The Social Sustainability of Urban Spaces

Russell Beaumont

Instructor Werner Lang

csd Center for Sustainable Development The University of Texas at Austin - School of Architecture - UTSoA

Russell Beaumont

Fig. 01 Residents of Munich enjoying a sunny day around a fountain.

Immediately after entering The radically from that of medieval Bavar- Domain shopping complex in Austin, ian towns. The designers are also TX, it is obvious that the design- hindered by the misaligned priorities ers were aiming to create a unique of the developers and the conventional architectural condition. The facades expectations of the general public. of the buildings are continuous, eerily United States citizens depend on their resembling the streets of a medieval vehicles not only out of necessity, European city and deﬁ antly contrast- but preference as well. Although the ing the archetypal American shopping automobile is responsible for many of mall. The sidewalks are generous and the problems deteriorating the experi- encourage pedestrian trafﬁ c. Shading ential quality of The Domain, expecta- is meager but present, and the height tions and familiarity have formed deep of the buildings compliments the hu- roots within the American collective man scale. However, the streetscape conscience; the issue can no longer is still dominated by the conventional be resolved by eradicating, replacing, mode of transportation in the United or discouraging use of the automobile. States: the car. When compared with In order to gain a more comprehensive an actual medieval city in Germany, it understanding of the issue it is neces- is obvious that the generously propor- sary to carefully examine the qualities tioned parking areas and streets are of an outstanding urban condition to caustic anachronisms that prevent the expose the successes, failures, and Domain from fully approaching the resolutions during the development of desirable qualities of its precedents. an ideal urban fabric. Munich, Germa- The factors that prevent the Domain ny, is renowned for its careful thought from approaching a high-quality urban and attentive treatment of public ur- condition extend beyond the design- ban spaces and has a wealth of insight ers; the development of Austin, as well regarding the topic of urbanization. as countless other U.S. cities, varies The University of Texas at Austin - School of Architecture - UTSoA The Social Sustainability of Urban Spaces

Munich has a particularly unique history due to its ancient roots as a prominent city in Bavaria, near complete destruction during the Second World War, and guidance by urban planners continuously through its development. It began as a key point of the salt trade route due to the crossing of the Isar River in 1158. After acquiring signiﬁ cant revenue from the trade, the town grew quickly and expanded its walls three times by the 15th century. Several plazas were contained within the walls, and these large open spaces were the central nodes of commerce in the city. Weekly markets, religious movements, tournaments, and festi- vals were all housed by these plazas.

The large amount of wealth that Fig. 02 The third expansion of the fortifi cation around Munich. Note the generous public plazas within. accumulated in the city from trade enabled the nobility to begin the con- into a regal city. The kings spent raids. By the end of the war, 60% of struction of large scale religious and inordinate amounts of capital pur- the city was destroyed. This destruc- royal buildings. chasing land and buildings in order tion left Munich at a crossroad; the to clear space for promenades and opportunity to completely change the By the 19th century, the rulers plazas, such as Odeansplatz and face of the city presented itself and declared that Munich would be an Leapoldstrasse. Their decision to tempted many designers. Eventually “open city”, and began the destruc- promote their wealth resulted in the planners agreed to maintain the tion of the fortifi ed walls to help pro- beautiful public spaces that are still original character of the city by reus- mote urban growth. The leaders of utilized and beloved by the residents ing the still standing facades, under- the city understood the importance today. The mid-19th century also ground utility lines, and treasured of large public spaces, planning open introduced the rail as a public transit intimacy of the infrastructure—a plazas in the footprints of existing system and allowed the city to grow decision that has helped Munich fortifi cations. The English Gardens even more rapidly. During the latter develop into one of the most livable were also hashed out with generous half of the 19th century the popula- cities in the world. proportions and were considered the tion increased by 500%. “people’s park” from the moment of conception. Rapid growth followed After the First World War, a hous- the expansion of the city beyond the ing shortage necessitated the rapid existing walls, particularly in the construction of high density hous- mid-19th century during industrial- ing blocks. The Nazi party initiated ization, but the city planners were al- these projects as well as proposals ways quick to draft regulatory plans for large axial cuts through the city in order to prevent unrestrained and during its rise to power. Their ambi- uncoordinated growth. Such master tions were bold and costly, but the plans were enforced as early as the invasive proposed remolding of the 1780’s. city was indefi nitely delayed by war- As the capital of Bavaria, Munich had time costs and the eventual wide-

the pride and the means to blossom spread destruction from bombing Fig. 03 The bombing in WWII devastated the city.

