Social Psychology Quarterly 74(4) 414–437 Managing Emotional Ó American Sociological Association 2011 DOI: 10.1177/0190272511415554 Manhood: Fighting and http://spq.sagepub.com Fostering in Mixed Martial Arts

Christian A. Vaccaro1, Douglas P. Schrock2, and Janice M. McCabe2

Abstract Based on two years of fieldwork and over 100 interviews, we analyze mixed martial arts fight- ers’ , how they managed them, and how they adopted intimidating personas to evoke fear in opponents. We conceptualize this process as ‘‘managing emotional manhood,’’ which refers to management that signifies, in the dramaturgical sense, masculine selves. Our study aims to deepen our understanding of how men’s emotion work is gendered and, more generally, to bring together two lines of research: studies of gendered emotion management and studies of emotional identity work. We further propose that managing emotional man- hood is a dynamic and trans-situational process that can be explored in diverse settings.

Keywords emotion, identity, gender, manhood, masculinity

While fighters in the locker room pre- Juan, he pulled away the bloodied towel pared for combat in the cage, two men and said, ‘‘I don’t like losing.’’ from the previous fight staggered in. Juan and Mike’s post-fight experiences Juan1—the victor—had shiny contusions highlight what competitors of mixed mar- under both eyes and made it to a folding tial arts (MMA) most often say they fear: chair where he sat staring into space. As injury and losing. Competitions generally two paramedics tried to keep him con- occur in a locked cage and fighters wear scious, he cracked a smile with swollen thin, open-fingered gloves and are allowed lips and tried unsuccessfully to communi- to punch, kick, wrestle, and use martial cate meaningfully. As the paramedics arts techniques. Fights are broken into carried Juan off on a stretcher, Mike— rounds and end when one fighter submits his opponent—leaned against a wall and talked with his trainer. As blood flowed 1 from his nose and mouth, Mike began to Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA, USA sob. His trainer handed him a towel, 2Florida State University, Tallahassee, USA which he brought to his face with shaking Corresponding Author: hands. When asked if he was upset about Christian A. Vaccaro, 102K McElhaney Hall, 441 North Walk, Indiana, PA 15705 1All names are pseudonyms. Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on December 7, 2011 Managing Emotional Manhood 415 or ‘‘taps out’’ due to or exhaustion, is it reproduces hierarchies of status and rendered unconscious, is deemed physi- power (e.g., Lois 2003; Pierce 1995). While cally unable to continue by a referee, or contributing greatly to and gen- time runs out. Preparing for these fights der scholarship, these lines of research entails not only perfecting ‘‘guillotine neglect how such emotion management is chokes’’ and ‘‘superman punches,’’ it also implicated in the active construction of involves fighting fear. identity. Our study contributes to the Although MMA fighters’ emotion man- aforementioned research by showing how agement may appear unique, it reflects men’s emotion management can constitute a long-lived cultural mandate that ‘‘real gendered ‘‘identity work’’ (Snow and men’’ control their fear and other emotions Anderson 1987). (Kimmel 1996). Peers (Fine 1987), parents To emphasize the gendered and proces- (McGuffey 2008), and coaches (Messner sional aspects of this emotional identity 1992) often ostracize boys who express work, we refer to the MMA fighters’ emo- fear, pain, , and . Boys tion management as managing emotional learn that they are supposed to exhibit emo- manhood. We define managing emotional tional restraint and ‘‘quiet control’’ manhood as emotion work that signifies (Messner 2009:96). As adults, men often a masculine self. Importantly, by the ‘‘mas- face fear, whether at work (Haas 1977), on culine self’’ we are not referring to a psycho- the street (Anderson 1999), or in leisure logical entity, how men view themselves, or activities (Holyfield and Fine 1997). And theself-concept.Rather,wetakethedra- not letting fear get the best of you—exhibit- maturgical view that the masculine self is ing bravery—is a culturally revered quality a virtual reality, a self that is imputed to of manhood (see e.g., Connell 1995). But actors based on the information given or how do men control their emotions, and given off (Goffman 1959). Schwalbe (2005) what does this have to with gender identity? defines such identity work as a ‘‘manhood Scholars of emotion management—the act’’ and emphasizes that signifying control process through which people suppress or is fundamental. Manhood here is not evoke emotions (Hochschild 1979)—are a static concept, but a malleable image particularly well suited to address this that is constructed for public consumption. question. Although such research often While there are many ways that males can neglects integrating gender into its analy- put on a convincing manhood act (see ses (e.g., Orzechowicz 2008; Smith 2008), Schrock and Schwalbe’s [2009] review), in a sizable literature on gender and emotion this study we emphasize that controlling work has developed. The dominant and transforming one’s own or others’ emo- approach has been to neglect men and tions—especially fear—is key.2 Emotions focus exclusively on how women do emotion here are not simply added to or subtracted work as subordinates at work or home (e.g., DeVault 1999; Elliott and Umberson 2008). 2In developing an identity work approach to Although less common, research on gender studying men, Schrock and Schwalbe (2009) point out that although Connell (1995) critiqued sex and emotion work has brought men into role theory and legitimated the study of men as analyses in two primary ways: (a) quantita- gendered beings, scholars often reify masculinity tive studies compare men and women’s fre- as a thing or trait rather than a social practice, quency of various types of emotion manage- problematically equate anything that people ment (e.g., Erickson 2005; Lively 2008), with male bodies do as masculinity (essentializ- ing) and ignore power and control in their and (b) qualitative studies compare men attempts to uncover new ‘‘types’’ of masculinities. and women’s emotion management strate- They developed the notion of manhood acts as an gies in work settings, often showing how antidote to such problems.

