MASARYKOVA UNIVERZITA FILOZOFICKÁ FAKULTA Seminář dějin umění

Magisterská diplomová práce THE JEWELED MANUSCRIPTS: Carolingian Treasure Bindings and their role in the Christian liturgy.

Dorota Vahančíková

Vedoucí práce: doc. Ivan Foletti, M. A., Ph.D. Brno 2016

1 Čestne prehlasujem, že som magisterskú diplomovú prácu vypracovala samostatne s využitím uvedených prameňov a literatúry.

…......

2 .

Acknowledgements

First of all, I would like to express my gratitude to everyone who was actively or passively involved in the process of making of this thesis. I would like to thank Federica Toniolo of Università degli Studi di Padova, whose lectures inspired me to take a deeper interest in medieval manuscripts and their beautiful bindings. My biggest thanks belongs to my supervisor Ivan Foletti for his valuable advice, for his patience and enthusiasm, and for the time he has spent reading my chapters. I am also very grateful to Radka Nokkala Miltová, the head of the Department of the History of Art, for the precious gift of time. I am incredibly thankful to my parents, my family and my friends for their infinite support and encouragement, especially to Ondrej and Tereza for keeping me sane and for making me believe in myself.

Thank you all.

3 CONTENTS 1 ...... 5 2 STATE OF RESEARCH...... 7 2.1 THE BEGINNINGS OF THE SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH...... 7 2.2 RESEARCH IN THE 20th CENTURY...... 11 2.3 MODERN LITERATURE...... 17 2.4 ...... 20 3 PRODUCTION OF TREASURE BINDINGS...... 22 3.1 BINDING PROCESS...... 23 3.2 COVERING...... 25 3.3 DECORATION...... 26 3.4 ARTISTIC CENTERS...... 27 3.4.1 THE COURT SCHOOL OF CHARLEMAGNE...... 29 3.4.2 REIMS...... 30 3.4.3 METZ...... 32 3.4.5 THE COURT SCHOOL OF CHARLES THE BALD...... 33 3.4.5 ABBEY OF ST. GALL...... 34 3.4.6 CONCLUSION...... 35 4 LITURGICAL ROLE OF TREASURE BINDINGS...... 37 4.1 BOOKS IN THE CAROLINGIAN LITURGY...... 38 4.1.1 LITURGICAL BOOKS...... 40 A) SACRAMENTARY...... 40 B) BOOK OF GOSPELS...... 42 C) PSALTER...... 44 4.1.2 THE “WORD MADE FLESH”...... 44 4.2 FUNCTION OF TREASURE BINDINGS...... 47 4.2.1 MATERIALITY AND FORM...... 48 4.2.2 PLACEMENT AND DISPLAY...... 49 4.2.3 PROCESSIONS AND OTHER RITUALS...... 50 5 CONCLUSION...... 52 6 ...... 55 7 APPENDIX...... 65 7.1 LIST OF MENTIONED WORKS...... 65 7.2 ILLUSTRATIONS...... 67

4 1 Introduction

Carolingian manuscripts and their miniature paintings and illuminations have attracted the attention of many scholars throughout the last two centuries. However, their luxurious bindings covered in precious metals, gems and ivory plates seem to be almost pushed aside. The number of studies on Carolingian illumination and miniature painting significantly exceeds the number of publications on Carolingian treasure bindings. It is a shame, because they are often examples of masterpieces of Carolingian craftsmanship. Also, to study these books without even opening them seems like an interesting paradox. In this way, they cease to be books and become precious objects. In the beginning of this thesis, the state of research on this subject attempts to summarize the bibliography on treasure bindings. Publications that discuss Carolingian treasure bindings are not numerous. Pieces of information on this subject are scattered between complex publications on early , or on art in general, or publications that discuss decorative arts and materials used in the Carolingian times. Rather than trying to summarize every publication that mentions these bindings, the state of research offers a wide range of approaches starting in the second half of the 19th century, and follows the changing points of view until the present time. One of the goals of this thesis is to offer a complex study on Carolingian treasure bindings. Even though many scholars have discussed them from various points of view, up to this day, there is not one publication or an article on Carolingian treasure bindings alone. Technical aspects of the process of making of Carolingian have been discussed in the past, in several manuals and in a number of archaeological studies. Numerous authors of comprehensive publications on medieval art have discussed the attribution of treasure bindings to various Carolingian artistic centres and schools based on the style analysis of the ivory panels that used to decorate them. The lack of proper bibliography on Carolingian treasure bindings is therefore the reason why this thesis tries to gather the scattered pieces of information and offer complex information on this subject in the third . Even though this chapter does not present any breakthroughs, it is essential to understand the entire concept of Carolingian treasure bindings. The fourth chapter discusses the only question that still remains somewhat

5 unanswered, that is, the function of these bindings, apart from being worthy covers for the books that contain the Word of God. That is why the main goal, as the title of this thesis implies, is to discuss other possible functions of treasure bindings. The use of precious metals such as gold, silver, ivory and gems for decoration of these bindings is not accidental, the engagement of these materials is properly justified. Based on historical sources, such as sacramentaries and ordines which inform us about the course of liturgical rituals, the works of theologians and intellectuals such as Claudius of Turin, and ultimately the very texts of the manuscripts bound in these bindings, it is evident that in the Carolingian times, the books engaged in various liturgical rituals were considered to be the incarnation of Christ and in some cases represented his presence during these rituals This information is absolutely essential for this thesis, as treasure bindings thus gain the function of metaphorical reliquaries. In the second part of the fourth chapter, a comparison of Carolingian treasure bindings and reliquaries is offered, from different points of view, such as their materiality, their placement in the churches and their engagement in various liturgical rituals and processions, in order to prove that in Carolingian times, the function of treasure bindings was equal to the function of reliquaries, that is, to evoke the presence of Christ, in like manner as reliquaries evoked the earthly presence of their saints. In the appendix to this thesis, along with the list of illustrations, a brief catalogue of preserved bindings mentioned in the chapters, is included, in order to offer more detailed information on particular bindings, without disrupting the flow of the text.

6 2 State of research 2.1 The beginnings of the scientific research

First scientific description of a carolingian binding can be found in a publication from 1847 called Mélanges d'Archéologie, d'Histoire et de la Litérature written by Charles Cahier and Arthur Martin1. It is a detailed description of both ivory cover plates of the binding of the Book of Prayers of Charles the Bald, as well as of the depicted scenes with King David and prophet Nathan, and the style analysis, discussing the placement, poses and garments of the depicted persons, as well as edifices and ornaments in the background. The authors present a thought about the manuscript: “the one whose greatest value is especially in the binding.2” Henri La Broise's catalogue Les Manuscrits Anciens published in 1869 contains several mentions of Carolingian manuscripts with bindings3, but without any detailed descriptions. The author rather focuses on the content of the manuscripts, describing the style and the colours of the miniatures and the script4. Twenty years later, in 1892, the first one to mention carolingian bindings again is Auguste Molinier in his publication Les Manuscrits et les Miniatures5. At the end of a chapter dedicated to Carolingian manuscripts, discussing mostly types of script and illumination, he adds a paragraph about the bindings. He writes about luxurious bindings belonging to mainly liturgical manuscripts, many of which have disappeared or have been stolen or replaced by more modern bindings. Therefore, the number of original Carolingian treasure bindings is very small. Subsequently, he discuses materials and various types of these bindings, stating that the reuse of parts of antique works, mostly ivory plates, is mainly notable in the 9th century. The author also gives a warning, that since bindings were often remade and changed in subsequent centuries, it is necessary to correctly attribute the date of the making. Several examples of Carolingian bindings are mentioned, such as the binding of the Psalter of Charles the Bald with scenes of David and prophet Nathan, and a similar binding of the Psalter of Utrecht, where he states that due to the depicted scenes, it is possible to conclude that these two bindings were originally made for these manuscripts. Moreover, he describes

1 see Cahier, 1947 2 Ibidem, p. 28, (fr.) “celui dont la plus grande valeur est surtout dans la reliure.” 3 see La Broise, 1868 4 Ibidem, pp. 5-9 5 see Molinier, 1892

7 two Carolingian ivory plates carved by a monk called Tuotilo from the abbey of St. Gall, which depict the glorification of Christ, the Assumption of the Virgin and the scenes of the life of St. Gallus. The last binding in this text is the upper cover of Evangeliary of Noailles, or of Charles the Bald, where, according to the author, we can see clear antique influences6. A useful publication called Schriftquellen zur Geschichte der Karolingishen Kunst7 was written in 1892 by Julius von Schlosser. This volume deals with primary written sources on with a complex list of accurate citations about concrete works of art. For this thesis, several citations of primary sources are useful, mostly about manuscripts and their bindings found in various treasury inventories or lists of gifts to certain monasteries. For example, treasury inventory Angilberti de ecclesia Centulensi libellus. cap. I. : “Evangelium auro scriptum cum tabulis argenteis, auro et lapidibus preciosis mirifice paratum8.” Another example is a treasury inventory from Eichstadt: “...illam evangeliorum capsam ex electro et auro purissimo gemmisque pretiosis...” recorded in Anon. Haserensis, De episcopis Eistetensibus c. 69. Von Schlosser also quotes Arnulfus de s. Emmeramo. I. 5.: “Erant etiam in eo evangeliorum libri plenarii auro et gemmis tecti, scripti, picti, ac omnimodis ornati, a quibus unus est cubitalis, opere, pretio, pondere siquidem talis, ut ei non facile inveniri possit aequalis10.” Another detailed discussion about Carolingian bindings can be found in Édouard Rouveyre's guide book Connaissances Nécessaires à un Bibliophile from 189911. In the complex work of ten volumes, the author discusses books from various points of view. For this thesis I will be using the fourth and the tenth volume. In the fourth volume, Rouveyre focuses on bindings. In a chapter about ancient bindings he describes several Carolingian examples. Rouveyre was the first to come with the idea that cover plates of bindings originate from consular diptychs: “The plates were, originally, diptychs, whose name means, properly speaking, folded in two, plates of ivory, boxwood or other solid material, coated with wax inside, where the ancients used to write;...12” Moreover, he reflects on reasons why diptychs were being used as covers

6 Ibidem, p. 139 7 see von Schlosser, 1892 8 Ibidem, p. 257 9 Ibidem, p. 158 10 Ibidem,, p. 167 11 see Rouveyre, 1899 12 Ibidem, p. 4, (fr) “ Les plats étaient, à l'origine, les diptyques, dont le nom signifie, à proprement parler, plié en deux, des tablettes d'ivoire, de buis ou d'autre matière solide, enduites de cire à

8 for a liturgical books: “At various times, respect for the sacred books suggested to the faithful the idea of placing them under precious covers. The diptychs, which the merit of the work, as well as the veneration attached to their high destination, rendered doubly valuable, naturally lent themselves to this use. It was not therefore scrupulous to have them used for this purpose, and it is even to this circumstance that we owe the preservation of the greatest number; hence also the origin of the qualification: ivory book, applied to certain volumes covered with diptychs, in the ancient inventories of precious objects used for worship. Though originally destined for sacred use, these ivory leaves did not have any religious emblems; fantasy and caprice made all the expenses of decoration.13” After reflection on diptychs and their usage as covers of sacred texts, Rouveyre discussed other materials that can were used on Carolingian bindings, such as wood and metal, as well as precious stones, enamels and intaglios. He also suggested that there were bindings that were made for a smaller volume and then reused on bigger volumes, which means that they needed to be enlarged using different materials. The book also contains several images of Carolingian bookbindings. The tenth volume of Connaissances Nécessaires à un Bibliophile from 1899 is a practical dictionary for a book enthusiast and contains useful explanations of terms concerning books and their technical aspect, that are essential for the second part of this thesis14. Another useful dictionary is Paul Rouaix's Dictionnaire des arts décoratifs15 from 1901. Under the term “bookbinding”16, the author offers a detailed explanation of the term, including various technical aspects of bookbinding, the process of making and various used materials in different times. “Bindings are most often true works of goldsmiths, with their precious metal dishes chiselled, filigree, enamelled, decorated with precious stones and cabochons, with their clasps. Ivory plates with reliefs of subjects most often religious, in relation with the contents of the manuscript; they also provided a binding for these books, which was hardly transported and whose weight

l'intérieur, et dont les anciens se servaient pour écrire;...” 13 Ibidem, p. 4-5, (fr.) “A diverses époques, le respect pour les livres sacrés suggéra aux fidèles l'idée de les placer sous des couvertures précieuses. Les diptyques, que le mérite du travail, aussi bien que la vénération qui s'attachait à leur haute destination, rendaient doublement précieux, se prêtaient naturellement à cet emploi : on ne se fit donc pas scrupule de les faire servir à cet usage, et c'est même à cette circonstance que nous devons la conservation du plus grand nombre; de là aussi l'origine de la qualification : livre d'ivoire, appliquée à certains volumes revêtus de diptyques, dans les anciens inventaires d'objets précieux servant au culte. Quoique destinés primitivement à un usage sacré, ces feuillets d'ivoire ne présentaient aucun emblème religieux; la fantaisie et le caprice en faisaient tous les frais de décoration.“ 14 See Rouveyre, 1899 15 see Rouaix, 1901 16 (fr.) “reliure”

9 could be increased without inconvenience. These metal or ivory plates are fixed on a wooden frame.17” The author also suggests that the bookbindings were made in parallel with the manuscripts in the same monastic workshops; and that there were monks who put the manuscripts into the bindings and then decorated them: “To make a beautiful binding was a demanding work, and in the workshops of the monasteries, next to the monks-miniaturists, are installed monks-bookbinders. Sometimes plates (ivory, etc.) were used, the remains of pagan art, interpreted in a Christian sense with naïve misunderstandings as in the interpretation of ancient cameos.18” Rouaix also suggests spoliation and reuse of parts of antique works employed in the process of decorating of the bindings and that the bookbinding in Carolingian age is a continuation of the Byzantine tradition. As well as Rouveyre before him, he agrees with the idea that the predecessors of bookbindings are diptychs. Subsequently, he offers an example and a detailed description of a Carolingian binding from Bibliothèque nationale with ivory plates and a scene with Christ on the cross. One of the early most complex works on decorative arts is Émile Molinier's Histoire générale des arts appliquées from 190219. In the about Carolingian goldsmithing, the author includes treasure bindings to religious works of goldsmiths, such as portable altars, chalices, crucifixes and votive crowns, stating that all of them are luxurious items. Moreover, he offers a detailed description of two Carolingian bindings, one of the Psalter of Charles the Bald from Bibliothèque nationale, and attributes the date of the making somewhere between year 842 and year 868, stating that there is no doubt that the binding is contemporary to the manuscript. However, rather then focusing on describing the depicted scenes on the ivory plates, Molinier describes the gilded silver frame, which, according to him, constitutes important evidence of the history of the goldsmith's work of the 9th century. A detailed description of the gilded follows, including exact numbers of gems and cabochon stones used and the description of the filigree ornament. “20” In a similar manner, the

17 Rouaix, 1901, p. 775, (fr.) “Les reliures sont le plus souvent de véritables oeuvres d' orfèvres, avec leurs plats en métal précieux ciselés, filigranées, émaillés, ornés de pierreries eu cabochons, avec leurs fermoirs. Les plaques d'ivoire à reliefs de sujets le plus souvent religieux, en rapport avec le contenu du manuscrit, ; fournissaient également une reliure pour ces livres quel'on ne transportait guère et dont on pouvait augmenter le poids sans inconvénient. Ces plaques de métal ou d'ivoire sont fixées sur un bâti de bois.” 18 Ibidem, 1901, p. 775, (fr.) “Faire une belle reliure était oeuvre pie, et dans les ateliers des monastères, à côté des moines-miniaturistes, sont installés des moines-relieurs. Parfois on employait des plaques (ivoire, etc.), restes de l'art païen, qu'on interprétait dans un sens chrétien avec des méprises naïves comme dans l'interprétation des camées antiques.” 19 See Molinier, 1902 20 Ibidem, p. 88,

10 author discusses several other bindings from the tenth century, such as the binding of the Evangeliary of Charlemagne and the Evangeliary of Sion and of two unnamed manuscripts from Bibilothèque nationale, focusing on gilded frames, rather then ivory plates.

