The Press, Violence and Hooliganism at the 'Battle of Zimbabwe'

See no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil? The press, violence and hooliganism at the ‘battle of Zimbabwe’ Lyton Ncubea* and (Allen Munoriyarwa)b a Department of Communication Studies, Faculty of Humanities, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg; b Department of Journalism, Film and Television Studies, Faculty of Humanities, University of Johannesburg, South Africa.

Matches between Zimbabwean Premier Soccer League (PSL) teams Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC are popular but controversial. In 2004, Robson Sharuko, senior sports editor of The Herald newspaper, dubbed this game the ‘battle of Zimbabwe’. The fixture usually explodes into ugly scenes of violence. Such incidents hardly evade the eyes of the mass media. However, growing scholarship on Zimbabwean football have under-theorized this violence. The essay deploys the framing theory and Foucauldian discourse to analyze the framing of selected episodes of violence at the ‘battle of Zimbabwe’ by two state-controlled newspapers – The Herald and the Chronicle, which fall under the Zimbabwe Newspapers (Zimpapers) stable. The study shows that contrary to the common perception that The Herald and the Chronicle provide monolithic accounts on events, they furnish heterogeneous narratives on violence at this fixture. This heterogeneity is influenced by ethnic tensions between two dominant ethnic groups in Zimbabwe – the Shona and the Ndebele.

Introduction

Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC are Zimbabwe’s most popular football teams. The former is based in Harare (Northern region), Zimbabwe’s capital city, while the latter is based in Bulawayo (Southern region), Zimbabwe’s second largest city. Matches involving Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC are deeply emotional, cultural, ethnic and political events for the clubs’ respective fans.1 In spite of its ‘popularity’, the Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC fixture is plagued by ethnic conflicts and violence.2 These ‘realities’, often framed by the mass media, make the Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC fixture a highly controversial space. While there is well established global literature on the media and football violence, though predominantly United Kingdom-centric,3 with some focus on parts of Africa,4 this study is one of the few on media and football violence in Zimbabwe. Often, football violence discourses are largely left for the front and back pages of newspapers, magazines and recently new social media sites. Though preliminary examinations have been made on football and violence in Zimbabwe,5 these works are silent on the media coverage of the phenomenon. Our

* Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

study goes beyond previous research, illuminating on the coverage of football violence by the mass media – The Herald and the Chronicle – two leading newspapers of Zimbabwe. Literature on media and violence in Zimbabwe largely focuses on the coverage of political violence.6 These studies concur that Zimpapers publications such as The Herald and the Chronicle deploy similar frames in reporting political violence. However, this essay presents strong evidence to show that The Herald and Chronicle provide contradicting narratives on the causes of violence at Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC matches. The study provides rationale on why the two newspapers contradict in framing violence at this fixture. It also shows how the coverage of this violence reflects visible and subtle ethnic polarization in the Zimbabwean society and media institutions. For feasibility purposes, the study does not seek to discuss the ‘composition’ of the violence and the state’s response to this phenomenon. The violence itself and ways in which the public and the state understand it, constitutes a separate study. The essay is organized in six sections. The introduction is followed by a brief discussion of the socio-ethnic situation in Zimbabwe, illuminating the context in which the Dynamos FC- Highlanders FC perennial rivalry plays out. A literature review then follows, discussing studies on football and violence and studies on media and football violence, albeit predominantly from the Western world. We show how our study goes beyond previous researches on football and violence. We then move on to the theoretical section where we discuss the framing theory, largely borrowing from Entman’s approach7 and the Foucauldian discourse.8 The methodology section provides a detailed account on how newspaper articles were selected and analyzed. The section also provides a detailed account on how interviews were conducted with selected sports journalists in Zimbabwe, to account for polarities in the coverage of football violence. We then present findings under two themes. The first theme presents evidence to show that the two newspapers differ in mediating football violence and hooliganism. The second theme presents data from interviews with journalists, showing why the two newspapers deploy contradicting frames. The conclusion is the last part of the research, demonstrating how the study adds to media studies of sport about Africa and Zimbabwe.

Socio-ethnic context and the Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC rivalry in Zimbabwe

This section contextualises ethnic tensions in Zimbabwe, in an attempt to demonstrate why journalists from the two newspapers frame football violence in a biased way. The modern Zimbabwean nation was born in 1980, having been a British colony since 1890. Zimbabwe is home to predominantly ‘black’ inhabitants, mainly separated in ethnic terms by linguistic traditions.9 These groups include the numerically dominant-Shona and Ndebele respectively. However, ‘Shona’ is only an umbrella term for heterogeneous linguistic groups that include the Karanga, Zezuru, Manyika and Ndau, among others.10 There are also other social groups usually categorized as the ‘minority’. These include the Kalanga, Nambya, Venda and the Tonga. Moreover, descendants of immigrants from Malawi, Zambia and Mozambique who migrated into the country during the colonial era also make up the Zimbabwean population.11 Whites and Indians also bring a ‘racial’ dimension to Zimbabwe’s population. Geographically, Shona speakers largely occupy Northern provinces – Harare, Mashonaland, Masvingo, Manicaland and the Midlands provinces. However, the Ndebele largely occupy Southern parts of Zimbabwe - Bulawayo and Matabeleland provinces. These provinces were given ‘tribal’ names by the colonial government and at independence the Robert Mugabe- led Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) government retained such names.12 Studies show that ethnic conflicts continue to explode among the Ndebele and Shona groups.13 There is a body of literature demonstrating that Shona-Ndebele relations have never been smooth since pre-colonial times.14 Colonialism is blamed for fuelling ethnic tensions between the Ndebele and Shona ethnic groups, preventing them from developing nationally integrated identities.15 It is argued that in the 19th century, the Shona people were constantly attacked by fierce Ndebele Warriors who had come coming from Nguniland,16 fleeing from Shaka the Zulu. The Ndebele people constantly raided the Shona for cattle, land and women.17 Raids continued until the Pioneer column arrived in the 1890s and put an end to this oppression.18 Such historical narrations on the Ndebele-Shona relations remain a source of conflict between these two groups.19 Ndlovu-Gatsheni contends that the war of liberation struggle was fought along ethnic lines.20 ZANLA, the military wing for ZANU PF, operated in Shona speaking provinces. ZIPRA, the military wing for Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) operated in Ndebele speaking provinces.21 This demonstrates that the Ndebele-Shona rivalry is a historical phenomenon.