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on December 7, 2011 416 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(4) from one’s presumed manhood (as if man- to occupy positions that require the pre- hood exists as a thing rather than a social sumably more common kind of ‘‘emotion construction); they are expressions that work that affirms, enhances, and celebra- signify what kind of man one is. As we tes the well-being and status of others.’’ show, managing emotional manhood can Gendered rules that implore men be accomplished individually as well as not to express , pain, , or fear interpersonally and can prime one to risk (see e.g., Cancian and Gordon 1988; one’s well-being in a quest to dominate Stearns and Stearns 1986) further create others. We furthermore suggest that man- the impression that men’s emotional lives aging emotional manhood is a sensitizing are muted. It would seem, however, that concept (Blumer 1969) that microsociolo- keeping so many emotions under control gists can examine in diverse social would require much work. contexts. Scholars of gender and emotion have begun to paint a more complex and THEORETICAL BACKGROUND nuanced picture of men’s emotional lives. Emotion management involves suppress- Recent survey research suggests that ing or evoking particular emotions so as women and men do not significantly differ to resonate with culturally defined feeling with regard to their overall experience rules (Hochschild 1979). Emotion work andexpressionofemotion,although may be accomplished individually, as women generally report more negative when a college student personally tries to emotions (Lively and Powell 2006; Simon control his or her when sitting and Nath 2004; but see Simon and down to take an exam (Albas and Albas Barrett 2010). Research also suggests that 1988), or when a person vents men less frequently engage in emotion when sitting down to pray (Sharp 2010). management to suppress anger and irrita- Emotion work can be also accomplished tion at work (Erickson and Ritter 2001) interpersonally (Cahill and Eggleston and home (Erickson 2005) and that men 1994; Francis 1994). Interpersonal emo- are more likely than women to efficiently tion management may involve one person transform one emotion into another trying to control the emotions of others (Lively 2008). While survey methods in a unidirectional fashion, such as when enable social psychologists to compare a leader of a therapeutic group tries to men and women’s emotional experience heal the emotional wounds of the wid- and management and generalize to larger owed, divorced, or seekers of true selves populations, this approach sheds less light (Francis 1997; Thoits 1996). It can also on how gender and emotion work are be ‘‘reciprocal,’’ as when paralegals sup- dynamic social processes. Taking a closer press each other’s boss- and client-induced look at how such processes unfold on the stress in ways that maintain inequality ground floor of social life may help us (Lively 2000:33). understand that emotion work does not Social psychologists’ perception that just vary according to one’s gender identifi- men are less skilled at and less likely to cation, but that emotion work is implicated manage their emotions than are women in the active construction of gender can be traced back to the origins of the identity. . Hochschild (1983: Qualitative researchers are better posi- 165) argued that men are ‘‘less likely tioned to advance a processual approach [than women] to develop their capacity (Snow 1999), but studies of gendered emo- for managing emotion,’’ largely because tion work generally focus on how women’s women are socialized into and more likely emotion work involves ‘‘feeding egos and

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on December 7, 2011 Managing Emotional Manhood 417 tending wounds’’ (Bartky 1995) as they Christians use conversion stories, group navigate life in subordinate positions.3 , and introspection to evoke happi- However, a growing body of ethnographic ness, which the group defined as a ‘‘com- research suggests that men bring to pulsory’’ signifier of Christian identity. work a biography of emotional sociali- What we can see in these examples, as zation that shapes how they manage Wolkomir (2001:321) puts it in her analy- and express emotions in ‘‘masculine’’ sis of support groups, is ‘‘how emotion ways (Lewis 2005; Lois 2003; Martin work and identity work converge [so 1999; Pierce 1995). For example, Lois that] emotions [are] signifiers of identity.’’ (2003:182–83) characterized male rescue Although this research integrates emotion workers as developing a ‘‘masculine emo- and identity work approaches, it neglects tional line’’ by interpreting their work as to focus on gender. In contrast, we analyze exciting and maintaining emotional con- MMA fighters’ emotion management as trol when things go bad. Similarly, Pierce central to their gendered identity work. (1995:59, 135) labels male lawyers’ ‘‘intim- It is important to acknowledge that idation and strategic friendliness’’ as organizational cultures can be structured exemplifying ‘‘a masculine style of emo- so as to emphasize or de-emphasize gender tional labor.’’ While such research impor- (e.g., Acker 1990). While MMA fighting tantly views men’s emotion work as gen- may seem unique, it is like other sports in dered, by labeling such work masculine which men participate in that it orients (or not), it undertheorizes how such emo- participants and audiences to view partici- tion work is implicated in the construction pating as a test of manhood (e.g., Messner of gender identity. 1992).4 AkeywaythatMMAbolstersits An alternative way to view men’s emo- ‘‘gendered organizational frame’’ (Martin tion management—whether that of law- 2005) is by marketing a hypermascu- yers, rescuers, or MMA fighters—is as line image. For instance, promoters identity work. Identity work refers to dubbed the MMA Ultimate Fighting how people dramaturgically signify an Championship as ‘‘The Most Controversial identity (Snow and Anderson 1987). Event of the Decade’’ in which there are While people accomplish identity work ‘‘no rules’’ and ‘‘two men enter, one man individually or collectively and can use leaves’’ (Snowden 2008). The sport not language, physical gestures, and fashion only creates the conditions under which to signify selves (Schwalbe and Mason- fighters experience and manage fear, it— Schrock 1996), it is also an ‘‘emotional pro- in combination with the larger culture— cess’’ (Fields, Copp, and Kleinman 2006: also primes people to view fighters’ man- 164). For example, Francis (1997:162) agement of fear (as well as their violence) reveals how bereavement group facilita- through the lens of gender. tors mitigate members’ by ‘‘trans- By managing their own fear and evok- form[ing] the self from a failure to a victim ing it in others, MMA fighters thus pres- and the deceased from a victim to a perpe- ent themselves in ways that are commonly trator.’’ Wilkins (2008) shows how campus interpreted by others as indicative of man- hood. We term this process managing 3In relationships with men, for example, wom- emotional manhood to emphasize its proc- en’s emotion work includes evoking sexual in themselves to fulfill their male partners’ appe- tites and preempt conflict (Elliott and Umberson 2008) and preparing special meals for men to 4As Goffman (1968:128) put it, ‘‘[T]he only put them in good moods after frustrating work complete unblushing male in America [has] experiences (DeVault 1999). a recent record in sports.’’