2. 2 Research in the 20th century

Scholar and art historians in the first half of the 20th century were mostly interested in correct determination of the date of production and the place of provenance of Carolingian bindings. Later, the research focused on concrete works and analysis of their style, as well as iconography of the scenes depicted on the binding covers. First exhibitions on Carolingian manuscripts also take place throughout Europe and Northern America, resulting in publication of important exhibition catalogues. In Parmentier's complex work Album Historique21 from 1905 which discusses various aspects of medieval society such as clothes, liturgy, weapons and decorative arts, in the section called The Frankish Empire - Carolingian society22, the author writes the production of manuscripts in the Carolingian age, discussing the monastic workshops and miniatures. However, he only briefly mentions the bindings by writing: “Sumptuous bindings made of carved ivory plates, framed by silver ornaments and precious stones, protect these beautiful works.23” The Album contains two etchings of Carolingian bindings such as the bottom plate of the binding of the Book of Hours of Charles the Bald from the Bibliothèque nationale de France. The author describes the picture, focusing on the iconographic interpretation of the depicted scenes with King David and the dead body of Uriah, and in the lower part, the parable of the rich man who kills a sheep of the poor men and offers it to a stranger 24. In a different chapter called The Church from the late 4th to 10th century25, there is the second etching of a cover of a Carolingian manuscript divided into nine fields with a description: “Ivory cover of the Sacramentary of Drogon, brother of Charlemagne, representing the sacrifice of the Mass (IX century).26” This ivory cover plate depicts nine different

21 see Parmentier, 1905 22 (fr.) La société carolingienne 23 Parmentier, 1905, p. 96 24 Ibidem, p. 96 25 (fr.) L'Eglise de la fin du IVe au Xe siècle. 26 Ibidem, p. 78, (fr.) “Couverture en ivoire du Sacramentaire de Drogon, frère de Charlemagne, représentantle sacrifice de la messe (IX. siècle).”

11 liturgical rituals of the Mass. On the occasion of the acquisition of one of the few well-preserved Carolingian manuscript, the Gospels of Lindau, by New York's Pierpont Morgan Library, in 1909, an article was published in La Bibliofília, called The Famous Jeweled Book of Lindau: HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF ONE OF THE MOST PRECIOUS BOOKS IN THE WORLD—A SUPREME EXAMPLE OF MEDIEVAL CHRISTIAN ART WHICH HAS FOUND A HOME IN AMERICA27. Written by Gardner Teall, this article is a detailed analysis of the manuscript as well as of its golden binding, together with the first published photographs of this binding. The author discuses its history from the 9th century up till the 20th. According to Teall, the cover plates of the manuscript were not made in the same time, the lower cover antedates the upper cover. The lower cover of the book, according to the author, is “an example of Anglo-Saxon art of the fifth to seventh centuries, antedates both the text and the upper cover. On the lower and right- hand edges may be seen what is left of the original cloisonné-enamel border, showing monsters in opaque white, turquoise, and red upon a translucent blue ground. They are separated by slices of garned formed into patterns by fillets of gold.28” On the other hand, according to him, the upper cover of the manuscript is a remarkable example of Carolingian craftsmanship29. The text contains a detailed description of the upper cover and its golden decorations, the depicted scene of Crucifixion, including the exact number (465) of used gems and precious stones. The author also expresses a thought, that the style strongly resembles the ciborium of King Arnulf preserved in Munich, and therefore seems to have been made in the same workshop30. Moreover, he claims that: “it was the custom to display them (the richly jeweled gospels) conspicuously upon the altar31”. An article called Antique and Mediaeval Gems on Bookcover at Utrecht32, published in The Art Bulletin in 1932, Geerto Snijder discusses the reuse of antique gems on Carolingian and Romanesque bookbindings. In the introduction, Snijder expresses a thought: “From the earliest times the Christian Church strove to possess

27 see Teall, 1909 28 Ibidem, p. 167 29 Ibidem, p. 168 30 A similar idea was presented by Rita Otto a little later, in 1952, about the binding of Aureus of St. Emmeram in Regensbur sharing similarities with Arnulf's ciborium. In her Zur stilgeschichtlen Stellung des Arnulf-Ciborium und des Codex aureus aus St. Emmeramin Regensburg, published in Zeitschrift fur Kunsgeschichte, vol. 15, p. 1-16, Otto focuses on thorough analysis of the style of formal elements and decoration and on determining of the date of production of both objects. 31 Ibidem, p. 166 32 see Snijder, 1932

12 and to hand down the Gospels in a form the outward appearance of which harmonized with their sublime contents.33” In addition to discussing the meaning of the used gems, Snijder also searches for the origin of the bindings. By recalling St. John Chrysostom, who blamed the rich for owning luxurious copies of the Holy Scripture without reading it, and St. , who also mentioned luxurious codices bound in gold and covered in gems, the author proves that even the laymen owned luxurious manuscripts of the Gospels, already in the 4th and the 5th century. The author claims the bookbindings in the West imitated Byzantine bindings. Snijder also states: “In the beginning the codices, either simply bound or in sheets, were probably kept in more or less ornate boxes, but soon the Gospels also appear bound in a costly binding, decorated with gold, ivory, and gems.34” Moreover, the Snijder searches for reasons why the liturgical manuscripts were bound in luxurious covers, referring to the unimaginable worth of the Holy Scripture, by mentioning Church councils, where the Bible was present and placed on a throne, and considered as the presence of Christ, in order to witness and help with the decisions35 According to the author, bindings needed to appropriately fit the contents of their books. Notably Gospel books, because they had a special function and were essential for various liturgical rituals. Such as the consecration of bishops or baptisms, where they symbolized the presence of Christ and the Holy Ghost36. Subsequently, Snijder discusses the gems and precious stones used on the bindings as well as their meaning. According to the author, the gems were originally serving as amulets and talismans for the laymen, seeking protection, and they were often gifts from the people to the monasteries. These monasteries then used gems to decorate various liturgical objects because of their worth, to fit the Holy contents. In 1949, Edith Diehl wrote a publication called Bookbindings. Its Background and Technique37. In the first volume, she discusses bookbinding practices throughout the centuries, dedicating one chapter to the books of the . Diehl thoroughly describes the binding process as well as all of its technical aspects. Moreover, she discusses the use of liturgical books and their bindings, stating that the luxurious Gospel books bound in precious metal covers with gems and were placed on the altars

33 Ibidem, p. 1, Snijder was not the only one, this thought was expressed by several authors before her, for example by Stephan Beissel in his Geschichte der Evangelien Bücher in der ersten hälfte des Mittelalters in 1906. 34 Snijder, 1932, p. 5 35 Ibidem, p. 5 36 Ibidem, p. 5-6 37 see Diehl, second edition, 1980

13 during liturgical services38. On the occasion of an exposition called Les Manuscrits à Peinture en France du VIIe au XIIe siècle39, in 1954, a catalogue with the same name was published, edtited by Jean Porcher. The catalogue is systematically devided by periods, starting from the precarolingian age. For this thesis, descriptions of two carolingian bindings are interesting, one of the Psalter of Charles the Bald, with visible stylish elements of the school of Reims40, and one of the Gospels of St. Gauzelin, now in Nancy41. The catalogue also offers other mentions of Carolingian bindigs, usefully classified by their production centres. Another catalogue Byzance et la France médiévale : manuscrits à peintures du II au XVI siècle written by Charles Astruc in 195842, was an outcome of an exhibition with the same name. The author provides several detailed descriptions of pre- carolingian and carolingian manuscripts and their history, but also one description of a carolingian binding. He describes the upper and lower cover plates of Drogon's Sacramentary: “The binding is adorned with two Carolingian ivory plates (Metz, v. 855) with nine compartments, the scenes of which reproduce in part those of the paintings: on the upper plate, scenes from the life of Christ and liturgical ceremonies; on the lower plate, the various parts of the Mass. The volume was sent from Metz to the Imperial Library in 1802.43” Otto Karl Werckmeister, the author of the article Der Deckel des Codex Aureus von St. Emmeram published in Studien zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte, in 196344, poses an interesting question by discussing the iconography of the scene depicted on the upper cover of Codex Aureus from Regensburg. Weckmeister examines the relationship of the motive depicted on the upper cover and the text of the Gospels, claiming that the Christ in maiestas represents the Parousia, the second coming of Christ, and is, therefore, in direct relationship with the text of the Gospels. In John Beckwith's Early Medieval Art from 196445, the author discusses the ivory

38 Ibidem, p. 19 39 see Porcher (ed.), 1954 40 Ibidem, p. 15 41 Ibidem, p. 19, 42 see Astruc, 1958 43 Ibidem, p. 61, (fr.) “La reliure est ornée de deux plaques d'ivoire carolingiennes (Metz, v. 855) à neuf compartiments, dont les scènes reproduisent en partie celles des peintures : au plat supérieur, scènes de la vie du Christ et cérémonies liturgiques; au plat inférieur, les diverses parties de la Messe. Le volume a été envoyé de Metz à la Bibliothèque impériale en 1802.” 44 see Werckmeister, 1963 45 see Beckwith, 1964

14 book covers of the Dagulf's Psalter, depicting scenes of King David and St. Jerome, executed in Roman style46. Beckwith also shares a thought, that the bindings are direct successors of late antique consular diptychs. In addition, while mentioning the ivory plates of the Lorsch Gospels with Christ and on the upper cover and The Virgin and the child on the lower cover, the author claims that these plates are clearly influenced by the “Helenistic47” style. Later in the text, Beckwith discusses representations of psalms on several ivory cover plates of Carolingian Psalters, such as the Prayer Book of Charles the Bald, and an ivory cover plate executed in 870, that was later, in 10th or early 11th century, used on the binding of the Book of Pericopes of King Henry II. Two of the most famous Carolingian bookbindings, that do not contain ivory plates, are also mentioned – the golden cover of Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram in Regensburg and the golden upper cover of the Book of Lindau. The author discusses the possibility of these two bindings being made in the same artistic centre, perhaps Reims48. Beckwith proceeds systematically, and associates the bindings and the cover plates to different artistic centres, such as the court school of Charles the Bald, Tours, Reims, Metz and the abbey of St. Gall, mentioning several examples and observing different styles. In another complex publication on medieval art, The Medieval World of the series Landmarks of the World's Art from 196749, the author Paul Kidson briefly mentions carolingian bindings, but instead of discussing style or describing a binding, he formulates a thought: “Liturgical bookbindings were often given the same attention as the illustrations inside the book. The gospels were exhibited and read through the mass, so they were treated as other liturgical subjects.50” In a catalogue Du Manuscrit Carolingien au Livre D'Aujourd'hui51, that was created for an exposition with the same name, held by Bibliothèque nationale in 1969, the author Erwana Brin describes a 9th century Carolingian manuscript called “Gospels of Le Mans52”. Although there is no description of its binding or a picture, Brin adds a short note: “An inscription twice repeated tells us that the volume was covered with a beautiful binding with golden decoration by the care of Gervais, bishop of Le Mans....53” This tells us that the bindings were often mentioned in the very texts of

46 Ibidem, p. 34 47 Ibidem, p. 36 48 Ibidem, p. 50 49 see Kidson, 1974 (slovak edition) 50 Ibidem, p. 26 51 see Brin, 1969 52 Ibidem, p. 11, (fr.) “Évangiles dits du Mans” 53 Ibidem, p. 11, (fr.) “Une inscription deux fois répétée nous apprend que le volume fut recouvert d'une

15 liturgical books, in this case even twice. Moreover, these inscriptions could indicate who ordered the realization of the binding, or alternatively where, or even when the binding was made. A few years later, in 1972, a similar exposition was held by Bibliothèque nationale, called Le Livre. A catalogue with the same name edited by a team of scholars lead by Marie-Rose Séguy contains an extensive chapter about bookbindings from ancient Coptic bindings to a modern book54. The author describes the process of making of Carolingian bindings, that was different from the Byzantine way, and discusses the use of the sewing support meant to strengthen the binding55. In addition to jeweled bookbindings, the authors also mention 9th century leather bindings with embossed decoration executed in the Abbey of Corbie. Amy L. Vandersall in her article The Relationship of Sculptors and Painters in the Court School of Charles the Bald, published in Gesta in 1976, discusses interactions between illuminators and sculptors in the Court School of Charles the Bald, and in a larger context56. By comparing ivory cover plates and miniatures of the books produced in this particular artistic centre, and listing visible similarities between them, she concludes: “The accumulated evidence strongly suggests that in the Court school sculptors of ivory reliefs turned their hand to painting, or conversely, manuscript illuminators turned theirs to .57” Paul Needham's extensive publication Twelve Centuries of Bookbindings, 400- 160058, published in 1979, that discusses the history of bookbinding since the first Coptic bindings until the 17th century early European leather bindings, is one of the most comprehensive works about bookbinding in general. In the chapter called Mediaeval Treasure Bindings, the author uses the term “treasure binding” for the first time, focusing mostly on technical aspects of bookbinding, with a few socio-cultural exceptions. Moreover he discusses the separation of covers from their books, which was easy, because unlike the leather covers that were integral part of the binding, treasure bindings were usually only nailed or pinned to the wooden boards59. Needham is also interested in the role of treasure bindings: "The expression 'treasure bindings'

belle reliure d'orfèvrerie par les soins de Gervais, évêque du Mans...” 54 See Séguy, 1972 55 Ibidem, p. 110-111 56 see Vandersall, 1976 57 Ibidem, p. 209 58 see Needham, 1979 59 Ibidem, p. 22-23

16 has a reference broader than just to the materials used in their manufacture. In Jerome's day, when the monastic movement was young and disorganized, jewelled bindings may have been owned by private individuals. But later they almost invariably belonged to monasteries, cathedrals, and other collegial institutions. Within these institutions they played a specific role; they were part of the liturgical equipment used in celebrating the divine service. This equipment, including crucifixes, Eucharistic vessels, vestments, reliquaries, the altar itself, was often of the highest luxury and constituted the 'treasure' of a church.... Jewelled covers were ordinarily made for service books, particularly Gospels and Evangeliaries, and may be considered as part of the altar fittings. Because of their special function, they would not be stored in the library presses or library room of their foundations, in or near the cloister. They would be kept quite separate, with the other liturgical objects, convenient to the altar or within the altar itself, under the care of the sacristan60."