However, the most critical episode on the contemporary Ndebele-Shona ethnic rivalry is the post-1980s conflict in Matabeleland and Midlands Provinces. Around 1982, two years after independence, Zimbabwe experienced security and stability problems particularly in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces. The opposition party ZAPU under nationalist leader Joshua Nkomo, which had lost the 1980 elections to Robert Mugabe’s ZANU PF, was accused for choreographing ‘dissident’ activities in an attempt to overthrow the Mugabe led government.22 It is asserted that Enos Nkala (of Ndebele origin), then ZANU PF minister of defence, claimed that dissidents were Ndebele people, calling for a second war of liberation following ZAPU’s defeat to ZANU PF in the 1980 elections. Nkala was therefore said to have advocated for the killing of the Ndebele.23 Consequently, Mugabe’s government deployed a ‘North Korean trained brigade in Matabeleland province and in the process more than 20 000 civilians were killed while others were beaten, raped and lost their property’.24 This ‘operation’ in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces is today infamously referred to as Gukurahundi.25 However, this event undoubtedly strained and polarized Ndebele-Shona relations. Ncube contends that these differences are evident in Zimbabwe’s football fandom, particularly when Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC play.26 Dynamos FC is mostly supported by the Shona speaking people, predominantly from the Northern parts of Zimbabwe, while Highlanders is mainly supported by the Ndebele speaking people, predominantly from the Southern parts of Zimbabwe.27 For some Highlanders FC fans, supporting Dynamos FC is equivalent to being ethnically ‘Shona’ while for some Dynamos FC supporters; supporting Highlanders FC is equivalent to being ‘Ndebele’.28 Due to historical ethnic conflicts between the two ethnic groups in Zimbabwe,29 matches between Highlanders FC and Dynamos FC become a ready space for the contestation of power and ethnic superiority, often exploding into ugly scenes of violence. This study demonstrates that lack of objectivity on the coverage of football violence at the ‘battle of Zimbabwe’ reflects ethnic tensions between the Ndebele and the Shona. The study shows that the Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC rivalry has gone beyond ‘everyday’ fandom into The Herald and the Chronicle newsrooms.

Literature review

This section reviews key literature on football and violence as well as on the media and football violence, showing how the present essay goes beyond previous research in the area. It is important to note at the outset that the dominant literature on football and hooliganism largely takes a sociological approach, examining fan behaviour. Few studies approach the subject of football violence from a media studies perspective. The genealogy of football and violence studies developed in the 1960s in England.30 Giulianotti argues that for a period stretching to a decade, major studies on hooliganism had a bias towards English fans.31 Marxist scholars, anthropologists and sociologists clashed over the nature of the football-watching experience, and more specifically, the causes of these supporters’ disorderly behaviour.32 Until now, the UK remains the dominant international influence in terms of finance and research on hooliganism.33 Most of these studies focus on the causes of football hooliganism in Britain, Scotland and other parts of Europe.34 Spaaij argues that individual differences like poverty juxtaposed to high levels of wealth should be viewed as another explanatory possibility of fan violence.35 Researches in Britain and Scotland largely blame football violence on fans from the lower rungs of the economic and social ladder.36 This essay, however, has no specific interest in the actual causes of football violence but in its diagnosis by the media. The study of hooligans has now expanded beyond England.37 In countries like Italy, Spain, Portugal and (parts of) France there exist ‘militant’ fan groups identified as ‘ultras’.38 Spaaij and Viñas contend that the term ‘ultra’ has its roots in Italy, from the 1960s when groups of organized young football fans began to emerge in a strongly politicized environment and became an inspiration to various European countries like Spain.39 Replica groups are also now found in Latin America such as the ‘barras bravas’ or ‘hinchadas.40 In Latin America, these groups have a record of engaging in political activities and organizing violent confrontations with rival supporters.41 Despite the dominance of literature on fan behaviour in hooliganism studies, there are also studies focusing on media coverage of football violence.42 Such studies discuss the role of the media in the coverage of football hooliganism in the United Kingdom, Europe and Latin America.43 These studies demonstrate that the media tend to construct violent football fans as violent working class comprising disaffected and deviant young men.44 This is vastly documented in the case of Britain for example, where the response of the state and issues of