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Fig. 04 A view of the street along Odeonsplatz.

Fig. 05 Streetlife fi lls every corner in the historic city center. Fig. 06 The long benches in the biergarten promote interaction. As Munich continued to grow in the nature of the center. [1] concrete slabs that dominate many late 20th century, they developed and U.S. streetscapes for no reason other adhered to a simple motto: “com- Not surprisingly, the city center is a than economic effi ciency. Infrequent pact-urban-green.” High density remarkable architectural experience. interruptions by cars calm the entire housing was required to maintain the Narrow blocks fl anked by four to pedestrian experience; one feels at urban quality of the city, and it was fi ve story buildings echo the experi- ease walking instead of endangered regularly punctuated by public green ence of walking through a canyon; by fast-moving vehicles. spaces. This so-called “Munich Per- densely packed storefronts, cafes, spective” also infl uenced their view and restaurants provide a constant The quaintness of the city extends of vehicular traffi c. Transportation change of scenery; and the busy but beyond aesthetic values. Although grids were limited to only what was not crowded streets induce an per- there are exceptions to every gen- “absolutely necessary” to cope with sonal connection with the city and its eralization, the overall character of the traffi c fl ow, and large transporta- residences. The narrow spaces are the city is welcoming and communal. tion arteries were designed in rings relieved by small plazas, gardens, One example of such qualities can around the city instead of as bisec- and occasional generous squares. be found in the famous biergartens. tors. Subway, bus, and light rail The rhythm of the experience is fur- Take, for example, the Biergarten at systems were utilized in harmony ther enhanced by the rich materials Chinesischen Turm. Its location is in order to reduce the demand for facing the buildings and sidewalk. picturesque: tall, shady trees create vehicles. This reinforced the urban, Carefully placed stones permeate a cool, breezy atmosphere, and it is pedestrian friendly character of the the sense of meaningful and long- located in the heart of the English city center and enabled growth in lasting intentions. The textures Gardens. A fi ve story, distinctly Chi- the surrounding area to emulate, if and patterns are warm and invit- nese structure acts as a central node only to a limited degree, the intimate ing, sharply contrasting the poured for the Biergarten and is charmingly