2.3 Modern Literature

In the last forty years treasure bindings were systematically mentioned in several comprehensive publications on art in general, on Carolingian or early medieval art or on medieval illuminated books. To mention some of them: Peter Lasko's Ars Sacra from 197261, Calkins' Illuminated Books of Middle Ages, published in 198362, Otto Pacht's Book Illumination in the Middle Ages from 198663, Debicki's collective work Histoire de l'art. Peinture, sculpture et architecture64 from 1996, Walther's Coddices Illustres. The worlds most famous illuminated manuscripts. 400 – 1600, published in 200565, Notable Bindings written by Jane Greenfield in 200266, or Andrew Graham- Dixon's Art published in 200867 , and finally the ultimate publication on religious art, Rolf Toman's Ars Sacra, published in 2010.68 Although these authors do mention carolingian bookbindings and offer beautiful reproductions, they tend to focus only on placing the treasure bindings into a wider context of carolingian decorative art, dealing

60 Ibidem, p. 22-23 61 see Lasko, 1972 62 See Calkins, 1983 63 see Pacht, 1986 64 see Debicki et al., slovak edition 1999 65 see Walther, Wolf, 2005 66 see Greenfield, 2002 67 see Graham-Dixon (ed.), slovak edition 2010 68 see Toman (ed.), czech ed. 2011

17 mostly with style analysis and attributing the date and place of their production, without taking into consideration the liturgical role of these bindings. One of the most systematic publications about carolingian manuscripts is Marie-Pierre Laffitte's and Charles Denoel's catalogue Trésors carolingiens. Livres manuscrits de Charlemagne à Charles le Chauve69, published in 2007. The authors systematically sort manuscripts and their bindings by provenance and artistic centers and schools, they offer detailed descriptions and style analysis of these manuscripts, and place equal importance on texts and illuminations as well as on bindings, what is unusual in these types of publications about carolingian manuscripts. This publication makes orientation between carolingian manuscripts easy. Another group of modern written sources on carolingian bindings are technical manuals for bookbinders and librarians, and publications discussing the binding structures and process of medieval bookbinding, mainly from a technical point of view. From Berthe van Regemorter's Binding Structures in the Middle Ages70, from 1992, through Irmhild Schaffer's Buchherstellung Im Frühen Mittelalter: Die Einbandtechnik in Freising, published in 199971, or an online article on Grover Art Online called Bookbinding written by Mirjam M. Foot and Robert C. Akers from 200372, and a useful work Arti e tecniche di Medioevo, edited by F. Crivello from 200673; as well as two publications written by Philippa Marks The Guide to Bookbinding: History and Techniques from 199874, and Beautiful Bookbindings. A Thousand Years of the Bookbinder's Art, published in 201175. All of these authors deal with the process of medieval bookbinding, thoroughly describing it from the unbound manuscript, through sewing methods, various supports and attached external covers to completed bindings, as well as their luxurious decorations; and therefore, these publications are essential for the second part of this thesis. Probably most comprehensive work on medieval bookbinding is János Szirmai's The Archaeology of Medieval Bookbing from 199976. The publication contains a whole chapter about Carolingian bookbinding, where the author thoroughly describes the whole process of making, while also searching for the origins of bindings. According to

69 see Laffitte, Denoel, 2007 70 see van Regemorter, 1992 71 see Schafer, 1999 72 see Foot, Akers, 2003 73 see Crivello (ed.), 2006 74 see Marks, 1998 75 see Marks, 2011 76 see Szirmai, second ed. 2016

18 Szirmai, Carolingian bindings are specific in several ways, such as being the first examples of the use of sewing supports77. The whole chapter consists of technical terms concerning bookbinding and the way the bindings were attached to the manuscript, but in the end, Szirmai dedicates a few words to covering and decoration of Carolingian bindings. He claims that many Carolingian manuscripts were covered in leather, and were usually “humble books for everyday use, such as reading at mealtime in the refectory78” as opposed to many luxuriously illuminated Carolingian manuscripts “bound in treasure bindings , worked in precious metals and embellished in with jewels and ivory.79” Szirmai also discusses the use of precious fabrics such as silk, brocade and damask on treasure bindings: “Although leather covering on the extant Carolingian bindings is the rule, many had been covered with precious textiles. Such covering were sometimes part of treasure bindings,...80 “ Another useful publication on bookbinding is Georgios Boudalis' Codex and Crafts in Late Antiquity81, where the author describes the bookbinding process in 4th and 5th century, discussing various types of bindings that served as models for Carolingian bookbinders. An interesting article Re-approaching the western medieval church treasury inventory, written by Joseph Salvatore Ackley, and published in Journal of Art Historiography in 201482, discusses medieval treasury inventories and their contents. The author claims that luxuriously bound books were part of treasuries along with other liturgical objects: “These liturgical objects, all portable and designed to be handled, collectively comprised a church’s thesaurus, ‘treasury’. Thesaurus denotes both container and contained, both the concept and physical space of a treasury and the objects themselves. The most sacred treasury objects were those that touched the tangible divine, i.e., chalices, patens, ciboria, and reliquaries. They were joined by the vestments, textiles, books, furnishings, and other objects necessary to both perform and ornament the liturgy, i.e., candlesticks, crosses, thuribles, votive crowns, hanging lamps, and more.83” Ackley also discusses liturgical books bound in precious metals being part of treasury inventories as well as book inventories. “Liturgical books,

77 Ibidem, p. 100 78 Ibidem, p. 130 79 Ibidem, p. 130 80 Ibidem, p. 130 81 see Boudalis ,2018 82 see Ackley, 2014 83 Ibidem, p. 4

19 especially in the early medieval period, were the most likely to be illuminated and, more conspicuously, the most likely to be clad or stored within a precious-metal cover or book box. These books thus occupied a hybrid status between text and precious- metal object: they would have been stored in the treasury, not the library or book cupboard (armarium), and they and their precious metal covers were just as likely to be recorded in treasury inventories as they were in book inventories.84” At last, he also discusses the role of the liturgical books: “The ritual procession of the evangeliary into the sanctuary during the Mass (the sole liturgical book to be thus honoured) intentionally echoed a highstatus, highly visible adventus.85”

2. 4 Conclusion

The beginnings of the scientific research on Carolingian treasure bindings consist of authors describing several bindings in their publications on medieval decorative art. The first reproductions of Carolingian bindings are presented together with their descriptions in various exhibition catalogues in the last twenty years of the 19th century. With time, the authors begin to focus on the analysis of the style of ivory cover plates belonging to the bindings as well as of their metal frames. In my opinion, these question are somewhat sufficiently answered, without any need of further discussion. In the first half of the 20th century, the research is focused on determining the correct date of production of various Carolingian bindings and the place of their provenance as well as attribution to certain artistic centres or schools. First publication on the art of bookbinding also emerge. The question of used material, precious stones, gems and ivory cover plates, as well as the process of making is adequately discussed, there is a general consensus that most of the bindings were made in parallel with their manuscripts, in the artistic workshop in the same monastery or artistic centre, where the scriptoriums were placed. The question of placement and preservation is somewhat answered, most of the scholars agree, that liturgical manuscripts together with the bindings were not a part of libraries, but instead were placed in the church treasuries, together with liturgical objects such as chalices, portable altars, reliquaries and crucifixes, and can be, therefore, considered as liturgical objects themselves.

84 Ibidem, p. 19 85 Ibidem, p. 20

20 However, there are several questions, that has not been sufficiently answered yet. We know, that only liturgical books were luxuriously bound, yet there is no clear answer why. The question that seems to be untouched completely, is the one of the liturgical role of these treasure bindings. Only one solution is offered and that is, that luxurious bindings were made to fit the holy contents of their manuscripts. This answer seems to be insufficient. One more question comes to mind. What about iconography of the scenes depicted on these bindings and its relation to their liturgical function? Severe lack of modern publications about Carolingian treasure bindings is to blame. There are only few published articles and books concerning this subject in the last twenty years. Or it would be more correct to say parts of this subject, because there is not one publication discussing only Carolingian treasure bindings, not in the almost two hundred years of research. The goal of this thesis is to answer at least some of these questions, focusing mainly on the liturgical role of Carolingian treasure bindings.

21 3 Production of Carolingian bindings

In order to truly understand the concept of Carolingian treasure bindings, it is necessary to examine them from different points of view. Apart from their function, which will be discussed in the fourth chapter of this thesis, technical aspects of these bindings need to be discussed, as well as different artistic schools and centres, where the art of bookbinding was usually practised alongside the art of illumination. In the first part of this chapter, the reconstruction of the binding process as well as subsequent decoration of these bindings will be discussed. Several scholars discussed this subject in the past, focusing mainly on technical aspects of the bookbinding process86. First of all, the origin of treasure bindings has been a subject of the discussion in the last century. Geerto Snijder presents an opinion that the codices were at first simply bound in leather or not bound at all, and kept in various decorated boxes, which served as their containers; and these boxes were predecessors of costly bindings of Gospel books decorated with precious metals and gems87. Also, Edit Diehl debates possible insular influences and the use of book boxes as models for later bindings, notably the Irish cumdachs, lavishly decorated transportable book shrines, in a form of bags, which were used to store simply bound manuscripts.88 This, however, cannot be proven, because the oldest surviving examples of cumdachs are dated back to the 11th century, such as the of the Stowe Missal89. Besides that, the cumdachs were usually intended for small 'pocket' books of Gospels, used by Irish missionaries to easily transport the Gospels, which were essential for their missionary activity90. Treasure bindings, executed for notably larger books, were not originally intended to be transported elsewhere than within a church. The general consensus of many scholars is that the decoration of bookbindings originate from consular diptychs91, which appears to be most likely. The respect for the books that were considered sacred because they contained the Word of God inspired the idea to bind these books in precious bindings and place them under precious covers. Consular diptychs made of ivory, were considered precious due to their original

86 see Rouveyre, 1899, Needham, 1979, Diehl, 1980, Pollard, Potter, 1984, Schmidt-Kunsemuller, 1987Greenfield, 1998, Marks 1998, Schaffer, 1999, Marks, 2011, Zaehnsdorf, 2013, Szirmai, 2016 87 Snijder, 1932, p. 5 88 Diehl, 1980, p. 129-130 89 Wallace, O'Floinn (eds.),2002, 90 Nees, 2002, p. 153 91 Rouveyre, 1899, Rouaix, 1901, Diehl, 1980, Navoni, 2007, Szirmai, 2016

22 function, were ideal to use as covers for these books92. Some diptychs were even enclosed in metallic frames and used as treasure bindings93. Even the form of a diptych, composed of two ivory plates jointed together on one side, which allowed them to open and show what was written inside, resembles the form of the book. While the exterior may have remained more or less same, employing ivory plates combined with other precious materials as covers, and thus creating a treasure binding, the waxy interior of the diptychs intended for writing was replaced by parchment sheets with written text and miniature paintings.

3.1 Binding process

When the manuscript was written and illuminated, the binding process began. The bookbinders worked alongside the scribes and painters in the scriptoriums or monastic workshops. Prior to the binding process, several tasks had to be accomplished. The binder needed to prepare proper tools and materials– the thread for the stitching, various knives for edge trimming, two wooden boards for the basis of the binding, which corresponded to the size of the manuscript, the preparation of leather for covering was also required94. The materials needed for the binding process are divided into two categories, structural materials, also called support materials, intended to hold the book together, and covering materials, destined to cover the entire inner structure of the binding and to provided the ground for subsequent decoration.95 Once the materials for binding and covering had been prepared, the binding process could begin. First of all, completed and painted parchment sheets, arranged in correct order, and put into quires, had to be sewn together. In order to create a sturdy and lasting binding, Carolingian bookbinders used what is now called a sewing support. Carolingian bindings are the earliest surviving examples of the use of the sewing support, a new structural element, intended to strengthen the board attachment and thus the whole binding, that had not been used before the beginning of the 8th century.96 The sewing support consists of two reinforced hemp or flax cords97, or even thin leather straps,

92 Rouveyre, 1899, p. 4-5 93 Navoni, 2007, p. 306 94 For more information on tools and materials of medieval bookbindinders see Diehl, 1980, Schaffer, 1999, Johnson, 2003, Marks, 2001, Zaehnsdorf, 2013 95 Foot, Akers, 2003, p. 1 96 Szirmai, 2016, p. 95 97 Foot, Akers, 2003, p. 2

23 attached to the spine of the parchment quires, around which the binder sewed, in order to strengthen the stitching, and thus the entire binding. The parchment quires were sewn on double strings or leather straps along the entire length of the spine.98” Up till the 8th century, the quires of manuscripts were stitched together without any sewing support, what rendered them fragile and not lasting. The sewing support was used several times on one binding, from two to five, along the length of the entire spine of the manuscript99. The next step in the binding process was the attachment of the wooden boards that served as a basis for the binding. These boards were most frequently made from oak, beech or fruit trees, and prepared by sawing or cleaving, what is evidenced by marks that can be observed on these boards even today, once the covering of the boards is removed100. Tunnels or holes were pierced into the upper as well as the lower wooden board in order to properly attach the sewing supports, and thus securing the reinforcement of the binding. After the attachment of the sewing supports to both boards, the binding process continued with the addition of endleaves. Blank parchment sheets, single or double, were usually attached to the manuscript, right under the upper and lower board, probably in order to protect the textblock from the boards101. Subsequently, after the addition of the endleaves, the binder had to precisely adjust the edges of the book block to the wooden boards. Unfortunately, there is no information on the process of edge trimming was executed in Carolingian times, but it is probable that the bookbinder used different types of knives or a chisel, what can be supported by score marks found on several bindings, suggesting that these types of tools could have been used for trimming of the edges102. Once the edges of the textblock were trimmed and adjusted to their binding, the bookbinder continued the binding process with the application of the endbands, that were intended to streghten and consolidate the spine of the manuscript.103 The endbands were usually made from the same leather as the covering of the binding, usually stitched in the same way as the parchment quires, either with or without the sewing support. The sewing of endbands secured the upper and the lower edge of the

98 Seguy et al., 1972, p. 110-111 99 Szirmai, 2016, p. 100-102 100Foot, Akers, 2003, p. 3, Szirmai, 2016, p. 103 101 Szirmai, 2016, p. 117-118 102 Ibidem, p. 119 103 Ibidem, p. 121

24 parchment quires.104 Some of the endbands were stitched with white or coloured threads or lined with textile, usually treasure bindings105. Moreover, traces of attached bookmarkers made of leather or cord were observed on several Carolingian bindings, as well as traces of starch or flour paste, which suggest the use of an adhesive in Carolingian bookbinding106.