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on December 7, 2011 418 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(4) essual nature and how such emotion man- with each other. When taking breaks, agement is important for signifying a mas- some of the men sat beside the first culine self or putting on a manhood act. author to ask about his research and Importantly, our interactionist approach talk about their training and upcoming makes us less interested in trying to fights.6 He also traveled with the fighters unearth fighters’ motivations for manag- to 10 competitions, where he observed the ing fear—such as whether it increases weigh-in the day before the fight, pre- and their chances of winning or because it val- post-fight locker room interactions, the idates their sense of being ‘‘real men’’— fights themselves, and the evening after- than we are in understanding the pro- parties. While he jotted notes at these cesses through which they accomplish events, he also openly made audio and such emotion work and its social mean- video recordings. He used his notes and ings.5 Overall, examining how fighters recordings when writing full fieldnotes manage emotional manhood builds on as soon as possible after each observation. the aforementioned research by deepening The first author conducted 24 formal our understanding of men’s emotion work 45- to 75-minute interviews with 15 local and bringing together two lines of and 9 regional fighters and 97 brief 5- to research that have thus far been isolated 15-minute short interviews at competi- from each another: studies of gendered tions with 64 fighters and 15 trainers, pro- emotion management and studies of emo- moters, and officials (some fighters were tional identity work. interviewed multiple times). During the longer interviews, the fighters were asked about their backgrounds, how they got SETTING AND METHOD involved in MMA, how they prepared emo- Data for this study derive from 24 months tionally and physically for fights, how they of fieldwork and 121 interviews. The first dealt with injuries, and their competition author gained access to a local MMA gym experiences. The brief interviews focused after calling the owner, Bruce, mention- on fight preparation and experiences. ing a long-time friendship with a profes- While the formal interviews allotted sional fighter who had once been Bruce’s more time to delve into a wider range of training partner, and talking about his experiences, the brief interviews—con- research interests. The ethnographer ducted either during weigh-ins or soon observed and openly jotted notes at about after a fight—were surprisingly revealing, 100 evening practices at Steel Hangar perhaps due to the intense Gym, which was located in a small indus- surrounding competitions. Of the inter- trial park on the outskirts of a midsized viewees, 70 percent were white, 16 percent southeastern city. During practices, the were black, 11 percent were Hispanic, and fighters helped each other learn new 3 percent were Asian. They ranged in age techniques, worked out with punching from 19 to 40 (average = 26.5). The major- bags and other equipment, and sparred ity (18 out of 25) of local interviewees had

5Although some who study identity work have 6While most fighters quickly included the eth- asked interviewees about their motivations for nographer in their informal conversations and doing such work and then made the analysis of joking, some veteran fighters were initially dis- these ‘‘motivations’’ central to their results tant. After he began occasionally working out (Khanna and Johnson 2010), we avoid doing so and sparring with some of them where he show- because we view such accounts as a form of iden- cased a few high school wrestling moves, they tity work (Schwalbe and Mason-Schrock 1996). began warming up to him as well.

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on December 7, 2011 Managing Emotional Manhood 419 earned degrees from a community college interviews, at the local gym, and in locker or university.7 All interviews were rooms before competitions, the fighters recorded and transcribed. often alluded to their fears by talking As the first author began fieldwork, he about ‘‘nerves,’’ being ‘‘nervous,’’ ‘‘wor- shared copies of fieldnotes, and the coau- ries,’’ ‘‘pre-fight jitters,’’ and ‘‘butterflies.’’ thors became intrigued by fighters’ allu- For example, just before their fights, Ted sions to fear. This initial sensitized said, ‘‘Oh, I’m nervous as hell!’’ and us to pay attention to how fear permeated Buster said, ‘‘I was nervous. I was in the the field and also led us to create interview back about to throw up.’’ Shortly after questions aimed to better understand (a) winning a fight, Robin said, ‘‘I was what fighters worried about and (b) how extremely nervous going into this.’’ After they managed it. These questions also losing fights, the men often blamed their guided the coding of fieldnotes and inter- poor performances on fear. For example, view transcripts, which led to creating Ted explained, ‘‘It must have been nerves typologies of what they most feared (injury or something,’’ and Garrett said, ‘‘I sort of and losing) and how they managed their felt like I kind of panicked and bitched- fear (scripting, framing, and othering). As out a little bit.’’ As Garrett implied, we worked on a draft of the article, we uncontrollable fear was like being became curious about a few quotes indicat- momentarily inhabited by womanhood, ing that fighters not only fought their own which is probably why fighters usually— fear but also sought to evoke it in oppo- but not always—avoided saying ‘‘I’m nents. We then reanalyzed the data, coded afraid/scared/fearful.’’ Saying they were for how they attempted to foster fear, and nervous or worried was arguably less wrote an additional analysis section.8 It damaging to their manhood acts. was only after finishing the analysis and MMA fighters most commonly talked comparing it to existing research and the- about fearing injury and losing. Fighters ory that we began developing the concept understood how painful injuries were of managing emotional manhood. and that serious ones could end their fighting careers, or worse. There have THE FEARS OF FIGHTING been two well-publicized deaths of fighters resulting from brain injuries sustained in Underneath their bravado, Mixed Martial North American MMA fights since 2007. Arts fighters harbored fear. During Although interviewees agreed that, as Rocky put it, ‘‘in most cases you’re going 7 On the SPQ website, we have provided an to come out of it [and] you’re going to appendix listing all fighters interviewed along live,’’ death lurked in the shadows of the with their age, race, education, win/loss record, what type of interview they participated in, and cage. When asked what he worried about if they were observed at the local gym and/or in before his fights, for example, Kenneth regional competitions. said, ‘‘You are wondering if they are think- 8 Because our interest in how fighters fostered ing of this incredible move that is really fear developed after data collection was complete, going to kill you.’’ Dominic said, ‘‘This we had not developed as many questions about this as we did about how the men managed their sport is not golf; you can’t get hurt or own fear. As a result of this as well as the fact killed playing golf.’’ The possibility of that we had less data on competitions—where death elevated MMA’s manhood quotient. they attempted to foster fear in opponents— Fighters more frequently discussed than on gym life, we did not devise a formal typol- worrying about injuries they could live ogy of fostering fear, choosing instead to empha- size the different contexts in which they attemp- through. Dean worried about ‘‘getting ted such intimidation. chokedoutor...gettinghurt.’’Lousaid