policing and crowd control were largely a response to the media coverage of these events, one case for all the Hillsborough disaster.45 Crabbe contends that while media representations of English fans have variously been rejected, embraced sometimes, and in other instances incorporated, these representations form part of the most important insights of what English fandom means.46 However, though this literature is relevant, it mainly focuses on European contexts. There is a dearth of studies focusing on the media and violence in Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular. Studies on the media and football violence in Africa are still developing.47 Rommel’s study of the November 2009 violence, before and after two World Cup qualifying matches between Egypt and Algeria, is closer to the current research.48 The study shows how the Algerian and Egyptian mainstream media took a partisan approach in reporting episodes of violence and hooliganism. In Zimbabwe, some preliminary examinations on football and violence have been made.49 Muponde and Muchemwa argue that the most notable incident of violence in Zimbabwean football resulted in the death of 13 people at the National Sports Stadium (Harare) on 9 July 2000 during a FIFA World Cup qualifying match between Zimbabwe and South Africa.50 However, Muponde and Muchemwa’s study does not show how the press covered this violence.51 Similarly, other studies on Zimbabwean football do not locate the media at the heart of their investigations. Ncube’s earlier article on the rivalry between Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC provides insights on violence at Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC matches;52 but falls short when it comes to exploring ‘construction’ of this violence in the press.

Theoretical departure: framing theory and Foucauldian discourse

The framing theory is a very useful lens through which to analyze media representations of football violence and hooliganism in Zimbabwe. We attempt to build on empirical data generated by the study to critically reflect on the theory, showing the extent it ‘fits’ here and/or needs to be modified. We are conscious of the different approaches to framing. One of the common and influential approaches to the framing theory emanates from the social movement studies. Though at times we refer to the works of Gamson53 (social movement studies) and of course Goffman54 (the principal founding father), this essay largely draws on a particular strand of framing theory that stems from communication science and media studies – Entman’s approach.55 Given our

approach is more grounded in media studies than social movement studies, we found Entman’s approach more persuading and well suited for our analysis. However, the framing theory is inadequate as a theoretical or methodological tool in exploring the phenomenon under discussion. For instance, this study shows why the two newspapers are contrasting on the causes of violence at Dynamos FC versus Highlanders FC matches. To theorize the forces behind the heterogeneous coverage of this rivalry and violence, we deploy Foucault’s concept of discourse, power and knowledge.56 This then yields a fruitful approach to the discussion on media coverage of football violence at the Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC matches in Zimbabwe. Goffman contends that frames are conceptual pillars that guide our understanding of a phenomenon.57 The framing theory, or second level agenda-setting, provides a useful lens for better understanding how press power is realised through construction of social reality.58 Entman defines framing as ‘selecting some aspects of reality and make them more salient in communicating text, as a way to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral education and/ treatment recommendation for the item being described’.59 The present essay demonstrates how The Herald and the Chronicle select and emphasize some aspects of ‘reality’ on the rivalry and violence at Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC fixtures. The study also shows how the two newspapers downplay other aspects of reality at this event. Frame selects and highlights some features of ‘reality’ and help to obscure others in a way which tells a consistent story about problems, their causes, moral implications and remedy.60 In other words, frames largely involve persistent selection, emphasis and exclusion. In framing, choice of words and their organization into news stories are not trivial matters. The study interrogates constantly used terms, emphasis made and excluded matters in reporting football violence at the ‘battle of Zimbabwe’. Frames are persistent, enduring and recurring.61 We provide a detailed analysis of how the frames remain constant, enduring and recurring. In framing events, the media play an important role in setting and shaping agenda.62 The study shows the agenda(s) set by both The Herald and the Chronicle on the recurring violence at Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC matches. The study illuminates on how the two newspapers frame perceived ‘culprits’ and ‘victims’ of this violence. Entman submits that news frames define the problem under discussion in the news articles, diagnose causes, make moral judgements and in the process suggesting remedies.63 This argument is reinforced by Pan and Kosicki who contend that ‘within the realm of news

discourse, causal reasoning is often present, including causal attributions of the roots of a problem….’64 Our study demonstrates how The Herald and the Chronicle frames on Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC violence define the problem, diagnose and suggest remedies to the problem. Foucauldian lens are utilized to analyze how and why the two newspapers deploy different frames in reporting this football violence.65 Hall contends that in a discussion on discourse, power and knowledge, Foucault theorized discourse as a system of representation.66 In other words, discourse refers to a group of statements which produce a language for talking about – a way of representing knowledge about a particular historical moment.67 Our study is guided by Foucault’s assertion that discourse defines and produces the objects of our knowledge and thus governs the way that a topic can be meaningfully talked and reasoned about.68 The research provides a detailed account of the discourse(s) governing The Herald and the Chronicle’s coverage of violence at Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC matches. Foucault’s approach is helpful in understanding the language, discourses and practices that take place in newsrooms which eventually produce certain ‘truths’ with specific reference to football violence.69 Thus Foucauldian lens yields richer insights on how these ‘truths’ and narratives concerning violence at Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC matches become ‘normal’ or ‘natural’ and acceptable to the greater Zimbabwean society. Hall argues that discourse is viewed as a form of ‘violence in the way it imposes its linguistic order on the world: knowledge has to conform to its paradigms in order to be recognised as legitimate’.70 This research therefore stretches and expands the Foucauldian formulation submitting that the framing of violence at the ‘battle of Zimbabwe’ can be viewed as a way of producing ‘reality’ or ‘truth’ as well as a mode of producing contestations of that same ‘reality’ or ‘truth’. Foucault argues that discourse ‘rules in’ certain ways of talking about a topic, defining an acceptable and intelligible way to talk, write, or conduct oneself and by definition, it rules out, limits and restricts other ways of talking, of conducting ourselves in relation to the topic or constructing knowledge about it.71 In such a context, discourse has the power and privilege to determine the ‘sayable’ and ‘thinkable’ and ‘unsayable’ and ‘unthinkable’.72 From in-depth conversations with selected sports journalists from The Herald and the Chronicle, the study provides clarity on discourses regulating the ‘sayable’ and ‘unsayable’ as well as the ‘thinkable’ and ‘unthinkable’ on this violence. Foucault further states that discourse says something about people who speak it. Thus by analysing the discourse a speaker uses, ‘one can tell things about the speaker’s gender, sexuality,