3.2 Covering

Once the leather endbands were stitched on, a basic binding was completed. The only thing left was to cover and properly decorate the binding accordingly to its purpose107. Carolingian bindings were usually covered with leather designated as 'buckskin' or 'chamois', that usually originated from wild animals, rather than domestic animals, whose skins was reserved for the manufacture of parchment108. This can be proven by the examination of the surface of the covering and rows of hair follicles that can still be visible on the surface; as well as various primary sources, such as Charlemagne's edict from 774, that allowed the monks of Abbey of St. Dennis to hunt does and deer in surrounding forests and to use their skins for the book coverings109. When the leather had been prepared, the binder covered either only one wooden board, creating a 'half binding', or both wooden boards creating a 'whole binding, and folded the edges inwards, on the inner side of the boards.110 Subsequently, the edges folded into mitred corners were made with a knife, stitched together or fastened with treenails, depending on practices of a given workshop111. Alternatively, the leather covering sometimes could have been covered up or even entirely replaced by a textile covering, engaging precious coloured fabrics such as silk, brocade or damask; and such coverings were mostly part of treasure bindings112. The last step of the binding process was the attachment of fastenings, which kept the codex closed while it was not being used113. “Straps, clasps and ties were employed

104 Ibidem, p. 122 105 Foot, Ackers, 2003, p. 6 106 Szirmai, p. 127 107 Diehl, 1980, p. 17 108 Szirmai, 2016, p. 127 109 Ibidem, p. 127-128 110 Diehl, 1980, p. 17 111 Szirmai, 2016, p. 129-130 112I bidem, p. 130 113 Diehl, 1980, p. 17-18

25 to fasten the binding and to keep the book shut.114” Even though there are not many original preserved fastenings on Carolingian bindings, the evidence of fastenings can be found on the bindings in a form of leather straps, holes and metal pegs or traces of them on the edges of the wooden boards. The fastenings were usually in a form of a leather strap attached to the upper board of the binding, with a metal clasp or a ring at the end. On the lower board, there was a fixed metal peg, to which the leather strap was pinned, when the codex was closed115.

3.3 Decoration

After the binding process had been completed, the decoration of the binding was considered. Depending on the type or function of the bound manuscript, the bookbinders in the workshop decided whether it was sufficient to decorate the leather covering or more sumptuous decoration was necessary. General consensus is that simple leather coverings were used for volumes destined to everyday use. These coverings were either left undecorated, or were decorated by a technique called blind tooling, which consists of impressing leather with heated metal tools. Blind tooling resulted in stamped or impressed ornamental, animal or floral motives on the leather covering116. This kind of decoration is mostly notable on manuscripts produced in Freising, Fulda and Reichenau117. On the other hand, treasure bindings form a completely different aspect of bookbinding. They are luxuriously covered in precious metals and decorated with gems and precious stones, decorated by filigree and enamels, and often using sculpted ivory plates as covers. So far, all phases of the binding process were executed in the scriptoriums, treasure bindings, however, were works of sculptors and goldsmiths. Treasure bindings, unlike leather covers, that were executed by the bookbinders, were nailed or tacked on the surface of the wooden boards by goldsmiths, completely separated from the binding process. These bindings or rather covers were attached to the boards and might have been easily removed and then added to another manuscript without the need for disbinding118 This could suggest that the luxurious covers could

114 Foot, Akers, 2003, p. 9 115 Szirmai, 2016, p. 132 116 For more information on decorated leather bindings, see Vezin, 1970 117 Szirmai, 1979, p. 130 118 Needham,1979, p. 22-23

26 have been removed and attached to other books used during the liturgical rituals, though there is not sufficient evidence to prove this. Since the decoration of treasure bindings is not a part of the binding process, authors of bookbindings manuals usually do not offer sufficient information on decoration process. Supposedly, the sheets of precious metals such as gold, silver or even copper were nailed into the wooden boards, and then decorated with jewels or enamels119. Luxurious treasure bindings, decorated with gold, jewels, filigree, enamels or ivory were almost exclusively used to cover liturgical books, that contained sacred texts, such as Gospel books, sacramentaries, missals or psalters.120 Some scholars suggest, that treasure bindings were employed in order to fit the precious contents of the codices, the Holy Scripture. “From the earliest times the Christian Church strove to possess and to hand down the Gospels in a form the outward appearance of which harmonized with their sublime contents.121” While this suggestion is probably also correct, it seems insufficient. The fact that only books that were used in public liturgical context, were covered by these bindings, as well as the use of precious materials suggest that the bindings were made to be seen by the public, or they would not need to be bound so luxuriously. Other possible reasons why only liturgical books were bound in treasure bindings in Carolingian times, will be discussed in the fourth chapter of this thesis, since it is directly connected with the function of treasure bindings.

3.4 Artistic centres

Although the number of original treasure bindings, preserved up to this day, is very low, there are several detached ivory plates, that used to be incorporated in treasure bindings. An important issue concerning treasure bindings that comes to mind is the question of authenticity, as always when it comes to medieval art. Whether a binding was made for a particular manuscript at the same time and in the same workshop, or it was a part of a later addition or the manuscript was rebound completely, these questions are not always easily answered. In a few cases, such as the Dagulf Psalter, made in the late 8th century, the original cover and its iconography is mentioned directly in the text of the manuscript, in one of

119 Marks, 1998, p. 56 120 Seguy, 1972, p. 110-111 121 Snijder, 1932, p. 5

27 the poems122. In a different case, when a manuscript now known as the Gospels of Saint-Dennis from Bibliothèque nationale, was rebound in the 14th century, a Carolingian ivory plate, that was part of the original binding, was reinserted into a metal frame, thus creating a new treasure binding123. Unfortunately, the latter case is more frequent, the manuscripts were rebound in the following centuries, often incorporating parts of their original decoration. However, a few original treasure bindings have survived, such as the binding of Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram in Regensburg or the binding of the Lindau Gospels, which gives us proof of original appearance of Carolingian treasure bindings at the moment of their creation. As it has been mentioned before, treasure bindings are not works of bookbinders, and were not created in scriptoriums, as were the first phases of the binding process 124. The artists responsible for these bindings were goldsmiths, who worked in imperial or monastic workshops. The fact that there are stylistic similarities between treasure bindings and other liturgical objects, as in the case of the binding of Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram that shares similarities in style with Arnulf's ciborium125and the binding of the Lindau Gospels126, suggests that the bindings were produced in the same workshops as other liturgical objects, such as portable altars, chalices and crucifixes, maybe even in sets, and could be, therefore, perceived as liturgical objects themselves. In the second part of this chapter, various artistic centres will be discussed, that were known for the production of manuscripts as well as their bindings, together with several preserved examples127. By systematically sorting preserved bindings or their parts by their provenance, whether it was a monastic workshop or a court school, it is possible to observe and compare stylistic and iconographic differences, characteristic of a particular workshop. The cooperation of painters and ivory carvers, within a given workshop, is also visible in a few cases128.

122 Nees, 2012, p. 2 123 Laffite, Denoël, 2007, p. 94 124 Rouaix, 1901, p. 775 125 Otto, 1952 126 Teall, 1909 127 To avoid unnecessary interruptions of the integrity of the text, concrete examples are briefly described without comments. A short catalogue of mentioned works can be found in the end of this thesis, in the appendix, on page 65 128 Vandersall, 1976, Caillet, 2005, p. 135

28 3.4.1 The Court school of Charlemagne

In the end of the 8th century, after the imperial court had settled in Aachen, creating a fixed residence of the emperor, and therefore, the political and cultural centre of the empire, Charlemagne invited intellectuals, scribes and artists, in order to create a true cultural centre Aachen thus became an intellectual and artistic centre, which is responsible for the creation of the imperial court school, where scribes and painters, worked side by side with sculptors and goldsmiths from all over Europe, in order to execute imperial orders129. Since the need for liturgical texts was great, many luxurious manuscripts as well as their bindings were created at this time, but only few survived up till this day. Unfortunately, only sculpted ivory plates or book covers that were once part of treasure bindings are preserved from this particular school, so there is no indication if these plates used to be inserted in metal frames decorated with jewels, or simply attached to the wooden boards of the bindings without other ornaments. According to Beckwith, the artists, painters as well as sculptors, from the court school of Charlemagne looked for inspiration in contemporary art of Rome, rather than the antique and late antique Roman art.130 However, he does not exclude copying of earlier models, particularly fifth- and sixth-century consular diptychs, as well as Hellenistic influences. The prolongation of the figures, the ornamental pattern of the drapery as well as the architectural setting all point to earlier models. Others suggest inspiration in late Roman traditions from the 4th to the 6th century.131 Nees suggests that the late Antique models were 'revived' by the ivory carvers associated with the court school of Charlemagne132. The oldest surviving manuscript from the treasury of Saint-Denis, the Gospels of Saint-Denis, is known for its original Carolingian ivory plate inserted into a 14th century metal frame on the lower cover of the binding. Based on style analysis and comparison, the sculpted ivory plate, depicting Christ, is considered to be a product of the court school of Charlemagne, from the early 9th century.133 Similar stylistic elements can be seen on the ivory plates depicting King David and St. Jerome, now a part of the Louvre collection, originally belonging to the Dagulf

129 For more information about the court school of Charlemagne see Vandersall, 1976, Harmon, 1985 130 Beckwith, p. 30-37 131 see Nees, 2002, p. 164, Caillet, 2005, p. 186 132 Nees, 2002, p. 187 133 Laffite, Denoël, 2007, p. 94

29 Psalter134 (fig. 1). This psalter was named after Dagulf, the scribe who completed it, which is evidenced by the dedication poem, where the scribe proudly signed his name135. It was originally destined to be a gift to Pope Hadrian I, but it was never delivered, probably because of Hadrian's sudden death in 795.136 Each plate is divided in two sections, depicting scenes of King David and St. Jerome and both fit the manuscript perfectly. The psalter with its binding is the only book directly linked to Charlemagne, because of two dedication poems written in the manuscript.137 The poems mention their iconographic cycle, which proves that the covers were made in the same time as the manuscript and also that they were originally executed for its binding.138 Another preserved example of a binding supposedly executed in the court school of Charlemagne in Aachen are the ivory bookcovers of the Lorsch Gospels that were once parts of its binding139. The ivory plates that used to cover the upper as well as the lower board of the binding, are now kept separately at Victoria and Albert Museum and the Vatican. The plates depict figures that are interpreted as Christ with two angels on the upper cover (fig. 4), and the Virgin and the Child with Zacharias and St. John the Baptist on the lower cover140 (fig. 3). Another ivory bookcover, associated with the court school of Charlemagne, based on similarities shared with the covers of the Dagulf Psalter and those of Lorsch is an ivory plate preserved in Bodleian Library in Oxford.141 (fig. 2) It depicts triumphant Christ, holding a book and trampling a lion and a dragon, surrounded by various scenes of his childhood142. The iconographic cycle suggests that it originally belonged to a Gospel book.

3.4.2 Reims

As the direct heirs of the Aachen court school of Charlemagne, the workshops of Reims were given an important place between the centres of artistic creation in the Carolingian times. These workshops are not bound to one particular place, a monastery

134 Beckwith, 1964, p. 34 135 Nees, 2002, p. 163 136 Nees, 2012, p. 1 137I bidem, p. 2 138 For more information on the Dagulf Psalter see Holter, 1980, Nees, 2012 139 Fillitz, 2010, p. 150 140 Beckwith, 1964, p. 36-37 141 Caillet, 2005, p. 202 142 Nees, 2002, p. 184

30 or a cathedral school for example, but rather appear scattered between different centers in Reims, such as the monastery of St. Remy or in its surroundings, such as Hautvillers; and produce visibly luxurious manuscripts, most often due to the patronage of powerful laymen.143 The workshops of Reims became famous especially during the time of Bishop Ebbo, in the first thirty years of the 9th century, who tried to transfer the imperial center of Carolingian renaissance to Reims, by building a cathedral and increasing the production of manuscripts and founding of new artistic workshops in Reims144. Concerning the style that was used by artists in the workshops of Reims, Beckwith describes them as “a travesty of Hellenistic illusionism.145” According to him, northern artists seriously influenced the style and forms of previous tradition of painters and sculptors, transforming the calm Hellenistic forms into forms, that may seem somewhat spasmodic. Laffitte and Denoël call this transformation “a new variant of illusionist art inherited from the Antiquity.146” Considerably smaller figures, that appear to be in movement, compared to static calm figures of the court school of Charlemagne, with arms in the air, are characteristic of the style used in the workshops of Reims. Several bindings and ivory bookcovers survived up till this day, one of them being an ivory bookcover from Bibliothèque nationale, that was once part of a binding of an unknown manuscript, probably a psalter showing scenes of Psalms 50 and 56, with King David and the prophet Nathan147. Similar stylistic characteristic, such as the vivacity of the figures and the drapery, as well as the deepness of the relief, can be seen on the ivory plates that used to bind the Prayer Book of the emperor Charles the Bald148 (fig. 7). The scene is enclosed in a frame composed of vegetable motives. Another similar preserved example associated with the workshops in Reims, is an original Carolingian ivory panel, supposedly created around 850, is now set in the Ottonian treasure binding of the Book of Pericopes executed for King Henry II149 (fig. 6). The ivory panel depicts scenes of the Crucifixion and the Holy Women at the Sepulchre, and is also framed with vegetable motives.