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‘‘I can get my arm broken [or] my nose bro- losers’ manhood acts by publicly shaming ken, I can just get pounded.’’ Jimmy said, them.WhenArmandtappedoutafter ‘‘I was apprehensive about getting hurt.’’ being caught in a chokehold, his friends Such fears were not unfounded. Local stood up and one yelled ‘‘Pussy!’’ before fighters suffered dislocated ribs and con- they all walked out in . Three men cussions, Louis tore his ACL, Rocky broke who owned an MMA clothing business sat his foot and seriously injured his back, near the cage during another competition Lou broke his wrist and finger, and and enthusiastically chanted ‘‘Bitches get Dominic’s retina became detached from stitches, pussies get fucked!’’ at the losers his eye twice. Garrett and Dominic had of each fight. Drawing on the larger culture elbow surgeries to remove bone fragments, of sexism thus helped the audience shame and Garrett also had surgery to remove losers in an emasculating fashion. a damaged appendix. One local fighter suf- It was not uncommon for fighters to fered bleeding in his brain and required an withdraw from competitions, presumably induced coma and brain surgery to keep due to uncontrollable fear. Promoters him alive. Because injuries were common, said that fighters often backed out at the fighters could not easily escape the specter last minute, which required them to of pain. scramble to fill holes in the fight card. In addition to fearing injury, cage fight- For each of the regional competitions ers also feared losing. Casey feared look- observed, one or two men listed on the pro- ing ‘‘like a chump in front of all these peo- gram did not participate.9 The first author ple . . . if you get knocked out at your first observed one fighter who looked at his fight in three seconds, then that’s all they competitor during weigh-ins, said he for- will remember.’’ Mike said, ‘‘You really feited the fight, and walked out. It was don’t want to let your family or teammates more common for dropouts to blame injury down,’’ and Kenneth said, ‘‘The name of or sickness, even if they had passed pre- the [MMA] school is kind of riding on fight medical exams. Although none of you. You have to represent for your the local fighters admitted that fear led school.’’ Minutes after Dean lost a fight, them to back out of a fight, they believed he said, ‘‘I feel like shit! I came out in front others—including Armand—‘‘chickened of my hometown and I got tapped out in out.’’ Armand claimed the police detained like under a minute.’’ Buster said ‘‘the him for violating probation, but others feeling of losing is the worst feeling in said privately that they did not buy it. the world, especially when you sell 100 Others were publicly ridiculed. Evoking tickets and you have a lot of your friends laugher and jeers, an announcer came and family there.’’ Jimmy said that when out before one fight and said the missing a fight starts going bad: ‘‘You start getting fighter ‘‘caught a glimpse of his opponent down on yourself. Like, ‘Oh no, he’s going and chickened out. He was afraid that he to get the chicken wing—he got the was going to get his ass handed to him.’’ chicken wing and it hurts. Ow! I look stu- Uncontrollable fear thus could undermine pid out here. I’m losing.’’’ Echoing others, fighters’ manhood acts as well as the sport these men suggested that they feared los- itself. ing because it made them feel embar- rassed and ashamed—emotions that are antithetical to cultural definitions of 9Because programs were generally printed up manhood. just before an event, we assume that fear led at In a micropolitical fashion (Clark 1990), least some of these fighters to drop out at the audience members often undermined last minute—although we cannot be sure.

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Cage fighters had much to fear. Injuries themselves understood that fights are rel- were inevitable and threatened to end their atively unpredictable because, as careers. Losing was also difficult to stom- Kenneth put it, ‘‘Think of all the things ach, although it also seems unavoidable.10 you need to about in MMA: take- Being controlled by fear, shame, or pain, downs, knees, kicks, and elbows.’’ To however, would have undermined their evoke a sense of control and minimize manhood act, as expressing such emotions fear, fighters developed game plans. We contradicted feeling rules culturally bound refer to the individual as well as the col- to manhood. But if the men could fight off lective creation, embodiment, and review their fears and foster it in their opponents, of the game plan as scripting because they might be victorious men. such work involved planning out and rehearsing combat. Whereas Zurcher FIGHTING FEAR (1982, 1985) shows how scripting mass events like football and war games shapes Fighters often said that feeling fear itself the emotions of participants and specta- was not the problem as long as they kept tors during the events, we focus on how it under control. As Taylor put it, ‘‘Fear is scripting future events shapes an okay thing as long as you can manage in the present. MMA fighters’ scripting it.’’ This belief let them off the hook if constituted managing emotional man- they felt some fear but also oriented them hood to the extent it suppressed emotions toward controlling it. As we will show, their that did not and evoked emotions that did emotion work often involved transforming resonate with cultural ideals of manhood. fear into , which is more consis- When asked how they dealt with emo- tent with cultural ideals of manhood. One tions before competitions, fighters fre- reason that feeling but managing fear is quently brought up their game plans. ‘‘okay’’ is that keeping one’s poise in a dan- Isaac responded, ‘‘I need to have a game gerous situation constitutes one of our cul- plan and stick to that. I don’t want to fight ture’s most honored characteristics of man- too much out of emotion.’’ Troy said, ‘‘I hood: bravery (see e.g., Connell 1995). As would do a lot of visualization of the event Rudyard Kipling (1976:163–64) put it in [so] I was emotionally prepared.’’ John a poem often memorized by schoolboys: ‘‘If replied, ‘‘I just think about what I want to you can keep your head when all about do. What is this guy going to try to do? If you are losing theirs and blaming it on I know he’s a southpaw, what do I have you . . . you’ll be a Man, my son!’’ To avoid to do to avoid that hook?’’ After Blake men- losing their heads, as well as their mascu- tioned that ‘‘fear and nerves work together line status, cage fighters managed emo- to make you more tired and gets your heart tional manhood through scripting, framing, rate going’’ and was asked how he ‘‘avoided and othering. feeling that way,’’ he responded:

Scripting To the untrained observer, cage fighting Just think about my training. Our game plan is always to hit it on the appears to be chaotic violence. Competitors mat whenever possible . . . and work towards first position. Within that 10Maintaining an undefeated record for more there are always plans that are some- than 10 to 15 professional MMA fights is what different. Like . . . I want to go extremely rare, perhaps due to the diversity of techniques fighters are allowed to use. Randy out there and shoot or crunch up and Couture, who is thought by many to be the best throw and try to stay on top. Just MMA fighter of all time, has a record of 18–10. because I feel like that sets the pace

