John Dickinson, from Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (1768)

Chapter 4 Assignment Name ______

Identify the term and explain its significance:

1) Robert Walpole -

2) Board of Trade -

3) Privy Council -

4) “Join or Die” –

5) Nature of French settlement –

6) The Iroquois Confederacy –

7) Fort Necessity –

8) Seven Years’ War/French & Indian War –

9) William Pitt –

10) Fort Quebec – 11) The Peace of Paris –

12) Proclamation Line of 1763 –

13) George III –

14) George Grenville –

15) Sugar Act of 1764 –

16) Currency Act of 1964 –

17) Stamp Act of 1765 –

18) Paxton Boys –

19) Regulator Movement –

20) Virginia Resolves –

21) Sons of Liberty –

22) Stamp Act Congress – 23) Charles Townshend –

24) internal vs. external taxes –

25) homespun –

26) Boston Massacre –

27) virtual representation –

28) Gaspée –

29) The Tea Act –

30) Coercive Acts –

31) First Continental Congress –

32) General Thomas Gage –

33) Lexington - PRIMARY SOURCE DOCUMENTS

John Dickinson, from Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (1768)

John Dickinson wrote Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania in protest to the passage of the Townshend Duties in 1767. One of the wealthiest lawyers in Pennsylvania, Dickinson’s choice to identify himself as a farmer reveals his belief that the feelings and opinions he asserts in his letters should appeal to the majority of the colonists, most of whom were indeed farmers.

There is [a] late act of Parliament, which seems to me to be . . . destructive to the liberty of these colonies, . . . that is the act for granting duties on paper, glass, etc. It appears to me to be unconstitutional.

The Parliament unquestionably possesses a legal authority to regulate the trade of Great Britain and all its colonies. Such an authority is essential to the relation between a mother country and its colonies and necessary for the common good of all. He who considers these provinces as states distinct from the British Empire has very slender notions of justice or of their interests. We are but parts of a whole; and therefore there must exist a power somewhere to preside, and preserve the connection in due order. This power is lodged in the Parliament, and we are as much dependent on Great Britain as a perfectly free people can be on another.

I have looked over every statute relating to these colonies, from their first settlement to this time; and I find every one of them founded on this principle till the Stamp Act administration. All before are calculated to preserve or promote a mutually beneficial intercourse between the several constituent parts of the Empire. And though many of them imposed duties on trade, yet those duties were always imposed with design to restrain the commerce of one part that was injurious to another, and thus to promote the general welfare. . . . Never did the British Parliament, till the period abovementioned, think of imposing duties in American for the purpose of raising a revenue. . . . This I call an innovation, and a most dangerous innovation.

That we may be legally bound to pay any general duties on these commodities, relative to the regulation of trade, is granted. But we being obliged by her laws to take them from Great Britain, any special duties imposed on their exportation to us only, with intention to raise a revenue from us only, are as much taxes upon us as those imposed by the Stamp Act. . . . It is nothing but the edition of a former book with a new title page, . . . and will be attended with the very same consequences to American liberty.

Sorry I am to learn that there are some few persons, [who] shake their heads with solemn motion, and pretend to wonder what can be the meaning of these letters. . . . I will now tell the gentlemen. . . . The meaning of them is to convince the people of these colonies that they are at this moment exposed to the most imminent dangers, and persuade them immediately, vigorously, and unanimously to exert themselves, in the most firm, but most peaceable manner for obtaining relief. The cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be sullied by turbulence and tumult. It ought to be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature. . . . I hope, my dear countrymen, that you will in every colony be upon your guard against those who may at any time endeavour to stir you up, under pretences of patriotism, to any measures disrespectful to our sovereign and our mother country. Hot, rash, disorderly proceedings injure the reputation of a people as to wisdom, valour and virtue, without procuring them the least benefit. . . .

Every government, at some time or other, falls into wrong measures. They may proceed from mistake or passion. But every such measure does not dissolve the obligation between the governors and the governed. The mistake may be corrected, the passion may pass over. It is the duty of the governed to endeavour to rectify the mistake and appease the passion. They have not at first any other right than to represent their grievances and to pray for redress. . . .