143 Laffitte, Denoel, 2007, p. 167 144I bidem, p. 167-168 145 Beckwith, 1964, p. 43 146 Laffitte, Denoel, 2007, p. 168, (fr.) “une nouvelle variante de l'art illusionniste hérité de l'Antiquité.” 147 Beckwith, 1964, p. 47 148 Ibidem, p. 47-48 149 Caillet, 2005, 212

31 There is an ongoing discussion whether treasure bindings of the Lindau Gospels, also known as the Codex Aureus of Lindau150 (fig. 8, fig. 9), and of the Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram (fig. 10) should be assigned to Reims, or the court school of Charles the Bald. Even though there are visible similarities with the stylistic forms of Reims, such as lively figures and their gestures, it is not possible to precisely attribute these bindings. The use of such luxurious materials could suggest an imperial provenance. It is possible that the artists that were trained in Reims could have been part of the court school of Charles the Bald, which would justify the presence of stylistic elements of Reims on the covers of the Lindau Gospels and the Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram151.

3.4.3 Metz

During the episcopate of Drogo, an illegitimate son of Charlemagne, Metz became a true imperial city and an artistic center. Even before him, the bishops of Metz had tried to transform their city into a true artistic center, the Bishop Angilram founded a scriptorium close to the cathedral, that is known for the production of many Carolingian manuscripts. During the thirty years of Drogo's episcopate, Metz became renowned for its painting and sculpting techniques152. Once again, only ivory covers, that had once been part of treasure bindings, survived up to this day. The style of the ivory covers attributed to the workshop of Metz, with various architectural details, trees and curtains, the subtle style of the drapery and the movement of the figures, resembles late Antique and early Christian narrative cycles and suggests that the artists tried to produce 'authentic' reproductions.153 The Metz workshop is also know for its distinctive leaf ornament and the rich vine and accanthus scrolls that had strong influence on miniature painters and illuminators, most notably in England154. The Sacramentary of Drogo is one of a few preserved examples of Metz manuscript production conserved at the treasury of the cathedral of Metz155 (fig, 17, fig. 18). Two sculpted ivory plates from its original Carolingian binding are still part of the manuscript today. Both plates are divided into nine sections, the ivory plate of the

150 For more information on the Lindau Gospels see Musto, 2001 151 Beckwith, 1964, p. 57 152 Laffitte, Denoel, 2007, p. 190 153 Beckwith, 1964, p. 65 154 Nees, 2012, p. 1 155 For more information on Drogo Sacramentary see Koehler, Mutherich, 1974, Leesti 1989

32 upper cover depicts scenes from the life of Christ, while the plate of the lower cover shows scenes of the Mass and its liturgical ceremonies, which reflects the text of the manuscript156. According to a treasury inventory from 1567, the ivory covers were originally inserted in golden frames decorated with gems157. Two Carolingian ivory bookcovers were also preserved in the treasury of the cathedral of Metz, as part of the treasure binding of the Gospels of Drogo (fig. 11), inserted in a golden frame decorated with jewels from the 11th century. Both covers are divided into three sections, one depicting scenes of the birth of Christ and the other one the Passion of Christ, which correspond with Christmas and Easter158. The last remaining example of bindings from the Metz workshop is the binding of a manuscript called the Gospels of Metz (fig. 15), also preserved in the treasury of Metz cathedral. The binding consists of two Carolingian ivory plates inserted in a golden frame from the late 9th century, created in a much simpler style of the second school of Metz, that is different from the first school of Metz in several aspects, such as lower relief or simplified forms of figures and the architectural background159. These ivory plates are also one of the examples of plates, that were not made at the same time as their manuscript, but are dated more than ten years later.

3.4.4 The Court school of Charles the Bald

The exact location of the court school of Charles the Bald is still not identified, several propositions has been made, such as the monastery of Corbie, Saint-Denis, of which Charles was lay Abbot, or even Reims and Compiègne have all been proposed.160 Since many elements from different workshops can be found in manuscripts as well as on their bindings, it is not easy to determine where the court school of Charles the Bald was located, or whether there was a permanent residence at all. The presence of stylistic elements of various workshops in the manuscripts and their bindings could be explained by the presence of artists that had been trained in one of the monastic workshop in Reims, Tours or Metz and then accompanied the court of the Charles the Bald, and worked on imperial commissions on the move.161

156 Ibidem, p. 1 157 Laffitte, Denoel, 2007, p. 199 158I bidem, p. 201 159I bidem, p. 204 160 Beckwith, 1964, p. 68 161 Ibidem, p. 57

33 In the second half of the 9th century, which is considered as the peak of the reign of Charles the Bald, the artists of his court school mixed elements of different workshops, notably the iconographic originality associated with Metz, the interpretation of ancient models typical for Reims and even Roman and insular influences.162 Therefore, a certain synthesis or culmination of the stylistic elements of various artistic centers can be observed on the ivory plates and the bindings of the court school of Charles the Bald. One of preserved examples of the binding production of this particular school is the binding of the Psalter of Charles the Bald (fig. 5), executed between 860 and 870, which has remained intact up to this day.163 The ivory plates depict scenes of King David, Batshseba and the prophet Nathan, with the dead body of Uriah.164 They are inserted in golden frames decorated with gems create one of a few examples of complete original Carolingian treasure binding. Two ivory plates created by the artists of the court school of Charles the Bald that were once part of a treasure binding of the Gospels of Noailles (fig. 16), still serve as bookcovers of this manuscript, although thy are not inserted in their original frames. They depict Christ in the mandorla and the Virgin and the Child, suggesting the presence of byzantine elements165. The last surviving example is truly a work of an imperial artistic school is the golden treasure binding of the Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram in Regensburg166 (fig. 10). Its magnificence suggets a “direct imperial patronage167”. The binding entirely cover in gold, decorated with jewels and filigree, showing Christ in Majesty is one of the masterpieces of the Carolingian goldsmiths' art168.

3.4.5 Abbey of St. Gall

The monastery of St. Gall, founded by an Irish monk named Gallus, was known for its scriptorium as well as for the production of many manuscripts169. This would explain the appearance of the insular stylistic elements found on the preserved ivory

162 Laffitte, Denoel, 2007, p. 87 163 Ibidem, p. 111 164 Gaborit-Chopin, 1978, p. 63 165 Laffite, Denoel, 2007, p. 115 166 Gaborit-Chopin, 1978, p. 62 167 Beckwith, 1964, p. 70 168 For more information on Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram see Leidinger, 1925, Werckmeister, 1963 169 Nees, 2002, p. 159, for more information on St. Gall see Nees, 1986

34 covers from the monastery. The upper and the lower cover of the Evangelium Longum (fig. 19), which are attributed to the monk Tuotilo, were probably executed around year 900 in the monastic workshop.170 The style in which the binding is executed, including the pattern of the vegetal frame and the handling of the figures is notably different from other Carolingian workshops, even though stylistic elements from Reims and Metz can be visible171

3.3.6 Conclusion

This chapter discusses how and where Carolingian treasure bindings were produced and decorated. After a manuscript was written and painted, it was sewn together and covered with wooden boards, in order to make a primitive binding. Such binding was later covered in leather or even fabric, and its spine was strengthened with the addition of endbands. Depending on the function of the manuscript that was being bound, the decoration of its binding was considered. Books of everyday use received no decoration, or the leather covering of their bindings was decorated with blind tooling, resulting in various floral or ornamental designs impressed on the covers. Liturgical books such as sacramentaries or books of Gospels, that were used during the Mass or other liturgical rituals, received luxurious covers made of precious materials as metals, gems and ivory. The fact that only liturgical books were bound luxuriously could suggest that they were meant to be seen by public. Some scholars think that such luxurious bindings were meant to fit the holy contents of the manuscript, and while this could be true, there are other reasons for such luxurious decoration, which will be discussed in the subsequent chapter. A fact presented by Paul Needham, that the jeweled covers could be easily removed from their manuscripts, because they were not integral part of the bindings, only attached to the wooden boards by nails or clasps172, also suggests that the luxurious covers could have been occasionally interchangeable, by separating them from their books and attaching them to others, although due to the lack of evidence, this can not

170 Toman, Warland (eds.), 2011, p. 148 171 Beckwith, 1964, p. 78 172 Needham, 1979, p. 22-23

35 be exactly proven. Also, the scenes depicted on these bindings often reflected the text of their manuscripts, as is the case of many sacramentaries, psalters and Gospel books, and in some cases they were even mentioned in dedication poems, so it is unlikely that these bindings were mobile and used for other manuscripts. In the second part of this chapter, I presented preserved examples of Carolingian treasure bindings, or rather parts of them, because not many complete bindings survived until now. Ivory plates that were once part of such bindings are most frequently preserved, often still covering their manuscripts, though without their original metal frames that once surrounded them. Based on the analysis of different styles, they are sorted by their school or workshop of provenance, which provides an overview of locations where such bindings were produced and decorated. Even though only workshops from which there are preserved examples were mentioned, many other monastic workshops certainly produced such bindings alongside the production of illuminated manuscripts, such as Tours, Corbie, Reichenau, Freising or Fulda.

36 4 Liturgical role of treasure bindings

Treasure bindings and their luxurious decoration have always attracted attention of many scholars. As shown in the previous chapters, scholars discussed the process of making of these bindings, materials used to decorate them, the provenance and the affiliation with individual workshops, corresponding stylistic elements and iconographic analysis of the scenes depicted on them. The question that remains somewhat unanswered is the function of treasure bindings. Previous authors either did not address this question at all or they mostly expressed an opinion that the function of these bindings was to be appropriate and worthy covers for books that contain the word of God. The goal of this chapter is to outline other possible functions of treasure bindings in Carolingian times. In order to do it, it is necessary to comprehend the use of the books in these times, notably liturgical books, since they were the ones that usually received such luxurious bindings. In the first part of this chapter, the course and various rituals of Carolingian liturgy will be discussed in order to reconstruct how liturgical books were engaged in them. To do so, it is necessary to explain the role of specific types of books such as sacramentaries and the books of Gospels; and to try to understand their metaphoric function in the eyes of Carolingian worshippers. Subsequently, in the second part of this chapter, I will discuss the possible function of treasure bindings. Several scholars consider treasure bindings to be bookcovers decorated so luxuriously only in order to honour the Word of God173. While in certain cases, or rather for certain types of liturgical books, this opinion can be considered correct, it does not explain why Carolingian people felt the need to decorate the outside of a book, unless the book was collectively perceived as something much more than a simple book. If this was true, the luxurious binding would immediately receive a new function, semblable to the role of similarly decorated shrines and reliquaries.

173 e.g. Snijder, 1932; Beckwith, 1964, Palazzo, 1998

37 4.1 Books in the Carolingian liturgy

Since treasure bindings were mostly made for liturgical books, and the function of treasure bindings is directly connected to the function of these books, it seems logical that in order to understand the role of these bindings, it is essential to first understand the meaning and symbolic function of liturgical books in Carolingian times and also in what way they were used during the Mass and the Divine Office or other liturgical rites. The old Gallican liturgy and its indigenous liturgical practices performed in the Frankish empire were being gradually replaced by the Roman liturgy during the reign of emperor Charlemagne174. The general feeling was turned towards Rome, due to Anglo-Saxon monks who had already directed the Franks towards the church of Rome and its liturgy before and encouraged the shift towards Roman liturgical practices.175 Many pilgrims, including bishops, traveled to Rome and liked what they saw when they attended papal services. Inspired and enthusiastic, they wanted to accommodate the liturgical practices of their own church according to the Roman liturgy. Thus, the Roman liturgical practices were brought to the north, to the Frankish realm, and gradually became part of the Frankish liturgy176. However, the Roman rite could not be adopted entirely, since it was local and completely accustomed to Roman conditions.177 Moreover, it was mostly based on papal services of Rome, and had too little in common with the Gallican liturgical practices. The attempt to unite the liturgy in the Frankish empire, initiated by Charlemagne, who had requested a Roman sacramentary from the pope, that contained records of Roman liturgical practices, was not successful and resulted in a hybrid Frankish-Roman liturgy, with elements from both Roman liturgy and old Gallican liturgical practices.178 As a part of what will be later considered as a renovatio, in order to unite his empire, the emperor Charlemagne sought to unify the liturgical rituals performed in his realm, which were mostly of Gallic origin179. In the late eight century, he ordered Paul

174 White, 1993, p. 78 175 Wegman, 1985, p. 151 176 Ibidem, p. 151, for more information on liturgical transitions in Carolingian age see Bullough, 1983, Palazzo 2006, Adam, 2008, Bernard 2008, Caban, 2012, Noble 2015, 177 Ibidem, p, 151 178 Ibidem, p. 152 179 White, 1993, p. 87

38 the Deacon, who was on his way to Italy, returning from Aachen, to request an original Roman sacramentary with no additions from Pope Hadrian (772-795)180. In 785, the pope decided to reply to this request, although he sent Charlemagne an incomplete copy of the Gregorian sacramentary, that was not intended for presbyterial use, since it was based on the papal liturgy181. This sacramentary was named sacramentarium Hadrianum and was preserved and displayed in the imperial library in Aachen, to serve as a model for copying182. Since the manuscript was incomplete, and not suitable for everyday liturgy, it needed to be reviewed. Charlemagne's advisor and monastic reformer Benedict of Aniane wrote a Supplement containing prayers from both Roman and Gallican sources used at that time183. The intention to unite the liturgy came from the emperor, not from the pope. Except for the gift of the sacramentary, Rome mostly did not cooperate in the unification of the liturgical practices in the empire. Roman models were accepted due to respect, rather than enforcement from the Roman church184. The form and rituals of the liturgy in Carolingian times are known from various primary sources such as sacramentaries, that contained prayers for every day of the liturgical year. Moreover, theological or historical works of authors such as Benedictine monk from Reichenau named Walafrid Strabo and his De exordiis et incrementis quarundam in observationibus ecclesiasticis rerum185, written between 840-842, Expositio missae or Liber officialis both written by Amalarius of Metz, or Rabanus Maurus' De institutione clericorum186. Another source of information on pre-Carolingian and Carolingian liturgy are ordines, collections of directions and rules on how to correctly perform liturgical offices187. Ordines often originated in Rome, mostly being observations of performed rituals, made by pilgrims who had seen a papal service during their stay in Rome188. These observations, or even imitations of Roman practices found their way north of the Alps, they gradually became part of western practices and started to be received as

180 Ibidem, p. 87 181 Palazzo, 1998, p. 51 182 Wegman, 1985, p. 151-203 183 Palazzo, 1998, p. 52 184 White, 1993, p. 78-79 185 De exordiis et incrementis quarundam in observationibus eccleesiastics rerum. Knoepfler (ed.), 1899 186 Opusculum de institutione Clericorum. Rabanus Maurus, 1504 187 Ordines romani.Andrieu (ed.), 1971 188 White, 1993, p.78-79

39 official documents concerning the performance of liturgical services189. Many of them were suitable for liturgical programs of Charlemagne who tried to reform worship in his empire, using traditional Roman models190. Visual sources, such as illustrations in liturgical books and also their bindings, as the ivory plates of the Drogo sacramentary can be also considered as a source of information on the course of the liturgy and the use of liturgical books, since they often depict liturgical scenes, many of which shows a celebrant using a liturgical book in one way or another191.