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juxtaposed by the Bavarian band interaction with neighboring tables most benefi cial or effi cient solution. playing from the second tier. Even during their meal. the arrangement and qualities of the The history and cultural ideals of furniture promote interaction and ca- The community oriented ideals ex- Austin greatly contrasts those of maraderie; long benches and tables tend beyond socially vibrant restau- Munich. There is a rich story within arranged in lines can accommodate rants. Munich has a rich history of the city, but the motives gradually large groups of friends or several careful planning and forethought; evolved from culturally conscious small ones. Interaction is necessary the leadership has consistently keen intentions to commercially oriented to fi nd a seat during busy times but sense regarding the cost of uncoordi- thinking. When Texas fi rst declared is made with ease in the cheerful nated urban development. The pre- independence from Mexico the Con- atmosphere. People can come and rogatives of the Munich City Utilities gress selected a bend in the Colora- go as they please, even just to sit and (SWM) showcase this forward think- do river for the location for the capi- enjoy the scenery. There is no sense ing perfectly with their initiatives to tol, and Edwin Waller hashed out the of segregation or class—the wealthy, protect groundwater. The company initial plans for Austin: a grid of four- middle, and lower classes are all found that if farmers in the south of teen blocks. Wooden construction part of the community and add to the Germany practice ecology friendly comprised the bulk of initial build- quality of the biergarten. farming, the water that reaches the ings, although a large fi re in 1869 in- city is much cleaner. The lack of fl uenced future construction toward The success of such places is pesticides or heavy metals means far masonry buildings. The population fascinating to compare with simi- less fi ltration is necessary. The SWM grew steadily until about 1842, when lar concepts in the U.S. Although created a program that subsidizes it experienced a rapid depression. biergartens are indeed commercial organic farmers by covering the extra Fighting with Mexico spurred Sam ventures, their rich history and place costs accrued from organic farming. Houston to suggest moving the capi- within the hearts of the people su- Consequently, the farmers produced tol archives to Houston. Fearing that persedes any monetarily motivated healthier products, were able to sell this would result in a new capitol city, ideals. Any similar aesthetic quali- them for a higher profi t, and SWM, stubborn Austinites stayed behind ties present at a location in Austin after careful cost analysis, found to protect the documents, but less are the result of the investment of a that they saved funds by reducing than 200 residents remained by 1845. Restaurant owner and are restricted the fi ltration demands [2]. Although After tensions eased, Austin was of- to paying customers only. Serrano’s this anecdote seems periphery to the fi cially declared the Capitol and the cafe, located in downtown Austin, problem of urban design, this type of population returned to normal by the has a well shaded outdoor seating holistic thinking is both a refl ection 1850’s. area with a small Grecian amphi- of the attitude driving the develop- theater facing a stage. Live music ment of the city and an infl uence on In the following years, Austin experi- is played occasionally, especially future decision making. Innovation enced signifi cant population growth during the warm summer months. requires intellectual sustenance and and began erecting permanent It is a wonderful dining experience, open minds to thrive. The unique structures, including a Capitol build- but it lacks the integrated feeling of a solution to source protection utilized ing in 1853, the governor’s mansion biergarten. The space is clearly de- by SWM is a source of inspiration two years later, and several institu- lineated as private by use of a fence, from which future decision makers tions for education, public health, and the tables within are small and can draw from. Unfortunately, Texas and religion. By 1860, Austin grew to separated to give the diners a more policy makers seem to favor com- over 3,500 residents, but boom was private experience. Tables can be mercialism over public needs, view- interrupted by the onset of the civil moved together to accommodate ing monetary gains as indications of war. After the war, the demographic large groups, but to do so requires a success or failure. When the urban of the city changed drastically, special request to the management. fabric is determined by investors, with newly freed blacks compos- In the U.S., people who go out seem the burden on developers’ shoulders ing 36 percent of the population and to prefer isolated experiences, often drives them toward the path of least establishing schools, churches, and complimenting a place for limited resistance, which is not always the residential districts.

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In 1871, Austin acquired its ﬁ rst rail- road and experienced an economic invigoration. It became a trade hub for the area and accumulated wealth for public improvements. Streetlamps were implemented for the ﬁ rst time, a streetcar system was constructed in 1874, and another bridge crossing at Colorado Street was added. By 1880 the population surpassed 10,000 residents, and a hydroelectric dam improved access to electricity in the city. Eight years later the construction of the monu- mental Texas State Capitol Building began and the site for the University of Texas was selected on a hill north of the capitol. The availability of electricity initiated corporate and industrial growth in the city, caus- ing the population to triple again by

1920. However, the debts incurred Fig. 07 In the late 19th century Austin experienced a fi nancial boom and initiated large scale projects, such as the Capitol Building. from the large scale construction From the 1950’s to the 1990’s, Austin the city; capitalists determined the projects prevented the city from pro- sustained a staggering 40% popula- new character of the city, maximizing viding parks, paved streets, or even tion increase per year. The growth profi ts whenever possible. an adequate sewage system for its was relatively unregulated by the 30,000 inhabitants. Political turmoil government, but by the 1970’s resi- For this reason, the city of Austin has and several changes in governing dents of historic districts feared that very drastic changes in its urban fab- systems eventually legitimized the the character of the city they cher- ric. The downtown area is relatively government and enabled the city to ished would be overtaken by poorly urban, although the streets are the secure a $4,250,000 bond in order to planned development. Over 150 dominant feature of the experience. improve public spaces. The next 10 neighborhood protection commit- As one leaves this area, the density years brought vast improvement to tees formed in an attempt to prevent decreases rapidly until it achieves the publically available facilities and deterioration of the existing building the wasteful land use practices laid the foundation for an environ- fabric. They also campaigned for of suburban sprawl. Generously mentally oriented way of thinking. environmental protection of streams proportioned streets give priority to Further developments were made and lakes in the city; through their the movement of the car. The city during the depression due to an efforts much of the inner fabric of in the downtown is relatively easily active Public Works Administration the city as well as important histori- traversed by foot, but it is isolated that provided jobs for people by way cal buildings were saved and Austin from the other districts of the city of civil improvement. Some of their developed an identity that viewed without the use of bus or car. Ef- contributions include another hy- green space and authentic buildings forts are being made to return areas dropower plant, public housing, and as paramount ideals [3]. However, of the downtown to the pedestrian by improvements to infrastructure. the growth on the periphery of the narrowing streets and widening side- city was widely unregulated and walks. In particular, 6th street and By this point the automobile had be- relied heavily on the automobile the eastern border of historic down- come the dominant form of transpor- for access. No effort was made to town have a welcoming quality. 6th tation and the streetcar lines eventu- integrate or facilitate effi cient public street houses a vibrant bar scene, ally deteriorated and were removed. transportation to the newer parts of and is often closed to car traffi c on