ethnicity, class position and even more specifically, the speaker’s implied relationship with the other people around him’.73 This argument aptly captures how issues of ethnicity are evident in analyzed newspaper stories. Foucault argues that power is not simply exerted by one dominant group over a subordinate group, but through the discourses and forms of knowledge which bind the powerful and subordinate together.74 ‘Power is never monopolised by one centre, but is deployed and exercised through a net like organization’.75 Thus power relations permeate all levels of social existence and are therefore to be found operating at every site of social life. This is an assertion that fits this essay’s argument that contrasting frames in The Herald and the Chronicle on football violence in a way reflect ethnic power struggles in the Zimbabwean society. Football is predicated with multiple discourses which compete in it, such as power and identity. In essence, the Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC fixture is intertwined with ethnic power contestations in Zimbabwe.

Methodology

This study employs a qualitative research approach, specifically an interpretive design. We make inferences and interpret different forms of meaning and realities constructed through representations of violence and hooliganism in the Chronicle and The Herald. The choice of the two newspapers was influenced by previous studies on political violence in Zimbabwe, which show that Zimpapers publications deploy similar frames when reporting political violence. This study, therefore, presents a contrasting view, showing that The Herald and Chronicle contradict each other in reporting violence at Highlanders FC-Dynamos FC matches. For feasibility purposes, the study focuses on the period between 2006 and 2016. Coincidentally, Highlanders FC failed to beat their rivals Dynamos FC in PSL matches. This perhaps accelerated incidents of violence at Babourfields stadium (Highlanders FC’s home ground). Consequently, analyzed stories reflect that violence and hooliganism activities occurred at Babourfields stadium. Such incidents were more rampant during the 2013 and 2014, resulting in death of a Highlanders FC fan at Babourfields stadium in October 2014. Analyzed stories are therefore mainly drawn from this period. A total of 38 stories, published during the period under study grappling with violence at Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC matches, were purposively selected and subjected to analysis. 21 of the stories were taken from The Herald while 17 were taken from the Chronicle. We, however, admit the shortcomings of our sampling design as it

limits us from generalizing to the population of interest. Though going largely by Entman’s approach to framing76, we also utilized an informal critical discourse analysis, which is not strictly linguistic, but commonly employed in media studies in unpacking the frames utilized by the newspapers.77 In-depth interviews were also held with nine purposively selected sports journalists from the two newspapers. The intention was to get clarity on the forces influencing and shaping the coverage of this violence by the two newspapers. Hesse Biber and Leavy submit that in-depth interviews are a common method used to collect data in qualitative studies, premised on the assumption that individuals have unique and important knowledge about the social world which can be shared through verbal communication.78 Initially, the main sampling technique had been purposive but we ended up snow-balling. We had initially targeted specific respondents, having been ‘attracted’ by the manner in which they report violence at this fixture. However, football is such an emotional subject in Zimbabwe that some of the targeted journalists declined to be interviewed. Those who agreed to be interviewed suggested and actually facilitated interviews with their colleagues. For ethical reasons, all interviewees were assigned pseudo names. Interviews were conducted between February and June 2016 in Harare and Bulawayo, where The Herald and the Chronicle are based respectively. The participants were engaged in in- depth informal conversations outside their work places, to allow them to freely express themselves without their superiors or colleagues eavesdropping on the conversation. In most cases the discussions lasted up to an hour. Though our discussions were largely informal, we asked questions focusing on how sports journalists construct stories relating to violence at Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC matches. Through interviews with selected sports journalists, our clarity on the forces shaping and influencing media coverage of this phenomenon improved. Findings are thematically presented and discussed below.