4.1.1 Liturgical books

Before I can discuss the function of treasure bindings, it is necessary to first explain the function and the meaning of certain types of liturgical books that were bound in such bindings, as well as the “symbolic” function of a liturgical book in the Carolingian age. The texts of liturgical books offer information on liturgical rituals and their exact practices, in which the books were engaged.

A) Sacramentary

The sacramentaries, known from the sources as liber sacramentorum, sacramentorum, sacramentarium or sacramentorium, were books that the celebrants, bishops or priests, used to officiate the Mass or other liturgical rituals192. These books were directly engaged in the celebration of the Eucharist, because they contained exact formulae needed to perform concrete liturgical practices such as consecration, and were usually placed on the altar next to the celebrant. They included exact texts of prayers destined to every single day of the liturgical year, composed of the canon of the Mass that contains the collection of every prayer of the eucharistic celebration, and that does not change. Other parts specific to each day, such as Sanctoral and Temporal cycles are also part of a sacramentary, which can change according to specific days and periods of the liturgical year. Sacramentaries also include ordines, which determine the course of rituals such as baptism and

189 Wegman, 1985, p. 151 190 White, 1993, p. 87 191 Laffitte, Denoel, 2007, p. 197, Nees, 2012, p. 1 192 Dyer at al., 2018

40 funerals, as well as calendars with universal feasts and days dedicated to the saints193. Several types of sacramentaries were used in the Carolingian empire. The first group is called sacramentaria Gelasiana, named after Pope Gelasius I. Different versions of Gelasian sacramentary were used in the Fraknish realm194. The Old Gelasian Sacramentary also called Gelasianum Vetus, preserved in one manuscript called Codex Vaticanus Reginensis latinus 316195, contains a mixture of old Gallican liturgical practices and Roman material, that dates back to 7th century and was used in the Roman church196. This mixture makes it unique of its kind. The sacramentry may have been transfered north to the Gaul by monks or pilgrims, and was used until ca. 750. It was probably romanized due to private initiative197. The Gelasianum Vetus is divided into three books and offers various options of prayers for a celebrant to choose. The first book contains Temporal celebrations from Christmas to Pentecost. The second book contains prayers of the Sanctoral and also for Masses of the Advent. The last book comprises material for ordinary Sunday and votive Masses198. The Gelasian Sacramentary of the 8th century, also called Gelasianum saeculi octava199 is a sacramentary that contains elements from the Gelasianum Vetus combined with elements from the Gregorian Sacramentary200. Various examples of this sacramentary were preserved, usually associated with monasteries, such as the sacramentary of Gellone or the sacramentary of Reichenau, although the original archetype had been lost201. The author of the original is not known, but the lost archetype was probably Frankish, because it contains mentions of old Gallican customs and saints, that were not mentioned in the sacramentaries of Roman origin. The sacramentary was probably compiled by monks by order of Pippin the Short, after Pope Stephen II visited the Gaul202. The attempt of Pippin to unite the Frankish tradition of the Gelasian sacramentary with the Roman tradition by creating a new sacramentary, and therefore being the first attempt to unify the liturgy by royal authority, was more or less succesful, even though the Gelasianum saeculi octava was

193 Palazzo, 1998 194 Wegman, 1985, p. 153, Palazzo, 1998, p. 42-46 195 Le Sacramentaire gélasien (Vaticanus Reginensis 316), Chavasse (ed.), 1957, Liber Sacramentorum Romanae Ecclesiae, Wilson (ed.), 1894, p. 50 196 Wegman, 1985, p. 153, White, 1993, p. 87, Palazzo, 1998 197 Wegman, 1985, p. 153 198 Palazzo, 1998, p. 45 199 Le sacramentaire dans le groupe dit "Gélasiens du VIIIe siècle", Chavasse (ed.), 1984 200 Le sacramentaire grégorien, Deshusses (ed.), 1971 201 Palazzo, 1998, p. 202 Ibidem, p. 50

41 replaced shortly after with the Roman sacramentary that was requested by Charlemagne203. The sacramentaria Gregoriana, named after Pope Gregory I, represent another group of sacramentaries used in the Carolingian age. The Gregorian Sacramentary was a book that was strictly intended for the papal use, and probably dates back to the first half of the 7th century204. The Sacramentarium Hadrianum: is the result of the request of the sacramentary of Pope Gregory in pure form, made by the emperor Charlemagne, and sent to Pope Hadrian I in Rome. The original exemplar sent by Hadrian has not been preserved, although several exact copies, such as the manuscript Cambrai, B.M., ms. 164, have been preserved205. Compared with the Gelasian sacramentary, there were fundamental differences, since the Gregorian sacramentary was of pure Roman origin and based on papal liturgical practices. The Hadrianum was not suitable for everyday presbyterial use and had to be corrected. The result of this correction is called he Sacramentarium Hadrianum with Supplement, and had been preiously ascribed to Alcuin but is actually the work of Benedict of Aniane206. The supplement included a series of , various episcopal blessing formulas, and naturally prayers and formulas that were lacking in the original Hadrianum207. The sources for the supplement were most likely the Gelasianum Vetus and the Gelasianum saeculi octava208. The extended Hadrianum, compiled by Benedict of Aniane, spread widely in the Frankish empire and northern Italy and gradually replaced all other sacramentaries.

B) Book of Gospels

The reading of the Holy Scripture was part of the Christian Liturgy from the very beginning. Parts of the Bible were read during various assemblies in order to provide material for meditation for the faithful. According to some scholars, the idea to choose specific parts to be read during the eucharistic celebration could date back to the 2nd century209. By the 7th century, specific gospel passages, also called pericopes, had been

203 Wegman, 1985, p. 153-154, Palazzo, 1998, p. 46-48 204 Palazzo, 1998, p. 50 205 Ibidem, p. 51 206 White, 1993, Chupungco, 1997, 207 Wegman, 1985, p. 155 208 Palazzo, 1998, p. 53 209 Ibidem, p. 83

42 already assigned to particular days of the liturgical year210. Books of Gospels, sometimes also called gospel books or evangeliaries, contain all four gospels of the New Testament. Evangeliaries often contain capitulare evangeliorum, also called list of gospel readings (pericopes), in order to facilitate the orientation in the Gospels and help the celebrant to choose the correct passage for a particular day211. Another form of a gospel book is a lectionary, which contains only specific parts of the Scripture, where the pericopes for the Mass are arranged according to days of liturgical year. The Ordo I, which had originally described the course of the papal mass in Rome, and was later adapted to the Frankish liturgy and intended for the episcopal liturgy in the empire, describes the service of readings during the eucharistic celebration212. The reading of the Gospel was preceeded by the chant of alleluia, and an entrance procession of the Holy Book (the Book of Gospels), which was carried through the church, together with candles and incense, and subsequently displayed on the altar. Then, the deacon blessed by the bishop took the Book of Gospels from the altar to the ambo, and surrounded by candles and incense, read the word of God213. After the reading, the book was solemnly put away in a box (capsa). Some scholars have suggested that the alleluia sung during the entrance procession announced the coming of the Christ, incarnated in the Gospel book214. Herman Wegman, claimed that the entrance ceremony described in the Ordo I shows evident proof of great reverence for the book that suggest that the Gospel book was perceived as a sign of the presence of Christ.215 This thought is deeply rooted in Late Antique times, which can be evidenced by the text of a letter written by Cyril of Alexandria intended for the emperor Theodosius216. The letter describes the Ephesian council, where the Council fathers were gathered around a throne, where the Holy Scripture was placed, which should have evoked the presence of Christ217. 210 Calkins, 1983, p. 18-19 211 Wegman, 1985, p. 157-158, Palazzo, 1998, p. 91-93 212 Ordines romani, Andrieu (ed.), 1971 213 Ordo I, 55-66, Andrieu (ed.), 1971 214 Martimort, 1982, p. 95-122, Palazzo, 1998, p. 66 215 Wegman, 1985, p. 184 216 Foletti, 2012, p. 37 217 “Tunc demum itaque, sacra Synodus in sancta Ecclesia quae appellatur Maria, congregata, Christum confessorem et veluti caput constituit: venerandum enim Evangelium in sancto throno collocatus erat, illud tantum non sanctorum sacerdotum auribus insonans: “Justum judicium judicate”; litem inter sanctos Evangelistas, et Nestorii voces dirimite. Itaque communi omnium sententia, illius quidem dogmata condemnauit, Evangelicae vero apostolicae que traditionis puritatem ac venustate demostravit: atque ita veritatis vis obtinuit” Cirilli Alessandriae Archiepiscopi Operum, Auperti, (ed.), Lutetiae 1637, t. 6, p. 251 in: Foletti, 2012, p 44

43 According to the Gelasianum Vetus, Gospel books were also used during a ritual of the Baptism, on the Third Sunday in Lent in a ritual called Expositio Evangeliorum in aurium apertione or the Exposition of the Gospel into the opened ears of the elect218. The sacramentary describes how the Gospel book was carried by deacons, accompanied with two candlesticks and a turibulum, an incense holder, and placed on the corners of the altar219. This procession is similar to the entrance procession of the Gospel book during the celebration of the Eucharist described in Ordo I. A deacon then proceeded to read from the Gospel book into the opened ears of the elects.

C) Psalter

The psalter, lat. psalterium, also called the Book of Psalms, contains psalms of the Divine Office, arranged according to the days of the week. They were arranged accordingly to their intended use, either secular or monastic. These psalms were sung by the entire monastic community or secular canons220. In Carolingian times, luxuriously decorated psalters were mostly destined for private devotion of wealthy laymen221.

4.1.2. The “Word made flesh”

In order to successfully explain the function of treasure bindings, it is essential to also discuss the symbolic function of liturgical books in the Carolingian age, maybe even more than their liturgical use. It has been previously established, that liturgical books were treated as other liturgical objects, used and read during the Mass and the Divine office. The question is, whether they were percieved as something other than an object. Herbert Kessler, among many others, in his publication Seeing Medieval Art from 2004222, formulates a thought, that Christianity, being a religion of written revelation, elevated liturgical books by decorating them and covering them with precious metals

218 Liber Sacramentorum Romanae Ecclesiae. Wilson (ed.), 1894, p. 50 219 “Primitus enim procedunt de sacrario in diaconi cum quatuor evangeliis, praecedetibus duobus candelabris cum thuribulis, et ponuntur super in angulos altaris.” Liber Sacramentorum Romanae Ecclesiae. Wilson (ed.), 1894, p. 220 Dryer et al., 2018, p. 12, for more information on liturgical chant see Petersen ,1998 221 Palazzo, 1998, p. 134 222 see Kessler, 2004

44 and gems, by engaging them in processions and displaying them on altars, to something called vasa sacra223. The term vasa sacra signifies liturgical objects, also called holy vessels, because during the Eucharistic liturgy, they came into direct contact with the body and the blood of Christ224. Kessler then continues with stating that, similarly to devotional images, liturgical books were considered to be the actual presence of their divine author and decorated in a like manner as . This was true to several types of liturgical books, such as psalters and sacramentaries, not just Gospels225. Books of Gospels, also called evangeliaries held a special place, since they were perceived as the embodiment of Christ. His theory is supported by the dedication poem on the last pages of the Godescalc's Evangelistary (, BNF. lat.1203), a manuscript commissioned by Charlemagne and written in 783 by the Frankish scribe Godescalc. The dedication poem mentions golden and silver decoration of the book, that is supposed to reflect the idea of the embodiment of Christ, stated in the Bible (John 1:1) as “the Word made flesh226”. This would also explain why the covers of evangeliaries and Gospel books were decorated with images of Christ227, as in the cases of Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram and the Lindau Gospels. The inscription on the upper cover of the Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram from the Gospel of John “I am the way and the truth and the life. No man cometh to the Father, but by me228.” suggests a symbolic connection between Christ and the Gospel Book. Éric Palazzo discussed a similar thought in his publications, such as his article Le Livre dans le Trésors du Moyen Age229, published in Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales in 1997, and his publication L'Invention Chrétienne des Cinq Sens dans la Liturgie et l'Art du Moyen Age from 2014230. First, Palazzo discussed the symbolic function of liturgical books kept in church treasuries . He examined the relationship between the book and the body through liturgical books used to the celebration of the Eucharist. According to the author, this relationship between the book and the body is strongest in the Carolingian age, when a liturgical book was perceived as a sacred space, more specifically as a body. Liturgical books, such as Books of Gospels and

223 Ibidem, p. 87 224 Kodres, Mänd (eds.), 2013p. 63 225 Kessler, 2004, p. 87 226 Ibidem, p. 89 227 Ibidem, p. 89 228 John 14:6, lat. “Ego sum via et verita et vita nemo venit ad Patrem nisi per me.” 229 see Palazzo, 1997 230 see Palazzo, 2014

45 sacramentaries were considered to be incarnation of Christ, each by its own means. Books of Gospels, that were meant to be read during liturgical practices, were considered by theologians as proves of the embodied Christ in the moment of their reading. Sacramentaries were also perceived as the embodiment of Christ, due to their content, that was meant to be used to perform consecration of the bread and wine and other liturgical practices231. This hypothesis is also supported by Thomas Lentes, who concludes that the evangeliary symbolized the body of Christ, in earthly and glorious flesh232. The symbolism of liturgical books in Carolingian times was also discussed by several other scholars, for example Michel Pastoreau and Herman Wegman233. The processions in which the Gospel books were engaged also support the idea of liturgical books being perceived as something more than books, and even more than liturgical objects. It is evidenced by the text of Claudius of Turin Claudius writes about the revelation of the Word of God to men, which was not revealed without proper clothing. It was covered with the veil of flesh, while now it is covered by the veil of letters, and these letters appear as flesh. The eyes that can see the divine spirit through the veil of letters are blessed234. If the idea, that liturgical books in the Carolingian age were perceived as the incarnation of Christ, is accepted, the book containing the Word of God thus becomes a sort of flesh, that represents the presence of Christ, in a similar way as relics represent the earthly presence of their saints. Therefore, the function of treasure bindings that constitute the casing of these books becomes similar to the function of reliquaries and shrines.