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holidays or during large celebrations. public transit it takes more than two packed and accessible by short The large crowd and wide variety of hours to reach downtown from the walks. The walks themselves are businesses is an exciting, though Domain. The bus stop at the new also quite pleasant; varied scenery, sometimes exhausting experience. shopping center is an additional 15 shading, trees, and an integrated The western edge of the downtown minute walk from core of the com- music system create a relaxed at- area is the heart of live music venues mercial areas. The city is proposing mosphere, although it is obvious that in Austin as well as many quality res- a light rail stop in order to connect the designers tried very hard design taurants. These areas are somewhat the center, but the lack of public this experience. Noticing this effort walkable, but it is still much easier transit to service these medium does not deteriorate the experience to access nodes within each area by distanced public transit stops makes greatly, but it hints at a certain insin- car. Most of the housing in Austin the usage very limited; one could cerity, resembling a “mall” version is located far from this commercial only travel from areas in north of of Europe. Housing is placed above center, so users are often in their Austin or to the east side of down- stores and in separate buildings and vehicle out of necessity to begin with. town—two options that don’t help if integrates nicely. People who live in As a result the area is experienced you live in other districts of the city. the area have most of their shopping from the automobiles’ point of view In order to create a functioning me- needs met within a short walk from instead of the pedestrians’. dium distance light rail, the city must their door. Patrons begin to form ﬁ rst integrate a local transportation relationships with store workers due One such “node” of activity is the system that allows users to access to familiarity and association with Domain mixed-use development. To desired areas without a car. Whether their “neighborhood”. Unfortunately, reach the Domain from the heart of or not this is feasible in the low the creators of the Domain walked the city it is absolutely necessary to density fabric that makes up most of a thin line between reinterpreta- use vehicular transportation. The Austin is an entirely different issue. tion and imitation, and failed due to developers consider the development incomplete attention to certain ideals as a potential second downtown that The density of the Domain, however, and the overemphasis of others. services the northern part of the city. resembles its European inspiration Analyzing the qualities of a particu- However, the connection between the much more closely than its sur- larly beautiful part of Munich—Mare- nodes is completely severed. With roundings. The stores are densely inplatz—will clarify the shortcomings in the Domain.

Marienplatz is located in the heart of Munich. It is one subway stop from the regional train station and is the area surrounding the city hall. The area is full of pedestrian traffi c and activity. The large plaza is grazed by two roads on each corner, but neither provide passage through the open space. The only transportation entrance is through the U-bahn. As a result the people are everywhere and can enjoy the space comfortably without the danger of vehicle traffi c. Markets, fl ower stands, and cafe seating punctuate the edges of the space as well as the inner courtyard of the town hall. These spaces are comfortably crowded and give the Fig. 08 The Domain shopping center provides a friendly pedestrian experience for visitors. visitors a sense of belonging and im-

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portance; the act of mimicking those around and seeing their enjoyment reinforces one’s own experiences. The seating areas are excellent places to people watch, have a con- versation, or do some light reading. Small vegetable stands and various other stalls allow people to get fresh food, ﬂ owers, or souvenirs as they pass through. The overall sense of the place is one of activity and enjoyment; there is no rush, no necessary goal, but plenty to do.

