical appraisal of the organization of our field practice was very useful for us.… We reviewed organization of our field practice. In many ways the drive for it was our surprise about the number of hours for practical education [abroad] and how independent they are in certain moments of their activity” (Interview 8, head of the university department of social work)

The notion of an integrated theory and practice model of social work education (Juliusdottir & Petersson 2003) is very important and needs to be adopted in Russia. Several university departments

21 are successfully combating the obstacles presented by the National Standard of social work education and are trying to emphasize field practice in their programs. In building new curricula for social work education and training these departments employ strategies of importing externally developed curricula but adjust them at the university level and according to local needs, including, for example, the curriculum for further qualification and training of community social workers developed by the university, independent research and training centers and international foundations. In Volgograd Pedagogical University “the curriculum was substantially updated. We used the component which is called ‘regional’. In a block of professional training we included 12 different practical training courses. It was one of the tasks of our project. We tried both to follow all the requirements of the Standard and to use a practice-oriented approach” (Interview 1, the Dean of the university faculty, which includes the department of social work). However, as Penn (2007) concludes, although international projects have made a difference to those participating at the time, it is difficult to disseminate these benefits beyond the immediate region. The successful collaborative integration of different public and non-governmental organizations dealing with social services will require a cycle of experiential learning (see Kolb 1984) which involves concrete experience, reflective observation, theoretical conceptualization and active experimentation, sensitive to the specific contexts of professional practice. A concrete impetus could be provided by regular seminars jointly organized by university teachers, researchers, administration of social services, and service providers.

CONCLUSION Professional ideologies in Russian social work are shaped and modified by various sources and reflect post-Soviet legitimacy of care and control. Throughout its short history in Russia, social work has undergone a constant process of change. The actual characteristics of social work education and training are (re)defined by such structuring parameters as the conception of professionalism, by highly ambivalent relations with the contemporary Russian public policy, by the background of teachers and departments, by a philosophy and ideology of human rights and by the international investments and exchange. Social workers are gradually acquiring new knowledge and skills to effect social change in democratic egalitarian mode rather than following the paternalist scheme of thought and action. Each successfully completed case  helping the client to find job, accumulate resources and networks  generates a more positive attitude towards the agency and the workers. The reflective practitioner type of professionalism is appropriate for social work, it involves a combination of theoretical and practical knowledge, values, cognitive and behavioural competencies in specific contexts through negotiating

22 shared meanings. An effective mechanism for the independent evaluation of social services is also needed, to make it possible to target educational and fundraising activities. It is important for government, foundations and the academic community to focus more on critical issues in social welfare and on the importance of developing conflict resolution skills and to support the development of social services research. Democratic egalitarian and non-discriminatory ideology is required in social services as well as in social work training. It is worthwhile to pay more attention to retraining programs and to raise the level of skills of specialists who already work for social service agencies. These specialists and their managers are highly motivated to receive training. Although social work as a concept for higher education was adopted in Russia from the West, it was developing from early-1990s in general accordance with Soviet traditions of social studies and humanities, i.e. with a strong emphasis on theories, low proportion of practice teaching, weak involvement of practitioners in the educational process, more likely to be oriented towards seeing it as administrative practice, focused on macro-practices, paying much attention to legislation and policies and avoiding issues of discrimination, exclusion and inequality. Many textbooks on social policy and social work published in 1990s-2000s in large amount of copies in the big printing companies and nominated by the central governing body of social work education as compulsory to be used in training did not contribute to the recognition of human rights, did not address such important elements of social work professional ideology as respect for human dignity and anti-discriminatory approach. Out of 130 universities offering SW programs only a few took part in international projects with considerably large budgets that could contribute to more or less sustainable changes in the shape and content of SW curriculum and conditions and ways of teaching. The obstacles were connected with organizational, informational and human factors. A geographical distance along with social and economic inequality of regions has impacted on the formation of unequal position among Russian universities in the market of international cooperation. Acquired educational materials within the frameworks of international projects are used with different effects depending on such factors as foreign language comprehension among teachers and students, their personal initiative and motivation as well as involvement and initiative of head of the department. In several universities, the curriculum has undergone major changes, having included new courses and increased the share of practice training in their programs. Educators use new knowledge, skills as well as literature successfully in their research activity, which in turn influences the quality and content of their teaching. New courses reflect an ideal value system of modern professional social work focusing on the aspects of human rights, independent life of people with disabilities, gender equality, as well as resources of local community, participatory approaches, and creative methods. The impact of international co-operation on the

23 enhancement of professional identity of social work is a good contribution to the development of critical social thinking in general and modernization of academic tradition in particular. Intensification of globalization processes, the reform of educational system following European and international standards may cause enhanced internationalization of curricula and professional practice in future.

Acknowledgements The author gratefully acknowledges the contribution of all informants and colleagues who assisted in data collection and discussion, in particular, professor Pavel Romanov for valuable comments, and Curriculum Research Fellowship of CRC at the Central European University for the support of the individual research project “The Dynamics of Social Work Curriculum Development in Russia, 1991-2006: national standards and the impact of international collaboration”.

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