231 Palazzo, 2014, p. 181-187 232 Lentes, 2006, p. 133-138 233 see Wegman, 1985, Pastoreau 1995 234 In libros informationem litterae et spiritus super Leviticum, praef., 104, col. 617, (lat.) “Ita et cum per prophetas vel legislatorem Verbum Dei profetur ad homines, non absque compretentibus profertur indumentis. Nam sicut ibi carnis, ita hic litterae velamine tegitur: ut littera quidem aspicitur tanquam caro, latens vero spiritalis intrinsecus sensus tanquam divinitas sentitur. Beati sunt illi oculi qui velamen litterae obtectum intrincensus divinam spiritum vident...” in Kessler, 2000, p. 252

46 4.2 Function of treasure bindings

The question of function of treasure bindings still remains more or less unanswered. Scholars generally did not address this question in their research, focusing mostly on style analysis of treasure bindings or materials and the process of making. Those few authors who did address this question, insist on treasure bindings being worthy covers for the books that contain the Word of God. Snijder writes about Gospel books that symbolized both Christ and the Holy Ghost, their role and continual involvement in the public liturgy, which is why they were in need of appropriate covers that would be in harmony with the contents of the Holy Scripture235. Éric Palazzo refers to St. Jerome and medieval authors who claimed that nothing was too beautiful to properly honor God, and states that it is not surprising that liturgical books are the ones that received luxurious bindings made of gold, precious stones and ivory, because they contain the Word of God236. The most basic function of a treasure binding is thus evident – to be appropriate and luxurious cover for the books that contain the Word of God or serve to worship Him. This function would be applicable on all types of liturgical books as well as on books destined for private use, evangeliaries, sacramentaries and personal psalters alike. Another possible function of treasure bindings would be, as is the case of many medieval luxurious objects, to demonstrate the prestige of the church or a monastery, or even of an individual, an aristocrat who commissioned the somptuous decoration of a manuscript237. Luxurious manuscripts bound in treasure bindings offered by the emperor, or an aristocrat, as gifts to churches or monasteries demonstrated the power and prestige of the donor. While this function is also relevant, it concerns mostly books that were destined for private use or as gifts. It does not explain the engagement of books in liturgical ceremonies. We cannot disregard the fact, that due to precious materials and their high value, treasure bindings were an exclusive matter, and were intended to be seen, presented and read. The thoughts of Herbert Kessler238 and other scholars on liturgical books, notably Gospel books, being perceived as the incarnation of Christ in Carolingian times, suggest several new conclusions. If the book symbolized the body of Christ, it would

235 Snijder, 1932, p. 5-6 236 Palazzo, 1998, p. 61 237 Dryer et al., 2018, p.5 238 see Snijder, 1932, Kessler, 2004, Lentes, 2006, Palazzo, 2014

47 mean that it was percieved as a symbolic . This would put treasure bindings in a completely new position and they would get a symbolical function similar to reliquaries, to be precious containers intended to enshrine the 'Word of God that became flesh'.

4.2.1 Materiality and form

In this last part of this thesis, a comparison of various aspects and qualities of treasure bindings, with those of reliquaries, will be given, in order to find out whether treasure bindings could have been symbolically perceived as reliquaries in Carolingian times and beyond. First of all, it is logical to focus on the visual aspect of treasure bindings and reliquaries and their materiality. Costliness and luxury of materials seem to be necessary conditions for beauty in Carolingian times. Treasure bindings fashioned from precious metals as gold and silver, decorated with gems, enamel, filigree and ivory plates notably resemble box-shaped reliquaries and portable altars made of the same materials239. 'Precious container' is a term that fits both reliquaries, in the true sense of the word, and treasure bindings, in a symbolic one. The exterior aspect of treasure bindings confirmed the importance and the sacred nature of their contents240. The spiritual value contained in relics must have been equated with their material241. It was the same for treasure bindings. In order to worthily cover the book that was considered to be the symbolic embodiment of Christ, suitable materials had to be used, such as precious metals and ivory, that were not only rare and expensive, but also considered pure and incorruptible, much like the flesh of Christ and saints. Precious stones and gems often symbloized the Heavenly Jerusalem242. The synthesis of treasure bindings and reliquaries can be seen two centuries later, on the treasure binding of a Gospel book, fashioned probably in Regensburg in the beginning of the 11th century. The binding is made of silver and gilt copper, together with four ivory panels depicting four Evangelists, with a metal cross in the middle. In the center of the cross, there is a large rock crystal covering the image of the

239 For more informationon on the materiality of reliquaries see Kornbluth, 1997, Bagnoli, 2010, Buettner, 2011, Hahn, 2017 240 Laffitte, Denoel, p. 46-47 241 Bagnoli, 2010, p. 138 242 Hahn, p. 2010, 286

48 Crucifixion with a small wooden splinter placed across the chest of Christ. The splinter was considered to be the relic of the True Cross243. The synthesis of the reliquary and treasury binging is not accidental. The inclusion of the relic in the binding could be considered as a confirmation of the symbolic reliquary nature of treasure bindings, by making it a true reliquary.

4.2.2 Placement and display

Another common feature of treasure bindings and reliquaries is their placement in treasuries of churches. Books bound in treasure bindings were placed in treasuries due to their hybrid status between a book and a precious-metal object, similar to reliquaries244. This can be proved by several inventories form Carolingian times, such as the inventory of the treasury of the monastery church of St. Riquier, in the abbey of Centula. The inventory tells us about a Gospel book written in gold letters and decorated with silver and gold plates and precious gems, being part of the treasury245. It is important to remember, that in the Middle ages, a church treasury, 'thesaurus' was considered to be a physical space as well as liturgical objects themsleves246. Treasure bindings were part of treasuries together with other ministeria, liturgical objects used to celebrate the divine service, such as reliquaries, chalices, patenas, liturgical clothes and portable altars, being considered the most sacred objects placed there together with reliquaries and eucharistic vessels that were placed there. They had a specific role because of their nature – they were considered to be liturgical objects as well, because of their special function and use in the liturgical practices247. Often they were placed in a close distance to the altar or even inside the altar itself. If this was the case, they were under the care of the sacristan248. Together with other liturgical objects they comprised the treasury of the church. Due to their special function – and this seems to be a very important proof - they were not placed in the library (armarium), like other, less decorated books destined for everyday use such as the lecture in the refectory249. According to the inventary of the cathedral of Clermont from the 9th century,

243 Robinson, 2010, p. 122 244 Ackley, 2014, p. 19 245 Schlosser, 1896, p. 116 246 Ackley, 2014, p. 4 247 Ibidem, p. 4 248 Needham, 1979, p. 22-23 249 Palazzo, 1997

49 closed Gospel books were also on particular days displayed in the church, on the main altars or in one of the chapels, placed on cushions or stands surrounded by candles250. This fact makes immediately think of reliaquaries being displayed on altars in churches destined to be venerated by public, for example of the reliquary of St. Foy displayed at the very center of a chapel-rotunda on the back side of the abbey church in Conques251.

4.2.3 Processions and other rituals

It has been already established in the previous parts of this chapter, that saramentaries and Gospel books bound in treasure bindings were treated as other liturgical objects, presented, used and read during the celebration of the Eucharist and other liturgical services. The Gelasianum Vetus testifies about the involvement of the Gospel book in the ritual practice of the Baptism, where it was solemnly brought in a procession from the sacristy accompanied with candles and incense252. Ordo I informs us about Gospel books being engaged in an entrance procession before the reading, during the chant of alleluia, solemnly brought and placed on the altar, also accompanied with candles and incense253. The involvement of Gospel books and their engagement in such processions and rituals suggests that they were meant to be seen by public, in a highly visible adventus, that symbolized the coming of Christ himself254. The role of treasure bindings thus becomes similar to the role of reliquaries, which were also often part of various processions. The 'precious container' should have evoked the real presence of the body of Christ, in case of treasure bindings of Gospel books, and the presence of heavenly bodies of saints, in case of reliquaries255. We cannot forget that during these processions both treasure bindings and reliquaries were highly visible, when clerics held them high in order to let them be seen by the admiring crowd. The arrival of the golden book that symbolized the body of Christ, in like manner that reliquaries symbolized heavenly bodies of their saints, along with the luxurious exterior of treasure bindings, precious metals and gems glistening in the light of candles and accompanied with the smell of incense, together with a solemn entrance procession must have been real spiritual experience for the medieval viewer.

250 Laffitte, Denoel, 2007, p. 251 Foletti, 2020 in: Blaauw, Scirocco, 2020 (in press) 252 Liber Sacramentorum Romanae Ecclesiae. Wilson (ed.), 1894 253 Ordo I, 55-66, Andrieu (ed.), 1971 254 Lentes, 2006, p. 133-138, Ackley, 2014, p. 20, 255 For more information on the function of reliquaries see Hahn, 2010

50 The arguments given in this part are considered as evidence of similarities in the function of treasure bindings and that of reliquaries. Liturgical books, notably Gospel books, considered to be the embodiment of Christ by Carolingian worshippers, were naturally in need of precious covers or even containers. Treasure bindings thus gain a function of metaphoric reliquaries. Both reliquaries and treasure bindings were destined to remind of the heavenly body, one through the remains of the physical one, and the other in a metaphoric way. Due to the language of their decorations, however, both were believed to be real presences, mirroring the celestial reality.

51 5 Conclusion

This thesis dealt with Carolingian treasure bindings and their liturgical role. One of the goals of this thesis was to gather complex information on this subject, because previous research appears to be scatterd between publications on early medieval art and decorative arts of the Carolingian age, or publications on bookbinding process in medieval times. The main goal of this thesis was to examine the liturgical role of Carolingian treasure bindings, because this question still has not been sufficiently answered. In the second chapter, a summary of bibliography on this subject was offered, in order to designate what questions concerning this subject are still open. Scholars in the second half of the 19th century mostly offered descriptions of specific bindings found in church treasuries or in collections of libraries or museums. First reproductions of Carolingian bindings were presented, along with their detailed descriptions. First exhibitons of medieval illuminated manuscripts also took place, usually presenting treasure bindings as a supplement to these manuscripts. Gradually, scholars became interested in the style analysis of the ivory plates attached to these bindings or preserved independently, as well as of the style of gilded frames, decorated with jewels. In the first half of the 20th century, scholars seem to be interested in the attribution of the date of their creation and their place of origin. Based on style analysis, scholars determined their provenance, and assigned them to specific artistic workshops or schools. Material aspect of Carolingian treasure bindings was also examined, used materials such as precious metals, gems and ivory plateswere discussed. as well as their symbolism. First publication discussing the Carolingian bookbinding process times emerged. Modern literature provided several answers. Based on treasury inventaries from Carolingian times, the question of placement and preservation is answered, there is evidence of treasure bindings being placed in church treasuries, and thus being part of the ensemble of liturgical objects. However, the function of treasure bindings, apart from being appropriate covers for the books that contained the Holy Scripture, has not been answered. The lack of publications on Carolingian bindings is one of the reasons why the topic of this thesis has been chosen in the first place. The third chapter of this thesis discussed the production of Carolingian bindings,

52 their binding process and specific artistic centres and schools known for the production of manuscripts and their treasure bindings. The first part of the chapter described how such bindings were executed, from an unbound manuscript to a finished treasure bindings. Bookbinding manuals offer useful information for reconstruction of the Carolingian binding process. Finished sheets of the manuscripts were sewn together with the help of sewing support, a new element that is the invention of the Carolingian age. Subsequently, wooden boards were attached as a base of the binding, which was then covered with leather or fabric. Books intended for every day use either did not receive decoration or they were decorated by a technique called blind tooling, which left ornamental desings impressed on the leather covering. Liturgical books used for ritual practices received sumptuous covers made of precious metals gems and ivory plates. The fact that only liturgical books were decorated this way suggest that they were meant to be seen by public. In the second part of this chapter, different artistic schools and centres were mentioned, together with preserved examples, to offer an overview of locations that produced such bindings. The cooperation between painters and ivory carvers is visible in some cases. Treasure bindings were mostly products of monastic, episcopal or imperial workshops, which suggest that they were an exclusive matter. The third chapter is dedicated to the main goal of this thesis – to examine the liturgical function of Carolingian treasure bindings. Two functions are evident from the previous research – to appropriately cover books that contained the Word of God and to demonstrate the power and the prestinge of the commissioner. An idea rooted in Late Antique times and evidenced in primary sources, that liturgical books, notably books of Gospels, were considered to be the embodiment of Christ and evoked his presence during various rituals had persisted in the Carolingian age. Even iconography of treasure bindings of Gospel books, which usually depicted Christ, supports this thought. Based on this idea, treasure bindings gain a new function, similar to reliquaries, which was to remind of the earthly presence of Christ. By comparing various aspects of Carolingian treasure bindings and reliquaries, such as their materiality, their placement in church treasuries and engagement in litugical rituals, this thesis proves that these objects had a similar function – to remind of the real presence of the heavenly body. The goals of the thesis set at the beginning was to present a first complex study on Carolingian treasure bindings. One of the goals was to gather scattered pieces of

53 information on this subject and, mainly, to answer the question of the function of these bindings. The general conclusion of this thesis is therefore that the treasure bindings must be seen as a priviledged actor in the liturgical performance. Moreover, together with reliquaries, bookbindings are key objects in the visualization of the sacred. Their visible “face”, activated by the liturgy, has to be understood as a mirror of its inner power, given by its precious content: the Word of God. Further research in this field is encouraged to reveal other possible functions and meanings. Moreover, other studies and publications that will primarily discuss the topic of Carolingian treasure bindings are needed, in order to understand the entire concept of decorated bookcovers. At last, the interesting question of the cooperation between illuminators and ivory carves in Carolingian court schools and artistic workshops, has previously been only outlined and challenges scholars to answer it.

54 6 Bibliography

ACKLEY, J. S. 2014, Re-approaching the Western medieval church treasury inventory, c. 800-1250. in: Journal of Art Historiography, vol. 11, pp. 1-37

ADAM, A., 2008, Liturgika. Křesťanská bohoslužba a její vývoj. Vyšehrad

ASTRUC, C., 1958, Byzance et la France médiévale : manuscrits à peintures du IIè au XVIè siècle. Paris

BECKWITH, J., 1964, Early Medieval Art. Carolingian, Ottonian, Romanesque.