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. . . and that fighter is going to feel like they remembered. Overall, such intelli- you have them totally dominated. gence gathering and sharing helped fight- ers to script game plans that bolstered con- While the inherent unpredictability of fidence and manhood. fights could evoke various fears, going Although such scripting minimized fear over one’s game plan enabled the men to as fighters prepared for competitions, suppress their fear and put on a more con- fighters believed that to be successful vincing manhood act. they needed to instill the script into More experienced fighters seemed bet- ‘‘bodily memory’’ (McCaughey 1998:290). ter able to put together game plans for As fight night neared, said Kenneth, themselves as well as others, perhaps ‘‘You should already have your game- because they were more attuned to one’s plan . . . in you right now. You don’t strengths and weaknesses. One veteran have time to be thinking about that kind trainer/fighter said, ‘‘If you’re a great of stuff during a fight.’’ To get the plan grappler then don’t stay on your feet . . . ‘‘in you,’’ Allan echoed others when he when you’re training a guy, you got to said: ‘‘I practice to the point to where it start gauging where that person performs becomes natural, where you can just do the best.’’ Another veteran, Kenneth, said it naturally in the fight situation.’’ When of a local fighter: ‘‘I know that his strength asked how he dealt with his emotions as is his athleticism, his height, his range, he prepared for a fight, Ed referenced and his explosiveness. Those things I embodying the script, ‘‘It is all about put- kept telling him [to use to his advantage].’’ ting yourself in the situation over and Developing game plans also involved over again, so that nothing is new to you. researching their opponents. Rocky said, [T]hat’s what separates the good fighters from the mediocre fighters: [Good ones] Me and Dominic get together and we don’t , they are comfortable.’’ do extensive research . . . we go to Embodying the script thus helped manage BattleBase.net—the most complete emotional manhood by evoking confidence. database of fighters thus far—and look at what his record is. I look at Embodying the script also helped fight- what his [fight] style is. I look at how ers inject some bravado into their manhood he’s won his fights. I look at how he’s acts. For example, one evening Scotty strut- lost his fights. And I implement that ted around the gym and loudly proclaimed into a strict training regimen. If I’m that he was going to win his upcoming fighting the kick boxer who wins all fight. The first author approached him his fights by knock outs, you’re going and asked, ‘‘So, you feel pretty confident to be damn sure I’m practicing my about your fight?’’ Scotty replied, ‘‘Yeah, striking....ButifIknowI’mfighting I am going to choke him out. I can feel it a wrestler, I’m going to be working on . . . I’ve been taking necks everywhere I my kick-down defenses and my go. So I will probably get him up against knock-out punches. thecageandgivehimalittle.’’ Fighters regularly searched for videos Demonstrating the script, he then threw and information about opponents on a flurry of punches followed by a high YouTube, MySpace, Facebook, and other knee before declaring, ‘‘Take him to the Internet sites for MMA fighters and fans, ground and finish it!’’ Scotty later explained such as MMAUniverse.com and Sherdog that because his opponent was a ‘‘striker’’ .com. In addition, if gym members had pre- (boxer), he planned to knee him in the viously seen a fight involving a future oppo- face, wrestle him to the ground, and stran- nent of a local member, they shared what gle him until he loses consciousness.

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Fighters also said that scripting helped example, one trainer proclaimed to them keep their fear under control during a fighter, ‘‘You lost when you didn’t listen the emotionally intense minutes before their to my game plan.’’ Keeping alive the idea fights commenced. In the locker room, fight- that scripting propelled fighters to victory ersoftenwarmedupbyhittingpadsastheir thus preserved it as a resource for manag- trainers went over their game plans. For ing emotional manhood. example, after saying, ‘‘I was real nervous, Developing, embodying, and reviewing I was sweating’’ before a recent fight and their scripts enabled fighters to keep their being asked if anything helped, Dustin emotions in check and put on convincing said:‘‘Ihadmycoachandhewasholding manhood acts. Choreographing their vio- pads as well as telling me the game plan.’’ lence was highly rational, taking into Some fighters suggested that bringing their account their opponents’ and their own scripts into the cage helped them keep their perceived strengths and weaknesses to worries under control before the first bell devise strategies. Such scripting thus not rang. After being asked if he was ‘‘experi- only signified manhood by minimizing encing fear or any type of emotions’’ when fear but also by denoting rationality, he recently entered the cage, Garrett said, a key cultural marker of manhood. ‘‘I sort of remember just being chill when I was in there. I had my game plan and I was going to try to implement it.’’ Framing Scripting also played a role in how the MMA fighters also used framing to do fighters made sense of both their victories emotion work that signified masculine and defeats in ways that preserved their selves. Following Goffman (1974), we commitment to enacting manhood through define a frame as a definition that cage fighting. Fighters, for example, main- answers the question, ‘‘What is going on tained the notion that scripting helped here?’’ Framing shapes how one not only them win and control their fear by giving thinks about a situation but also how their game plans credit for defeating oppo- one feels. Albas and Albas (1988), for nents. As Jimmy explained minutes after example, show how students minimized a successful bout, ‘‘I’m going to pat myself fear of exams in part by framing them on the back and say I stuck to my game as ‘‘quizzes.’’ Fighters’ emotional framing plan . . . I never really did get too frus- most often involved defining cage fights trated or nervous.’’ Even when their man- as (a) just another day in the gym, (b) hood acts in some ways failed (i.e., they business, and (c) a valuable experience. lost), trainers and fighters used scripting They used these strategies individually to minimize the fear that they were not and interpersonally, although they gener- cut out for the cage and evoke confidence ally hid them from members of the local that they could come out on top in the gym who did not compete in competitions. future.11 One night at the local gym, for Framing a fight as just another day in the gym boosted confidence and mitigated fear by defining competitions as banal. 11While some might argue that losing under- mined their manhood acts, because the sport is Although the audience, announcers, ring marketed as a contest of violent masculinity, we girls, medical professionals, and steel think that most people view participants— cage made competitions objectively differ- regardless of their win/loss record—as credibly ent than training, fighters often equated masculine (the same could be said of professional fights with everyday training. Lou said football players on losing teams). Of course, win- ning likely boosts one’s masculine status more that he kept ‘‘calm and composed’’ by than losing. thinking ‘‘in my mind that [the fight] is