Multiple diagnoses on the causes of violence and hooliganism

The fierce Dynamos FC versus Highlanders FC perennial rivalry has evidently infiltrated The Herald and Chronicle newsrooms. Contrary to the common perception that The Herald and the Chronicle deploy similar frames in framing ‘reality’, they contradict on the causes of violence and hooliganism at Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC matches. From the analyzed stories, the Chronicle accused Dynamos FC fans and their players for triggering violence. Contrastingly, The

Herald blamed the Highlanders FC fans for fanning hooliganism and violence. For example, in February 2013, violence exploded at Babourfields stadium during the first leg of the Bob 89 Super Cup final.79 This violent incident followed Dynamos FC’s 2-1 victory over Highlanders FC. The match report by Ricky Zililo, Chronicle’s sports reporter, did not give salience to violence but Dynamos FC’s victory. In essence, violence was only mentioned in the last paragraph of the story. The story blamed Dynamos FC fans for triggering episodes of violence. The last paragraph read: Dynamos fans sitting at the Mpilo end threw missiles at Ndebele late in the second half when he tried to give DeMbare’s keeper Chigova a yellow card for time wasting. After the final whistle, police had to fire teargas canisters after sporadic scenes of violence erupted.80

However, the story failed to adequately elaborate on the violence beyond the football pitch. However, The Herald provided a detailed account of the incident. In The Herald of 11 February 2013 story with the headline ‘BF chaos: Nine arrested’, Augustine Hwata wrote: SUSPECTED Highlanders fans ran riot on Sunday after their team fell 2-1 to Dynamos in the first leg of the Bob ’89 Super Cup at Barbourfields… .... However, some suspected Bosso fans could not stomach the defeat and probably felt hard done by the officiating from Bulawayo referee Mlandeli Ndebele... Rowdy fans then took matters into their own hands when they confronted suspected Dynamos fans outside the match venue and police had to fire teargas canisters to quell the anarchy.81

It is evident that The Herald gave prominence to violence at Babourfields stadium. From the Harare-based newspaper’s diagnosis, Highlanders FC fans were the culprits while Dynamos FC fans were the victims of the violence. Highlanders FC fans were described as ‘rowdy’ and ‘hooligans’ who confronted Dynamos FC fans outside the pitch following their team’s loss to Dynamos FC. This confirms the assertion by Entman that frames define the problem under discussion in the news articles, diagnose causes and make moral judgements.82 The incident became a running story in The Herald as the newspaper continuously ‘mined the past’. For instance, in a story entitled, ‘PSL mum on violence’ on 31 March 2013, Paul Mundandi wrote: ... This season, there has already been ugly scenes of violence after the Bob ’89 Super Cup semi- final at Barbourfields, when Highlanders fans assaulted their Dynamos counterparts. On Friday, Highlanders fans were once again guilty of assaulting Shabanie and FC Platinum fans on the eastern stand of Maglas…83

Though the story was based on violence which had occurred at a Highlanders FC-Shabanie Mine FC match in Zishavane, the story revisited the past, to cement a position that it has become intrinsic for Highlanders FC fans to assault fans from opposing teams. Contradictions between

the two newspapers were also visible on how the newspapers framed violence at Babourfields stadium in October 2014. The Chronicle accused Dynamos FC fans for violence while The Herald put the blame on Highlanders FC fans. In a story entitled, ‘ZIFA condemns violence’, Lovemore Dube, sports editor of the Chronicle wrote: … After a quiet morning which lacked the usual hype associated with both teams’ clashes in Bulawayo and Harare, the situation changed just before kickoff. A Dynamos fan who was evidently drunk, broke a circle which had Highlanders supporters cheering Palolo Mpofu showing off his ball-juggling skills outside the Barbourfields shops. The fan drove his truck through the crowd and tried to bully the fans and was saved by his colleague who drove the vehicle to safety. Bekezela Maduma Fuzwayo of Gwanda was among those who saved the guy from mob justice.84

Dube suggested that fans were psyched for violence by a ‘drunk’ Dynamos fan, who deserved mob justice. Dube further blamed Dynamos FC fans for inciting violence during play. Missile throwing incidents started before the match with goalkeepers Ariel Sibanda and Munyaradzi Diya who were warming up with coach Peter Nkomo pelted with all sorts of objects.85 However, the same incident of violence had a different narrative in The Herald of 13 August 2014. For The Herald, Highlanders FC fans resorted to violence due to frustration after watching their team failing to beat Dynamos FC for a period of nearly seven years. The story also brings into perspective the fact that, for the previous two years, Highlanders FC has been runners-up to the league championship to Dynamos FC, losing it on goal difference. In a story entitled, ‘This is unacceptable’, Augustine Hwata wrote: There were chaotic scenes in Bulawayo on Saturday as violence erupted at Barbourfields and spread into other areas of the country’s second biggest city in the wake of Highlanders’ 0-1 defeat at the hands of bitter rivals Dynamos in a Castle Lager Premiership tie. Bosso have not beaten Dynamos, in a league match, in seven years and while the Bulawayo giants dominated large chunks of the match, especially the first half when they played football at a high level, they failed to utilise their chances…86