In contrast, the experience of the Do- main is temporal and goal oriented. Although the design does not explic- itly express superfi ciality, there is an underlying impression that the ame- nities provided intentionally lure con- sumers –not visitors—to the space. People arrive at the Domain with the intention to shop, and their possible activities while they are there are Fig. 9 Marienplatz has a warm and inviting atmosphere that is ideal for relaxing, eating, or people watching. limited as such. Mareinplatz gener- ates lucrative amounts of money and is one of the most expensive places to live in the whole of Europe, but these profi ts and high costs are the result of the outstanding existing urban conditions; the Domain, on the other hand, seeks to create these conditions with the sole intention of generating income. As a result, the disingenuous urban spaces fail to form meaningful impressions on the visitors. The ulterior motives are, if only subconsciously, perceived and end up negating the potential beauty that exists. Specifi cally, materiality, context, accessibility, and underlying interests distinguish the two spaces from each other. These ideals, as prioritized by the differing building cultures, determine the success of a public urban space.

Marienplatz has a rich material Fig. 10 Though the domain has pleasant walkways for visitors, they merely provide access to shops, not enjoyable places to sit. pallete. Warm stones make up the

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Fig. 11 Rich materials and texture give life to the square and add to the welcoming atmosphere. Fig. 12 Cheap materials and incomplete design, such as the ﬂ at tan facade, deteriorate the space.

majority of the historic facades and swaths of building faces are stuc- sense of permanence or quality. are complimented by well constructed coed blandly and without rhythm or One window bay on the Town Hall in modern responses. The investment texture. Even faces that have more Marienplatz has more craftsmanship and quality of the construction is expensive materials, such as lime- than an entire apartment complex in evident to the visitor; it is clear that stone, are obviously thin veneers the Domain, and the consequence is these buildings were built to last many imitating the look of heavy masonry directly related; there is little or no years. The ground is paved with small construction. Entire exterior walls desire for the consumer to invest in squares of concrete or stone in semi- of buildings are left undesigned as purchasing or even renting such a circular patterns. Again, the effort it swaths of stucco without any fen- neglected design. takes to lay the stones is perceived estration or visual complexity. The and resonates with the overarching developer of the site is a single The allure of Marienplatz is heav- themes of quality and longevity. The investor with profi t in mind, so the ily reinforced by the context of the small streets that drain the pedes- project was built in order to maxi- square: countless stores, restau- trian traffi c from the plaza also have mize revenue as quickly as possible. rants, public transit points, parks, shading from trees, buildings, umbrel- After visiting the apartments above and fountains surround the area las, and overhangs. Places to sit and this orientation of thinking was obvi- and generate interest for visitors. gather invite groups to have a con- ous; the walls were thin, the fl oors Housing and offi ces are integrated versation and individuals to rest and were loud, and the high prices were above the stores. The residents and collect themselves. infl ated in hopes that the location workers can easily walk to do day would compensate for the quality. to day shopping or lunch breaks as Instead the Domain gives a very su- No money was invested in creat- needed. These contextual elements, perfi cial treatment to the materiality ing a sense of human inhabitation in conjunction with perceivably of the space. The prominent facades or interaction. The windows lack thorough construction methods, help of buildings lack visual intrigue: large shades, the facades lack aesthetic create an urban space that is at- values, and the buildings lack any tractive, enjoyable, and sustainable.

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Marienplatz also serves a function within the area it is located; such a square would not have the same qualities if it were located outside of the city by the airport. Marienplatz did not develop overnight, but was designed in response to the needs of the people and the intentions of the urban planners. The need for an open public space was necessitated by the economic structure of the medieval city; over time, the space evolved into a cultural icon as well as a place to simply enjoy the beauty of

a thriving city. Fig. 13 Marientplatz is located at the center of transportation. Fig. 14 The Domain is isolated, near only one crosstown route.