Document Analysis

1. What did Dickinson fear would happen if the Townshend duties were collected?

2. According to Dickinson, what was the “dangerous innovation” in the Townshend duties, which were designed to impose duties on trade?

John Andrews to William Barrell, Letter Regarding the Boston Tea Party (1773) In an attempt to support the badly mismanaged British East India Company, Parliament authorized the company to send its tea directly to its own agents in the American colonies, bypassing the usual middlemen. In this way, the company's agents could undersell American retailers and even smugglers, giving the British East India Company a virtual monopoly on tea—the most popular beverage in colonial America—in the colonies. This Parliamentary interference in American commerce was unacceptable to many colonists, especially in Boston, where the memory of the "Massacre" was still fresh. On November 27, 1773, three ships loaded with tea arrived in Boston, but they were not allowed to unload their cargo. Two nights later, Bostonians held a meeting and decided to send the tea back to England—without paying the tax on it. Governor Thomas Hutchinson responded by permitting the ships to leave, but not without paying the tea tax, which was a very important source of revenue for the colony. Two weeks later, on the night of December 16, a group of colonists, rather thinly disguised as Mohawk Indians, boarded the ships and dumped the tea into Boston Harbor.

December 18th. However precarious our situation may be, yet such is the present calm composure of the people that a stranger would hardly think that ten thousand pounds sterling of the East India Company's tea was destroy'd the night, or rather evening before last, yet its a serious truth; and if your's, together with ye other Southern provinces, should rest satisfied with their quota being stor'd, poor Boston will feel the whole weight of ministerial vengeance. However, its the opinion of most. people that we stand an equal chance now, whether troops are sent in consequence of it or not; whereas, had it been stor'd, we should inevitably have had 'em, to enforce the sale of it.

—The affair was transacted with the greatest regularity and despatch. Mr. Rotch finding he exposed himself not only to the loss of his ship but for ye value of the tea in case he sent her back with it, without a clearance from the custom house, as ye Admiral kept a ship in readiness to make a seizure of it whenever it should sail under those circumstances; therefore declin'd complying with his former promises, and absolutely declar'd his vessel should not carry it, without a proper clearance could be procur'd or he to be indemnified for the value of her: Ñwhen a general muster was assembled, from this and all ye neighbouring towns, to the number of five or six thousand, at 10 o'clock Thursday morning in the Old South Meeting house, where they pass'd a unanimous vote that the Tea should go out of the harbour that afternoon, and sent a committee with Mr. Rotch to ye. Custom house to demand a clearance, which the collector told 'em was not in his power to give, without the duties being first paid. They then sent Mr. Rotch to Milton, to ask a pass from ye Governor, who sent for answer, that "consistent with the rules of government and his duty to the King he could not grant one without they produc'd a previous clearance from the office." —By the time he return'd with this message the candles were light in [the] house, and upon reading it, such prodigious shouts were made, that induc'd me, while drinking -tea at home, to go out and know the cause of it. The house was so crouded I could get no farther than ye porch, when I found the mod-erator was just declaring the meeting to be dissolv'd, which caused another general shout, out doors and in, and three cheers. What with that, and the consequent noise of breaking up the meeting, you'd thought that the inhabitants of the infernal regions had broke loose. For my part, I went contentedly home and finish'd my tea, but was soon inform'd what was going forward: but still not crediting it without ocular demonstration, I went and was satisfied. They muster'd I'm told, upon Fort Hill, to the number of about two hundred, and procceded, two by two, to Griffin's wharf, where Hall, Bruce, and Coffin lay, each with 114 chests of the ill fated article on board; the two former with only that article, but ye latter arriv'd at ye wharf only ye day before, was freighted with a large quantity of other goods, which they took the greatest care not to injure in the least, and before nine o'clock in ye evening, every chest from on board the three vessels was knock'd to pieces and flung over ye sides. They say the actors were Indians from Narragansett. Whether they were or not, to a transient observer they appear'd as such, being cloath'd in Blankets with the heads muffled, and copper color'd countenances, being, each arm'd with a hatchet or axe, and pair pistols, nor was their dialect different from what I conceive these geniusses to speak, as their jargon was unintelligible to all but themselves. Not the least insult was offer'd to any person, save one Captain Conner, a letter of horses in this place, not many years since remov'd from dear Ireland, who had ript up the lining of his coat and waistcoat under the arms, and watch-ing, his opportunity had nearly fill'd them with tea, but being detected, was handled pretty roughly. They not only stripp'd him of his cloaths, but gave him a coat of mud, with a severe bruising into the bargain; and nothing but their utter aversion to make any disturbance pre- vented his being tar'd and feather'd.