Goffman argues that sources are key in framing.87 In the story above, Richard Chihoro, Dynamos FC team manager, was interviewed to provide a narrative of how their fans were ‘victimised’ at Babourfields stadium. However, no one from Highlanders FC was interviewed. The absence of voices from Highlanders FC deliberately meant to reinforce the position that Highlanders FC fans were the perpetrators of violence while Dynamos FC fans were the ‘victims’. As mentioned earlier, our period of focus coincides with the death of a Highlanders FC fan at Babourfields stadium. Thembelenkosini Hloli, a Highlanders FC fan, died on 13 August 2014 following violent clashes between Dynamos FC fans and Highlanders FC fans. The

newspapers contradicted on the causes of Hloli’s death. For example, in a story entitled, ‘ZIFA condemns violence’ in the Chronicle, Lovemore Dube wrote: ‘Thembinkosi Hloli of Sizinda was allegedly stabbed to death near Renkini Long Distance bus terminus by suspected Dynamos fans as violence spilled to the townships.’88 However, The Herald did not openly accuse Dynamos FC fans for murdering the Highlanders FC fan – Hloli. In a story entitled, ‘This is unacceptable’, The Herald sports reporter Augustine Hwata noted: The violence on Saturday has been blamed for the death of a Bosso supporter, Thembelenkosi Hloli, who died close to Renkini long distance bus terminus in skirmishes linked to the mayhem that started from Barbourfields. His death comes exactly 10 years after Dynamos fan Stanford Nhau, popularly known as “Taribo West”, died after injuries sustained in another violent clash by fans at Barbourfields.89

Goffman contends that organization of a story is the very key in framing.90 While the Chronicle lead gave salience to Hloli’s death, The Herald’s lead above never mentioned the Highlanders FC fan’s death. The subject was only mentioned in paragraph six, making it peripheral. Moreover, The Herald’s story blames ‘violence’ and not Dynamos FC fans, for causing the death of Hloli. The story also ‘mines memory’, reminding readers that the death of Hloli comes 10 years after the death of a popular Dynamos fan Stanford Nhau-‘Taribo West’. The popular Dynamos FC fan was allegedly killed by Highlanders FC fans at Babourfields stadium. ‘Memory mining’ resorted to by The Herald enlarges the debate by liberating it from the narrow accounts of a single death as framed by The Chronicle.

‘See no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil’: forces of regionalism and ethnicity

The frames presented above show how regionalism and ethnicity discourses regulate the ‘sayable’ and ‘unsayable’, ‘thinkable’ and ‘unthinkable’, ‘doable’ and ‘undoable’91 in framing violence at Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC matches. These forces unarguably produce and naturalize a language for talking about – a way of representing knowledge about violence at Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC matches. From the interviews with sports journalists, regionalism was cited as one of the huge factors influencing the coverage of football violence by the two newspapers. The Harare (Northern) based The Herald generally tends to be sympathetic towards Dynamos FC, a Harare based team. Similarly, the Chronicle also sympathizes with Highlanders FC which is based in Bulawayo (Southern) where it operates. Thus contrary to the common view that there is consensus between The Herald and Chronicle in reporting issues, the two

publications contradict while reporting violence at Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC matches. The two newspapers are key players in regional politics – Northern versus Southern part of Zimbabwe. A newspaper thus should not see, hear and say evil in its region. In essence, regional binaries govern the way football violence is ‘intelligently’ and ‘meaningfully’ talked and reasoned about. Rommel’s study shows that when violence erupted during World Cup qualifying matches between Algeria and Egypt in 2009, the respective media from these countries saw no evil, heard no evil and said no evil about their constituencies, shifting the blame on the ‘other’.92 The same prevails at The Herald and the Chronicle with regard to violence at Dynamos FC- Highlanders FC matches. This essay demonstrates that specific ‘truths’ and ‘knowledge’ about this violence conform to specific paradigms in order to be recognized as ‘legitimate’. From the conversations with sports journalists, we came to learn that the two newspapers’ contrasting frames are also influenced by ethnic conflicts especially between Zimbabwe’s dominant ethnic groups – Shona and Ndebele. For example, Takura Moyo from The Herald said: The problem here is about ethnicity. Though people might want to be diplomatic about it, Dynamos FC is supported by Shona people in Zimbabwe while Highlanders FC is a Ndebele supported team. It seems the deployment of sports journalists at Zimpapers follows the same pattern. Here at The Herald most of the guys are Shona and support Dynamos while the Chronicle is mainly constituted by Ndebele journalists and most of them are Highlanders FC card carrying members.93

Though ethnicity is a social construct, it remains a problem haunting modern Zimbabwe. The coverage of the Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC rivalry aptly reflects ethnic polarization especially between the Shona and the Ndebele. Though Shona and Ndebele are not, and have never been, stable markers of identity at all throughout Zimbabwe’s history, they are evident both in the Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC rivalry as well as in media coverage of violence at this fixture. Historians Muzondidya and Ndlovu-Gatsheni contend that despite its rare entry into both official and public discourses about contemporary Zimbabwe, ethnicity continues to shape and influence the economic, social, and political life of Zimbabwe in post-colonial times.94 Our analysis of the composition of sports desks of The Herald and Chronicle gives an impression that most sports journalists were recruited along ethnic grounds. Most sports journalists at the Chronicle have ‘Ndebele’ names and surnames, reflecting the Bulawayo/Matabeleland region which they operate in. Those at The Herald largely have ‘Shona’ names and surnames, reflecting the Harare/Mashonaland region they hail from. It is therefore plausible to argue that most Ndebele speaking journalists at the Chronicle view it as their ‘right’ to protect the interests of an