The detrimental oversight by the developers of the Domain was the location of the complex. Its isolation from other commercial centers doesn’t provide it with an opportunity to generate a new node of commerce, but instead isolates it and necessitates long traveling distances to access it. People, in order to visit the Domain, must have a specifi c reason to go there. This may seem like a good thing to the developer, but in the end it prevents people from associating with the place on a personal level and instead propa- gates its existence as a marketing scheme. The urban spaces within may be architecturally sound, but in the end they are merely tools to en- tice more shoppers to visit. In order for the development to create a truly sustainable public space, users must identify with the location on a personal level as well. The biergartens, cafes, and shops around Marienplatz all generate revenue, but users visit them for the experience as well as the product. In order for the Domain to transcend the typology of a “mall that looks like Europe,” the fi nancial and intellectual investment must extend beyond profi t margins. Fig. 15, 16 U-bahn stops allow easy access to Marienplatz, but the Domain’s isolation necessitates arrival by car and parking lots.

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In the end the solution is diffi cult to a certain point it is more economi- fi nd. So many factors have led to the cally feasible to tear these buildings situations that breed complexes like down and replace it with one of equal the Domain that it impossible to even quality. Such construction is pos- isolate or defi ne them. Fortunately, sible in the U.S. because investors the development is a much needed hope to create a marketable complex step in the right direction in the U.S. and sell it as quickly as possible Mixed-use communities are a new to maximize profi ts in the shortest concept and implementation must time. This mindset unnecessarily start somewhere. Still, it is clear wastes resources and energy with- that the interpretation at the Domain out producing meaningful products. is not sustainable in its current state. How to inspire a sense of pride in Investors must be given incentives construction is an important issue or regulations to promote sound that will take innovation to solve, but building practices that will benefi t it is a dire need. If nothing is done, communities as well as profi t seek- the urban fabric created during the ing developers. Public space must early 21st century will deteriorate be seen as an improvement in quality rapidly and erode the quality of life of life, not merely a marketing tool. within our cities. Before the Domain invests in bring- ing high end retail to their properties, marketers need to persuade the city to invest in a reliable public transit system that allows people to access the stores. The leadership in Munich has consistently had a strong hand in the development of the city; perhaps Austin needs to make similar bold steps in order to take responsibility for urban growth. The thinking is radical, but not impossible.

The Domain is by no means the shining example of Austin. Barton Springs emanates the same spirit of pride and ownership as Marienplatz or the Chinesischen Turm Biergar- ten. The historic downtown and vibrant music scene makes Austin one of the most interesting places to live in the U.S. However, in order for new construction to match the quality of Austin’s and Munich’s beloved spaces, an entirely new perception of building culture must be adopted. It is impossible for stick-frame con- Fig. 17 In order to create a sustainable urban public space, the U.S. building culture must re-evaluate its priorites. Quality struction to impart a sense of nos- of life must come before proﬁ ts. Only then will the spaces evoke the same sense of belonging for its visitors that exists in talgia on a community for a simple Marienplatz. reason: it won’t last long enough. At

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References: Fig. 8

[1] History of Munich: Retail Trafﬁ c. “The Domain”. < http://retailtrafﬁ cmag.com/mag/Do- Sheirmeier, Franz. “Stadt Bau main.gif> 10 July 2010. Plan.” CD-ROM. Landeshaupstadt Munchen, Referat fur Stadtplanning Fig. 10 und Bauordnung. 2009. KTS Electric. 10 July 2010. Water”. Lecture. SWM Employee. 01 July 2010. Fig. 12

[3] History of Austin: Google street view. < http://maps. google.com/maps?hl=en&tab=wl> “Austin, TX”. The Texas Handbook 10 July 2010. Online. Accessed July, 2010. < http:// www.tshaonline.org/handbook/on- Fig. 13 line/articles/AA/hda3.html> MVG U-bahn Map. Travels through Germany. 10 Fig. 2: July 2010.

Sheirmeier, Franz. “Stadt Bau Fig. 14 Plan.” CD-ROM. Landeshaupstadt Munchen, Referat fur Stadtplan- CapMetro Riding Map. < http://www. ning und Bauordnung. Pages 24-25. capmetro.org/riding/current_sched- 2009. ules/maps/system_map.pdf> 10 July 2010. Fig. 3: Fig. 16 Sheirmeier, Franz. “Stadt Bau Plan.” CD-ROM. Landeshaupstadt Google street view. < http://maps. Munchen, Referat fur Stadtplanning google.com/maps?hl=en&tab=wl> und Bauordnung. Page 107. 2009. 10 July 2010.

Fig. 7 All other pictures taken by author. “Pictures of Austin”. 10 July 2010.