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on December 7, 2011 424 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(4) a sparring match. [I] think of it as another whenyoustepintothecage...youjust day in the gym.’’ When asked how they go and do your job. It is like an everyday dealt with their emotions prior to a compe- office guy.’’ Steven said that when he tition, Scotty said, ‘‘Just be natural and do goes into the cage, he ‘‘must remain the same things that I do in the gym’’; a sportsman about it and understand Felix answered, ‘‘I basically want the that it’s a profession.’’ Larry said, ‘‘A true mindset that I have in practice’’; and professional in this sport approaches this Nick said he ‘‘stay[s] cool because it’s just as a business . . . I got to put this dude like every other day in training.’’ Such down and get my money so I can put framing thus managed emotional man- food on the table.’’ When asked how he hood by mitigating fear. dealt with his pre-fight emotions minutes Unlike scripting, framing fights as ‘‘just after he won his first fight, Forest said, another day in the gym’’ was not part of ‘‘I had to turn into a professional . . . I the culture of the local gym. Because wanted to be calm.’’ Although newcomers many men trained but did not participate sometimes used this strategy, the more in competitions, MMA fighters preserved experienced fighters most often invoked their status as more dominant men by the rhetoric of professionalism and busi- maintaining a public distinction between ness, probably because they could more training and competition. Backstage, how- credibly claim it. ever, MMA competitors learned about this Cage fighters’ framing of fighting as emotion management strategy from vet- a business endeavor was commonplace at eran fighters and trainers. When asked the gym, perhaps because it reinforced about how he helps fighters control their the status differences between competitive pre-fight emotions, for example, Dominic fighters and those they occasionally said: derided (in interviews) as ‘‘hobbyists.’’ In addition to overtly referencing profession- A lot of those conversations happen alism in the gym, fighters alluded to it behind closed doors. [Or] at three in by talking about prize money. One of the the morning. You get a phone call more successful fighters, Rocky, for exam- from a fighter and he is like, ‘‘I don’t ple, bragged one evening that he never know that I can do this.’’ And you accepted a fight for less than $1,000 and have to be like, ‘‘Yes, you can. You talked about being on of gaining do this every day in the gym.’’ sponsors who would help him double his Whereas fighters often presented them- pot. Although competitive fighters often selves as invincible in the gym, they evoked the business metaphor, none expressed more vulnerability backstage. turned a profit. They usually fought in In these hidden moments, more experi- no more than three matches a year, most enced fighters often engaged in interper- of which paid $200 if they showed up sonal emotion work to ease their fears. and an additional $200 if they won, while Although such emotional support is cul- the fighters spent $100 a month on gym turally coded as ‘‘feminine,’’ new fighters memberships. Even Rocky admitted, pri- used what they learned to enact emotional vately, that he was considering quitting manhood. because he could no longer afford it. In addition to defining the fight as In contradiction to framing the fight as another day in the gym, fighters also man- ‘‘just another day in the gym,’’ the fighters aged fear by framing the fight as business. also mitigated fear by framing the fight as For example, Victor said, ‘‘Before a fight a valuable experience. Newcomers more you are always a little nervous . . . but often used this strategy than veterans.

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When asked what helped him deal with proceeding to similarly frame his own emotions before a recent fight, Steven recent loss: said, ‘‘I just kind of looked at it as there’s nopressureonme...it’sanopportunity, He said that [his loss] was the best obviously, to get some experience and [I thing that ever happened to him. . . . should] just go out and enjoy it.’’ Isaac man- When you are able to gain more from aged emotional manhood by framing a fight a loss, in some cases it can become in the wider context of his biography: a win. And mentally, I think it does more for your psyche. [H]aving suf- fered [a] loss . . . the next fight that When I showed up . . . all those you have, your mental preparation crept into my mind. Doubts like, ‘‘Why will probably be a little bit more crisp in the hell am I doing this?’’ There is and sharp. . . . The reinforcement is, obviously a risk of having your face ‘‘This is one to learn from. Don’t let punched in. . . . ‘‘Why am I doing this same thing happen again.’’ this to myself? Why do I put myself in this position?’’ So for me what Framing losing as lessons thus helped works is just to sit back . . . and say, ‘‘I’m doing something that is so impor- fighters with various levels of experience tant to me. And it is something that I keep their fear in check and maintain want to do so badly. And that this is commitment to cage fighting, both of something that I am going to remem- which signified manhood. ber for a long time. That is why this Framing fights as another day in the is making me this nervous.’’ gym, a business opportunity, and a valuable experience helped MMA fighters managed In this example, Issac explains how he emotional manhood by keeping their fear manages his fear by framing a fight as under control. In addition, by framing one of his life’s most cherished moments. fighting as business, they also drew on cul- Doing so swept his doubts under the rug, tural ideals of manhood (Connell 1995). enabling him to more convincingly display Whileframing—likescripting—wassome- emotional manhood. times collaborative, all of the frames were While losing matches could make fight- not shared publicly. Framing competitions ers fear that they were no longer cut out as similar to training was a form of private for the cage, framing their losses as valu- emotional support among competitors and able learning experiences often eased their trainers, while framing fights as business fears and gave them enough confidence to or valuable experiences was part of the continue. Nick said, for example, that local gym’s front-stage culture. This helped a recent ‘‘loss taught me a lot of things position competitive fighters as superior to about being inside the cage, a lot about hobbyists, furthering the manly image of being calm and my nerves and just how those brave enough to enter the cage. to compose myself in the cage. So this time coming in I am ready for it.’’ Dean emphasized that even if one loses, one Othering gains: ‘‘And all my lessons learned from Fighters also mitigated fear and bolstered losing are the kind of lessons that stick.’’ confidence and by defining them- Fighters seemed to have learned this selves as superior to their opponents. strategy of viewing losses as learning Such ‘‘othering’’ (see e.g., Schwalbe et al. experiences from other fighters. For exam- 2000)—whether it involved creating pow- ple, Steven explained how a famous erful virtual selves (‘‘implicit othering’’) fighter made sense of losing before or defining their opponents as inferior