Ndebele team – Highlanders FC. Similarly, Shona-speaking journalists at The Herald perceive it as natural to defend Dynamos FC. Such a perspective was also corroborated by Luckson Dube from the Chronicle: Ethnicity is the biggest forces influencing reporting of football violence at Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC matches. For The Herald sports journalists, Highlanders Ndebele supporters are the source of trouble. However, for the Chronicle journalists, Dynamos FC supporters who are largely Shona, are to blame… At the end of the day, we emotionally and ethnically report on football sacrificing facts.95

The essay thus demonstrates that contrasting frames in The Herald and the Chronicle on the Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC violence reflect power struggles and ethnic divisions in the Zimbabwean society. As Ncube has argued, the Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC fixture is intertwined with ethnic power contestations in Zimbabwe, specifically between the Shona and the Ndebele groups.96 These Ndebele-Shona binaries are also now getting manifested in the coverage of football violence by The Herald and the Chronicle. The frames deployed by the two newspapers show that the Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC ethnic rivalry has cascaded into the newsrooms. Each newspaper is determined to defend its own fans, vilifying their rivals. ‘Objectivity’ is no longer feasible as journalists report like fans. As Chipo Moyo from The Herald pointed out, ‘If you go to Highlanders FC house club in Bulawayo, you will find some of the sports reporters at the Chronicle in the club regalia, celebrating team victory.’97 Respondents from the Chronicle could not deny this claim but counter-accused The Herald sports journalists for being de facto Dynamos FC public relations officers. The study therefore argues that ethnicity is the principal force influencing the coverage of violence at Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC matches. It now appears ‘natural’ that The Herald sports desk has a ‘Shona’ ethnic identity supporting Dynamos FC. On the other hand, the Chronicle sports desk has a de facto ‘Ndebele’ ethnic identity as it openly supports Highlanders FC. The Herald therefore, does not see evil, hear evil and say no evil about Dynamos FC and the Shona ethnic group who largely constitutes the club’s fan base. The Chronicle, in its turn, does the same in case of Highlanders FC and the Ndebele, who largely constitute the team’s fan base.

Conclusion

This study is expected to make a key addition to understandings of football violence in Africa, especially media portrayals of such violence. Though there is a well-established global literature

on media representations of football-related violence, virtually nothing exists about Zimbabwe. This essay therefore informs and progresses the critical debates engaged in by these scholars, especially given the different geographic and political context within which the current study is set. It demonstrates that while it seems conventional that journalists have local and regional loyalties and constituents to serve; instinctively defending fans in their region and highlighting provocation elsewhere, the ethnic dimension of Zimbabwean newsrooms articulated by this study might seem unusual (though not unheard of). We conclude that strained relations between Zimbabwe’s dominant ethnic groups – Shona and Ndebele – largely influence The Herald’s and Chronicle’s coverage of the Dynamos FC-Highlanders FC rivalry, leading to contrasting narratives on the violence at Dynamos FC and Highlanders FC matches by the two Zimpapers.

Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

1 Ncube, ‘The Beautiful game? Football, Power, Identities and Development in Zimbabwe’, 1.

2 Ncube, ‘The interface between football and ethnic identity discourses in Zimbabwe’, 14. 3 See Armstrong, Football Hooligans; Braun and Vliegenthart, ‘The Contentious Fans’; Crabbe, ‘“The Public Gets what the Public Wants”’; Giulianotti, Football; Radmann, ‘Hooligans’; Smith, Violence and Sport; Spaaij, ‘The Prevention of Football Hooliganism’; Weed, ‘Towards a Model of Cross-Sectoral Policy Development in Leisure’. 4 Fridy and Brobbey. Win the Match and Vote for Me; Pannenborg, Football in Africa; Rommel,

‘A veritable game of the Nation’. 5 See Chiweshe, ‘One of the boys’; Muponde and Muchemwa, ‘Dictatorships, disasters and

African soccer’; Ncube, ‘Bhora Mugedhi Versus Bhora Musango’.

6 Chuma, ‘Mediating the 2000 Elections in Zimbabwe’; Waldahl, Politics and Persuasion.

7 Entman, ‘Framing’.

8 Foucault, The Birth of a Clinic and Power/Knowledge.

9 Giulianotti, ‘Between Colonialism, Independence and Globalisation’, 80.

10 Muzondidya and Ndlovu-Gatsheni, “Echoing Silences: Ethnicity in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe,

1980-2007, 277.

11 Ncube, ‘The interface between football and ethnic identity discourses in Zimbabwe’, 2.

12 Muzondidya and Ndlovu-Gatsheni,‘Echoing Silences’. 13 Mhlanga, ‘Ethnicity or tribalism? The discursive construction of Zimbabwean national identity’; Muzondidya and Ndlovu- Gatsheni,‘Echoing Silences: Ethnicity in post-colonial

Zimbabwe, 1980-2007’; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Do ‘Zimbabweans’ Exist?

14 Beach, The Shona and their Neighbours; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Do ‘Zimbabweans’ Exist? 15 Muzondidya and Ndlovu-Gatsheni, “Echoing Silences: Ethnicity in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe,

1980-2007, 277.

16 Present day South Africa.

17 Beach, The Shona and their Neighbours.

18 Ibid.

19 Ncube, ‘The interface between football and ethnic identity discourses in Zimbabwe’, 3. 20 Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Do ‘Zimbabweans’ Exist? Trajectories on Nationalism, National Identity Formation and Crisis in a Post-Colonial State’, 122.