BERNARD, P., 2008, Transitions liturgiques en Gaule carolingienne: Une traduction commentée des deux 'lettres' faussement attribuées à l'évêque Germain de Paris. Paris

BOINET, A., 1913, La miniature carolingienne. Paris

BOSWELL, R. M., 1989, The Jeweled Christ. in: The Massachusetts Review, vol. 30, no. 2, pp. 274-275

BOUDALIS, G., 2018, The Codex and Crafts in . New York

BRIN, E., 1969, Du manuscrit carolingien au livre d'aujourd'hui. Nice

BUETTNER, B., 2011, “From Bones to Stones: Reflections on Jeweled Reliquaries”, in Toussaint, G., (ed.), 2011, Reliquiare im Mittelalter, pp. 43–59

BULLOUGH, D., 1983, Alcuin and the Kingdom of Heaven: Liturgy, Theology and the Carolingian Age. in: Carolingian Essays: Andrew Mellon Lectures in Early Christian Studies, pp. 1–67

CABAN, P., 2012, The History of Christian Liturgy in Antiquity. Praha

55 CAILLET, J.-P., 2005, L'Art Carolingien. Paris

CALKINS, R. G., 1983, Illuminated Books of the Middle Ages. Cornell University Press

CHAVASSE, A (ed.) , 1957. Le Sacramentaire gélasien (Vaticanus Reginensis 316): Sacramentaire presbytéral en usage dans les titres romains au VIIe siècle. Tournai.

CHAVASSE, A (ed.), 1984, Le sacramentaire dans le groupe dit "Gélasiens du VIIIe siècle": Étude des procédés de confection et synoptiques nouveau modèle, Tome I, Études particulières. Steenbrugis

CHUPUNGCO, A. J., 1997, Handbook for Liturgical Studies. Vol. 1, Introduction to the Liturgy. Collegeville

CRIVELLO, F. (ed.), 2006, Arti e tecniche de Medioevo. Torino

DEBICKI, J., FAVRE, J. F., GRÜNEWALD, D., PIMENTEL, A. F., 1998, Dejiny Umenia. Maliarstvo. Sochárstvo. Architektúra. Bratislava

DESHUSSES, J. (ed.), 1971 Le sacramentaire grégorien: Ses principales formes d'après les plus anciens manuscrits. Fribourg

DIEHL, E., 1980, Bookbinding. Its Background and Technique. Two volumes bound as one. New York

DRISCOLL, M. S., 2012, Church architecture and liturgy in the Carolingian era. in: a companion to the Eucharist in the Middle Ages. Leiden

FILLITZ, H., 2010, Thesaurus Mediaevalis. Ausgewählte Schriften zur Schatzkunst des Mittelalters. Ostfildern

56 FOLETTI, I., 2012, “Sicut in Caelo et in Terra.” Osservazione sulla “Cathedra Vacua” della Basilica Sistina di Santa Maria Maggiore a Roma. In: Iconographica, no. 10/11 (2011/2012), pp. 33-46

FOLETTTI, I., 2020 (in press), “The Space of Miracles: Bernardus from Angers and the Abbey Church of Conques” in: De Blaauw,, S., Scirocco, E. (eds.), 2020 (in press), From Words to Space. Textual Sources for Reconstructing and Understanding Medieval Sacred Spaces. Rome

FOOT, M., AKERS, R. C., 2003, Bookbinding. Availible on: http://www.oxfordartonline.com/groveart/view/10.1093/gao/9781884446054.001.0001/ oao-9781884446054-e-7000009969#oao-9781884446054-e-7000009969

GABORIT-CHOPIN , D., 1978, Elfenbeinkunst im Mittelalter. Freibourg

GREENFIELD, J., 1998, The ABC of Bookbinding: An Illustrated Glossary of Terms for Collectors and Conservators. New Castle

GREENFIELD, J., 2002, Notable Bindings. New Haven

GUILMAIN, J. 1971, The Enigmatic Beasts of the Lindau Gospels Lower Cover. in: Gesta, vol. 10, no. 1, pp. 3-18

HAHN, C., 2010, What Do Reliquaries Do for Relics? In: Numen, vol. 57, n. 3,4, pp. 286-316

HAHN, C., 2017, The Reliquary Effect. Enshrinig the Sacred Object. London

HARMON, J. A., 1984, Codicology of the court school of Charlemagne: gospel book production, illumination and emphasized script. Frankfurt am Main

57 HOLTER, K., 1980, Der goldene Psalter ‘Dagulf-Psalter’. Vollständige Faksimile- Ausgabe im Originalformat von Codex 1861 der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Graz

KESSLER, H., 2000, Spiritual Seeing. Picturing God's Ivisibility in Medieval Art. Philadelphia

KESSLER, H., 2004, Seing Medieval Art. Toronto

KIDSON, P., 1974, Umenie Sveta: Stredoveké Umenie. Bratislava

KOEHLER, W., MUTHERICH, F., 1974, Drogo-Sakramentar. Manuscript Latin 9428, Bibliothéque nationale, Paris. Graz

KONDRES, MÄND (eds.), 2013, Images and Objects in Ritual Practices in Medieval and Early Modern Northern and Central Europe. Newcastle upon Tyne

KORNBLUTH, G., 1997, Carolingian Engraved Gems: “Golden Rome Is Reborn”? in: Studies in the History of Art, vol. 54, Symposium Papers XXXII: Engraved Gems: Survivals and Revivals, pp. 44-61

LA BROISE, H., 1869, Les Manuscrits anciens à l'Exposition universelle. Paris

LAFFITE, M. P., DENOEL C. (eds.), 2007, Trésors carolingiens. Livres manuscrits de Charlemagne á Charles le Chauve, no. 53. Paris

LASKO, P., 1972, Ars Sacra, 800-1200. New Haven

LEESTI, E., 1989, The Pentecost Illustration in the Drogo Sacramentary. in: Gesta,

58 vol. 28, no. 2, pp. 205-216

LEIDINGER, G., 1921-1925, Der Codex Aureus der Bayerischen Staatbibliothek in Munchen. Munich

LENTES, T., 2006, ‘Textus Evangelii: Materialität und Inszenierung des textus in der Liturgie’, in: KUCHENBUCH, L., KLEINE, U. (eds.), 2006, ‘Textus’ im Mittelalter: Komponenten und Situationen des Wortgebrauchs im schriftsemantischen Feld. Göttingen

MARKS, P. J. M., 1998, The British Library Guide to Bookbinding: History and Techniques. Toronto

MARKS, P. J. M.., 2011, Beautiful Bookbindings, A Thousand Years of the Bookbinder's Art. British Library

MARTIMORT, A. G., 1983, "Origine et signification de l'Alleluia de la messe romaine," in: Meus concorde voci. Paris

MOLINIER, A, 1892, Les manuscrits et les miniatures. Paris

MOLINIER, É., 1902, Histoire générale des Arts appliqués à l'Industrie du Ve à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. IV. L'Orfèvrerie religieuse et civile. Première partie, du Ve à la fin du XVe siècle. Paris

MUSTO, J. M., 2001, John Scottus Eriugena and the Upper Cover of the Linday Gospels. in: Gesta, vol. 40, no. 1., pp. 1-18

NAVONI, M., 2007, I Dittici Eburnei nella Liturgia, in: DAVID, M. (ed.), 2007, Eburnea Diptycha. I dittici d'avorio tra Antichitá e Medioevo. Bari

59 NEEDHAM, P., 1979, Twelve Centuries of Bookbindings 400-1600. Pierpont Morgan Library, Oxford Unoversity Press

NEES, L., 1986, The Plan of St. Gall and the theory of the Program of Carolingian Art. in: Gesta, vol. 25, no. 1, pp. 1-8

NEES, L., 2002, Early Medieval Art. Oxford

NEES, L., 2012, Dagulf Psalter. Availible on: https://doi.org/10.1093/gao/9781884446054.article.T2216826

NEES, L., 2012, Drogo Sacramentary. Availible on: https://doi.org/10.1093/gao/9781884446054.article.T2220309

NOBLE, T. F. X., 2015, Carolingian Religion. in: Church History, vol. 84, no. 2, pp. 287-307

NORDENFALK, C., 2012, Storia della miniatura. Dalla tarda antichità alla fine dell'età romanica. Torino

OTTO, R., 1952, Zur stilgeschichtlichen Stellung des Arnulf-Ciboriums und des Codex aureus aus St. Emmeramin Regensburg. in: Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 1-16

PACHT, O., 1986, Book Illumination in the Middle Ages. London

PALAZZO, E., 1998, A History of Liturgical Books from the Beginning to the Thirteenth Century. Collegeville

PALAZZO, E., 2006, Art and Liturgy in the Middle Ages: Survey of Research (1980- 2003) and Some Reflections on Method. in: The Journal of English and Germanic

60 Philology, vol. 105, no. 1, pp. 170-184

PALAZZO, E., 2010, L'Invention Chrétienne des Cinq Sens dans la Liturgie et l'Art au Moyen Âge. Paris

PARMENTIER, A., 1905, Album historique: le Moyen âge, du IVe à la fin du XIIIe siècle, habitation, vêtement, alimentation, mobilier, armes. Paris

PETERSEN, N. H., 1998, Composition and Local Planning of Liturgical Chant in the Middle Ages. in: Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, vol. 39, no. 2/4, pp. 259-266

POLLARD, G., POTTER, E., 1984, Early Bookbinding Manuals. Oxford

PORCHER, J., 1954, Les manuscrits à peintures en France du VIIème au XIIème siècle. Paris

RAND, E. K., 1931, A Preliminary study of Alcuin's Bible. in: The Harvard Theological Review, vol. 24, no. 4, pp. 323-396

ROBERTS, C. H., SKEAT, T. C., 1987, The Birth of the Codex. London

ROUAIX, P., , Dictionnaire des arts décoratifs : à l'usage des artisans, des artistes, des amateurs et des écoles : ameublement, armurerie, bijouterie, broderie, carrosserie, ciselure, costume, coutellerie, damasquinerie, dentelles, émaillerie, faïences, joaillerie, miniature, mosaïque, orfèvrerie, porcelaine, poterie, sculpture sur bois et sur ivoire, serrurerie, tapisserie, tissus, vitrerie, vitraux : ouvrage illustré de cinq cent-quarante- une gravures. Paris

61 ROUVEYRE , É., 1899, Connaissances nécessaires à un bibliophile : accompagnées de notes critiques et de documents bibliographique, vol. 4. Paris

ROUVEYRE , É., 1899, Connaissances nécessaires à un bibliophile : accompagnées de notes critiques et de documents bibliographiques, vol 10. Paris

SÉGUY, M. R., AVRIL, F., GASNAULT, P., et al. (eds.), 1972, Le Livre. Paris

SCHAFER, I., 1999, Buchherstellung im frühen Mittelalter: Die Einbandtechnik in Freising. Wiesbaden.

SCHILLING, R., 1950, Carolingian and Ottonian Manuscripts in the Exhibition at Berne. in: The Burlington Magazine, vol. 92, no. 564, pp. 81-83

SCHMIDT-KUNSEMULLER, F. A., 1987, Bibliographie zur Geschichte der Einbandkunst.Weisbaden

SMITH, C. S., HAWTHORNE,, J. G., 1974, Mappae Clavicula: A Little Key to the World of Medieval Techniques. in: Transcations of the American Philosphical Society, vol. 64, no. 4, pp. 1-128

SNIJDER, G. A. S., 1932, Antique and Mediaeval Gems on Bookcovers at Utrecht. in: The Art Bulletin, vol. 14, no. 1, pp. 4-53

SZIRMAI, J. A., 2016, The Archaeology of Medieval Bookbinding. New York

TEALL, G., 1909, The Famous Jeweled Book of Lindau: HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF ONE OF THE MOST PRECIOUS BOOKS IN THE WORLD—A SUPREME EXAMPLE OF MEDIEVAL CHRISTIAN ART WHICH HAS FOUND A

62 HOME IN AMERICA. in: La Bibliofilía, vol. 11, no. 5/6, pp. 165-170

TOMAN, R., WARLAND, R. (eds.), 2011 , Ars Sacra. Prague

VANDERSALL, A. L., 1972, Two Carolingian Ivories from the Morgan Collection in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. in: Metropolitan Museum Journal, vol. 6, pp. 17-57

VANDERSALL, A. L., 1976, The Relationship of Sculptors and Painters in the Court School of Charles the Bald. in: Gesta, vol. 15, no. 1/ 2, pp. 201-210

VAN REGEMORTER, B., 1992, Binding Structures in the Middle Ages. Burssels/London

VEZIN, J., 1970, Les reliures carolingiennes de cuir à décor estampé de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris. Paris

WALLACE, P. F., O'FLOINN, R. (eds.), 2002, Treasures of the National Museum of Ireland: Irish Antiquities. Dublin

WALTHER, I. F., WOLF, N., 2005, Codices Illustres. The world's most famous illuminated manuscripts. 400-1600. Köln

WEGMAN, H., 1985, Christian Worship in East and West. A Study Guide to Liturgical History. New York

WERCKMEISTER, O. K., 1963, Der Deckel des Codex Aureus von St. Emmeran. in: Studien zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte, vol. 332, no. 8, p. 135

WHITE, J. F., 1993, A Brief History of Christian Worship. Nashville

63 WILSON (ed.), 1894, Liber Sacramentorum Romanae Ecclesiae.

ZAEHNSDORF, J.W., 2013, The Art of Bookbinding. A practical treatise. London

64 7 Appendix

7.1 List of mentioned works

1. Ivory covers of the Dagulf Psalter (fig. 1), before 795, Musée du Louvre, Paris

2. Ivory cover with Christ and the beasts (fig. 2), ca. 800, Bodleian Library, Oxford

3. Ivory covers of the Lorsch Gospels (fig. 3, fig. 4), 778-820, Victoria & Albert Museum, London, Vatican Museum

4. Ivory covers of the Prayer Book of Charles the Bald (fig. 7), ca. 870, Reims

5. Carolingian ivory plate inserted into the treasure binding of the Book of Pericopes of Henry II (fig. 6), ca. 870, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich

6. Treasure binding of the Lindau Gospels (fig.8, fig. 9), lower cover, early 8th century, upper cover 870, Morgan Library, New York

7. Treasure binding of Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram (fig. 10), 870, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich

8. Ivory covers of Drogo Sacramentary (fig. 17, fig. 18), 845-855, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris

9. Binding of the Drogo Gospels (fig. 11), 845-855, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris

10. Binding of the Metz Gospels (fig. 15), 835-845, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris

65 11. Ivory plate of the Psalter of Charles the Bald (fig. 5), ca. 869, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris

12. Binding of the Gospels of Noailles (fig. 16), ca. 875, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris

13. Treasure binding of the Evangelium Longum of St. Gall (fig. 19) ca. 900, Stiftsbibliotheque, St. Gallen

66