Should not have troubled you with this, by this Post, hadn't I thought you would be glad of a more particular account of so impor-tant a transaction, than you could have obtain'd by common report; and if it affords my brother but a temporary amusement, I shall be more than repaid for the trouble of writing it. . . .

Sunday Evening. [December 19th.] I give you joy of your easy riddance of the banefull herb; being just inform'd by ye arrival of the post, that it's gone from whence it came. You may bless your stars that you have not a H—n and board of Commissioners resident with you. — I forgot to acquaint you last evening that Loring, in a brig belonging to Clark, one of ye consignees, is on sbore at ye back of Cape Cod, drove thither by a storm last Fryday week, who has the last quota of Tea for this place, being 58 chests, which compleats the 400. — Am inform'd some Indians were met on ye road to Plimouth, which is almost fifty miles this side of Cape Cod. Its unlucky that Loring has ye lamps on board for illuminating our streets. Am sorry if they are lost, as we shall be depriv'd of their benefit this winter in consequence of it.

Document Analysis

1. What is Andrews’s attitude toward the Boston Tea Party and the people who carried it out?

2. What does Andrews foresee as the possible consequences of the Tea Party? Petition of “A Grate Number of Blackes of the Province” to Governor Thomas Gage and the Members of the Massachusetts General Court (1774)

The rhetoric of natural rights appealed directly to African American slaves as it had to women. Although white patriots frequently adopted the analogy between taxation without representation and slavery, they rarely, if ever, recognized the irony of the analogy for those whom they enslaved. However, the irony was not lost on colonial blacks. Adopting the language of rights and liberty, slaves frequently petitioned for their freedom during the Revolutionary era. The document reproduced below is the petition of a group of Boston slaves who eloquently attempted to remind white colonists that liberty and freedom should not be limited by race.

Your Petitioners apprehend we have in common with all other men a naturel right to our freedoms without Being depriv'd of them by our fellow men as we are a freeborn Pepel and have never forfeited this Blessing by aney compact or agreement whatever. But we were unjustly dragged by the cruel hand of power from our dearest friends and sum of us stolen from the bosoms of our tender Parents and from a Populous Pleasant and plentiful country and Brought hither to be made slaves for Life in a Christian land. Thus we are deprived of every thing that hath a tendency to make life even tolerable, the endearing ties of husband and wife we are strangers to. . . . Our children are also taken from us by force and sent maney miles from us. . . . Thus our Lives are imbittered. . . . There is a great number of us sencear. . . . members of the Church of Christ how can the master and the slave be said to fulfil that command Live in love let Brotherly Love contuner and abound Beare yea one nothers Bordenes. How can the master be said to Beare my Borden when he Beares me down which the. . . . chanes of slavery. . . . Nither can we reap an equal benefet from the laws of the Land which doth not justifi but condemns Slavery or if there had bin aney Law to hold us in Bondage. . . . ther never was aney to inslave our children for life when Born in a free Countrey. We therefore Bage your Excellency and Honours will. . . . cause an act of the legislative to be pessed that we may obtain our Natural right our freedoms and our children be set at lebety at the yeare of twenty one. . .

Document Analysis

1. How do the petitioners make their argument for their natural rights and liberty? Why do they include the reference to America as a “Christian” land?

2. How does this proposal anticipate the white colonists’ protests regarding the rights of property?