21 Ibid.

22 Alexander, McGregor and Ranger, Violence and Memory.

23 Ibid.

24 Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, Breaking the Silence Building True Peace, 1. 25 This is a Shona word which refers to the early rains that wash away dirt or chaff. After these early rains what follows is a blooming of flowers and new leaves, the sprouting of green grass among other things.

26 Ncube, ‘The interface between football and ethnic identity discourses in Zimbabwe’.

27 Ncube, ‘The Beautiful game? Football, Power, Identities and Development in Zimbabwe’.

28 Ibid. 29 See Mhlanga, ‘Ethnicity or tribalism?’; Muzondidya and Ndlovu- Gatsheni,‘Echoing

Silences’; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Do ‘Zimbabweans’ Exist? 30 Armstrong, Football Hooligans; Armstrong and Giulianotti, Football Cultures and Identities; Armstrong and Harris, ‘Football Hooliganism’; Benkwitz, ‘Clashing Sub-Cultures’; Dunning, ‘The social roots of football hooliganism’; Dunning, ‘Towards a Sociological Understanding of

Football Hooliganism as a World Phenomenon’; Gibbons, Dixon and Braye, ‘The way It Was’;

Giulianotti, Football; Holt, Sport and the British.

31 Giulianotti, ‘Social Identity and Public Order’.

32 Ibid.

33 Dart, ‘Confessional Tales from Former Football Hooligans’. 34 Dunning, Murphy and Williams, Football on Trial; Spaaij, ‘Sports Crowd Violence’; Zani and

Kirchler, ‘When Violence Overshadows the Spirit of Sporting Competition’.

35 Spaaij, ‘Sports Crowd Violence’.

36 Dunning, Murphy and Williams, Football on Trial.

37 Spaaij, Understanding Football Hooliganism. 38 Duke and Crolley, ‘Football Spectator Behaviour in Argentina’; Spaaij and Viñas, ‘Passion,

Politics and violence’.

39 Spaaij and Viñas, ‘Passion, Politics and violence’.

40 Spaaij, Understanding Football Hooliganism.

41 Duke and Crolley, ‘Football Spectator Behaviour in Argentina’. 42 Braun and Vliegenthart, ‘The Contentious Fans’; Crabbe, ‘“The Public Gets what the Public Wants”’; Smith, Violence and Sport; Weed, ‘Towards a Model of Cross-Sectoral Policy

Development in Leisure’. 43 Armstrong and Giulianotti, Football Cultures and Identities; Benkwitz, ‘Clashing Sub-

Cultures’; Gibbons, Dixon and Braye, ‘The way It Was’.

44 Dunning, Murphy and Williams, Football on Trial.

45 Armstrong and Giulianotti, Football Cultures and Identities.

46 Crabbe, ‘“The Public Gets what the Public Wants”’.

47 Pannenborg, Football in Africa; Rommel, ‘A veritable game of the Nation’.

48 Rommel, ‘A veritable game of the Nation’. 49 Muponde and Muchemwa, ‘Dictatorships, disasters and African soccer’; Ncube, ‘The

Beautiful game?’.

50 Muponde and Muchemwa, ‘Dictatorships, disasters and African soccer’, 282.

51 Ibid, 282.

52 Ncube, ‘The interface between football and ethnic identity discourses in Zimbabwe’, 15.

53 Gamson, and Modigliani, ‘Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power’.

54 Goffman, Frame Analysis.

55 Entman, ‘Framing’.

56 Foucault, Power/ Knowledge.

57 Goffman, Frame Analysis.

58 Entman, ‘Framing’.

59 Ibid., 52.

60 Gamson, and Modigliani, ‘Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power’.

61 Entman, ‘Framing’.

62 Ibid.

63 Ibid.

64 Pan and Kosicki, ‘Framing analysis’,64.

65 Foucault, Power/ Knowledge.

66 Ibid.; Hall, Representation.

67 Foucault, Power/ Knowledge.

68 Ibid.

69 Ibid.

70 Hall, Representation, 72.

71 Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic, 72.

72 Hall, Representation, 445.

73 Foucault, Power/ Knowledge, 83.

74 Ibid.

75 Ibid., 98.

76 Entman, ‘Framing’.

77 See Mazid, ‘Cowboy and misanthrope’.

78 Hesse Biber and Leavy, The Practice of Qualitative Research, 6. 79 The Bob Super Cup was is an annual tournament introduced in 2009 to celebrate President

Robert Mugabe’s birthday.

80 Chonicle February 11, 2013.

81 The Herald, February 11, 2013.

82 Entman, ‘Framing’.

83 The Herald, March 31, 2013.

84 Chronicle, August 14, 2014.

85 Ibid.

86 The Herald, August 14, 2014.

87 Goffman, Frame Analysis.

88 Chronicle, August 14, 2014.

89 The Herald, August 14, 2014.

90 Goffman, Frame Analysis.

91 See Foucault, Power/ Knowledge, 83.

92 Rommel, ‘A veritable game of the Nation’.

93 Interview: March 24, 2016.

94 Muzondidya and Ndlovu- Gatsheni, ‘Echoing Silences’.

95 Interview: June 21, 2016.

96 Ncube, ‘The interface between football and ethnic identity discourses in Zimbabwe’, 14. 97 Interview: September 16, 2017.

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