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(‘‘oppressive othering’’)—made them feel With Scotty, however, Kenneth took a dif- like victory was within reach. As we will ferent strategy: show, both the meanings of such othering and its emotional impact helped fighters We didn’t bring in enough yuppies for signify credible masculine selves. him to beat up on. His training part- Managing emotional manhood via oth- ners were all people who he could ering was often an interpersonal process probably never beat in a fight. . . . and generally involved more experienced And so with that he has developed this mindset where he is very comfort- gym members easing the less experienced able being on his back, being in a bad members’ fears. ‘‘If I say, ‘Oh, I feel position, being beat up. With him you uncomfortable with this,’’’ Donovan said just want to tell him that, ‘‘You know that his trainer tells him, ‘‘‘You got great what, Scotty, you know what you are hands [and] can take this guy down doing, you can finish people. You do [and] submit him.’’’ Henry said of his it all the time.’’ trainers, ‘‘They’re building me up, telling me I got all the ability in the world [and] These excerpts demonstrate how trainers I’ll win.’’ Tanner said his fears were eased incorporate their perceptions of each fight- when ‘‘my teammate told me that there is er’s ‘‘mindset’’ and training into their no way in the world that this guy is going interpersonal emotion management strat- to be as tough as the guys you’re training egies. Such implicit othering was with.’’ Felix explained that his trainer intended, as Kenneth put it, to make fight- gave him the ‘‘usual pep talk’’ before ers ‘‘confident.’’ Transforming fear into a recent fight: ‘‘‘You’ve trained better confidence was crucial in enabling fighters than this guy. You’re a better fighter.’’’ to put on a credible manhood act. Trainers and gym mates thus painted Fighters individually used creative var- fighters as superior to their opponents, iations of these othering strategies to quell which mitigated fear and bolstered their their fears and emotionally prepare them- confidence and pride as dominant men. selves for battle. A few drew on cultural Interviews with trainers revealed that products such as films and racial stereo- such othering was intended to manage types. When asked how he kept his fear men’s pre-fight jitters. When asked how in check, Cecil, an African American he kept his fighters from ‘‘getting ner- fighter, said: vous,’’ one trainer said: ‘‘I was telling Colby before this fight, ‘This guy is not Right before my fight, I go ahead and even in your league. He shouldn’t even do my pre-fight ritual. [Guys from] be fighting you.’’’ Another trainer, my gym call me ‘‘King Kong’’ because Kenneth, said that he takes into account of my grappling style and [so] I what he knows about the fighters’ habits awaken that inner gorilla ...Irock and training when crafting an emotionally back and forth and I have visions of uplifting message: a gorilla coming out of a cage, [like] when King Kong comes out of the I was really pumping Rocky up cage and he pounds his chest power- because I know that’s what he needs. fully just as lightning strikes. I hear He is just a testosterone-laden guy. I the thunder and [see] lightning hit- am like, ‘‘You are going to out athleti- ting the ground when I roar. You cism this guy, you are so much stron- hear my roar and you look at my ger,’’ and I got him to be really aggres- eyes. And I am ready to go into the sive . . . and feel really confident. cage.

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Like medical students envisioning them- The specific thing that I always tell selves as healers in order to mitigate their myself is that I am way smarter than fear of disgust (Smith and Kleinman the other guy. And that may or may 1989), Cecil quelled fear and bolstered con- not be true obviously, but that’s the thought I have because everybody fidence by viewing himself as an animalis- trains their asses off for a fight. . . . tic monster. He thus drew on a film to For me, I am going to say—while I am symbolically align himself with dehuman- looking across [the cage]—that, ‘‘I izing stereotypes of violent African know you trained hard, but I trained American men (see Collins 2004), which better. I trained smarter. I know more ironically helped him emotionally signify of what I am doing than you do. I am that he was a ‘‘real man.’’ goingtobeabletothinkfasterthan Fighters’ othering used not only you and be able to deal with any situa- scripts, but also video games tion you put me in better than you.’’ as resources. After Rocky asserted that he does not fear the cage, he was asked Similar to other fighters, he boosted his how he managed that. He said: confidence by constructing a powerful vir- tual self as intellectually superior to his I pretty much think of it as a video opponent. As he implied, however, the emo- game. He has a little energy bar and tion work strategy’s success at mitigating a stamina bar above his head and every time I hit him that bar goes down. I try fear was contingent on denying the fact to think about the fact that every sec- that ‘‘it may not be true.’’ Suspending dis- ond that I don’t hit him that energy belief likely helped him as well as others bar may be going back up. I think of manage emotional manhood. myself the same way, except I pretend Instead of focusing on their own mental that my energy bar never goes down. or physical acuity, some fighters painted It’s just like I am in invincible mode. opponents as, emotionally speaking, insuf- ficiently masculine. When Dominic was Similar to medical students who manage asked how he dealt with his nerves before emotions by, for example, ‘‘dehumanizing’’ entering the cage, he said, a patient as a ‘‘broken toaster’’ (Smith and Kleinman 1989:61), Rocky muted fear I like thinking about the fact that by constructing his opponent as well as whatever the other guy is doing, himself as pixelated pugilists. His othering you’re going to beat him anyway. If also conveyed masculine dominance by rep- the guy needs to cry like a girl in order resenting his virtual self as so ‘‘invincible’’ to fight, you are still going to beat that ‘‘nothing can hurt me.’’ him. If he needs his parents in the In addition to defining themselves as stands to support him, you are still going to beat him. physically superior to their opponents, fighters also regulated emotions by con- structing themselves as mentally superior. Drawing on the larger culture, Dominic Rocky explained his thoughts before the thus constructed competitors as fearful fight, ‘‘I’m not intimidated . . . I’m just as girls who depended on others (‘‘parents’’) strong mentally as I am physically,’’ and for emotional support. Other fighters sim- Allan said, ‘‘I think, ‘My will is a little bit ilarly managed their own fear by imagin- stronger than yours.’’’ When asked how ing their opponent as fearful, which is cul- he dealt with his emotions before a fight, turally associated with women. As a veteran fighter said: a veteran local fighter put it:

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What I think about ...isnotthat I’m the cage. Larry’s trainer then told him nervous, but I’m thinking about the that he had requested a ‘‘special song’’ be fact that he’s fucking nervous, you played for his own entrance. As Bruce know what I’m saying? I know that Springsteen’s ‘‘Born in the USA’’ began somewhere deep down in his heart to play loudly over the sound system, the there’s at least one ounce of fear or crowd erupted.12 Larry glanced at his apprehensiveness or tentativeness and I just like to play on that. I imag- trainer and cracked a smile, pounded his ine that he’s scared shitless. fists together, and confidently growled, ‘‘I’m taking this fucker to school’’ as they entered the arena. Similar to how nascent male-to-female Fighters’ othering—which defined transsexuals engage in ‘‘personal pep fighters as superior to their opponents— talks’’ to control fear when preparing to constituted managing emotional man- go out in public as women (Schrock, hood. Such othering drew on cultural Boyd, and Leaf 2009), fighters’ masculinist ideals and stereotypes, was accomplished self-talk bolstered their confidence as they individually and interpersonally, and not set forth to bash symbolic women. only kept fighters’ fear under control but Before fighters left the locker room and bolstered confidence as they entered an entered the arena, trainers often engaged objectively fear-inducing situation. Thus, in othering to emotionally prepare them. othering cultivated emotional expressions Before one fight Emil ran in place back- that resonated with gendered feeling rules stage, fixing his eyes on the ground, and and signified, in the dramaturgical sense, his trainer leaned in and in a dramatic a masculine self. tone said, ‘‘You got more heart.’’ Emil nod- ded once and continued to run in place, FOSTERING FEAR before the trainer leaned in again and Another way fighters managed emotional said a little more loudly, ‘‘You’re the manhood was by fostering fear in their best.’’ The trainer then peeked out at the opponents. Inducing fear in other men audience momentarily before moving just essentially signified that they themselves inches from Emil’s face, saying in a serious were so powerful that they could turn tone and with widened eyes, ‘‘All these other men, emotionally speaking, into people came to see you.’’ The trainer women. Such emotional micropolitics not then glanced toward Emil’s opponent only raised one’s own status (Clark warming up a few feet away and said, 1990) but also signified masculine ‘‘He is not going to steal it from you.’’ selves—that is, it conveyed that they Emil began rhythmically nodding his were in control of not only their own but head and banging his fists together. As also their opponents’ feelings. music began and the announcer dramati- Competitions provided many opportu- cally introduced Emil, he left the locker nities for the men to try to evoke fear in room and made his way to the cage. their opponents. The day before a match, Nationalism and implicit racism were fighters saw each other during weigh-ins also occasionally used in such othering, and meetings with promoters and which bolstered confidence as fighters officials. Fighters sometimes strategically headed to the cage. In the locker room before one contest, Larry and his 12Although the lyrics of this song are critical of trainer—both of whom were white and the United States, it was used here (as well as in U.S. citizens—were waiting as Larry’s most public events where it is played) in a nation- opponent—a Peruvian national—entered alist fashion.

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on December 7, 2011 Managing Emotional Manhood 429 presented themselves backstage in of fighters to weigh in, however, fighters and intimidating opponents; they walked trainers coalesced into gym-based groups around ‘‘trying to be a badass,’’ as one and—except for the announcer calling up fighter put it. Local fighters sometimes opponents—the room was silent. When donned new hairstyles at competitions called, fighters walked up to the center of that bolstered their tough image, such as the stage, wearing nothing but boxers, getting a Mohawk, dying their hair out- and stepped on a scale. After their weight landish colors, or shaving it off. was announced, they flexed their muscles Interviewees sometimes strategically dis- and briefly posed for pictures. Once each played their physique and, if given opponent did this, the two men posed a chance, added some verbal innuendo together for ‘‘stare down’’ photos, in which intended to evoke fear. After discussing they stood eye-to-eye in fighting stances. how he managed his own fear, for exam- When asked how he tried to intimidate ple, Taylor said, ‘‘Not everybody is built his opponent during the pre-fight ritual, like me. I’ve had guys that have just Forrest said: seen me and backed out of a fight before.’’ Asked to expound, he described what hap- You never let them know that you’re pened at a tough man contest: scared of them. So you always look them dead in the eye. Never back I’m walking around with my shirt off. down, never do anything to make it . . . And another guy walks up to me look like you’re nervous. You know, and he says, ‘‘Hey what weight class just pretend like you’re—act like are you fighting in?’’ And I said, ‘‘I’m you’re confident the whole time. fighting a light weight.’’ And he looks at me and he’s like, ‘‘Man, there is no Keeping one’s own fear under control was way you’re a light weight.’’ And since thus key to instilling fear in opponents. then I ain’t never seen that guy again. Fighters typically put on one of three He was obviously in my weight class intimidating personas during the stare [and] was like, ‘‘Shit.’’ And the next down: (a) the arrogantly confident ‘‘High thing you know, all the promoters School Quarterback,’’ (b) the barely con- were talking, ‘‘We just lost a fighter.’’ trollable angry ‘‘Wide-Eyed Madman,’’ or (mutual laughter) Intimidation is 13 a huge, huge, huge portion of it. (c) the unflappable ‘‘Bored Russian.’’ The most overt attempts to induce fear Here Taylor suggests that he evoked fear were the ‘‘madmen,’’ who often invaded in his opponent by going shirtless and dis- opponents’ personal space and made playing his considerable muscularity. bodily contact. Telling his opponent that he was fighting On the day of the fight, fighters usually ‘‘a light weight’’ instead of ‘‘in the light had opportunities to intimidate each other weight division’’ may have also been backstage, as they often shared a locker effective. room or had backstage areas that were The weigh-in ritual was a key moment connected. For example, Dustin said, in which fighters attempted to intimidate each other. It generally began with fight- 13The prototypes listed here are part of a story ers being called up for quick medical that appears on multiple MMA Web sites (see checkups. During this time, the room e.g., http://www.mmauniverse.com/articles/SS118). was filled with chatter and laughter as Although all fighters’ presentations did not per- fighters, trainers, and promoters from dif- fectly resemble one of these ideal types, their self- presentations generally reflected one of them ferent cities mingled. When it was time for more closely than another.

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‘‘The way the locker rooms were set up, I attempted to do this in a subtle fashion. could see [my opponent] watching me When asked if they tried to intimidate when I was warming up.’’ Dustin said he opponents once in the ring, Tommy said, looked at his trainer and said loudly, ‘‘I try to look at his face when the referee ‘‘Are you ready for me to knock this is talking to us’’; another said, ‘‘I give my mother fucker out? I’m going to fuck him opponent a little stare-down and intimi- up!’’ He added, ‘‘I could just tell he didn’t date him’’; and Ayden said, ‘‘I just come want to fight me . . . he was worried about out and let him know that I’m not afraid. it.’’ When Garrett similarly saw his oppo- I size him up and give a little stare.’’ nent checking him out in the locker Fighters’ demeanor was thus part of their room, he whacked the punching mitts his dramaturgical arsenal. trainer was holding with particular vigor, African American fighters sometimes hoping to intimidate his opponent. presented themselves in ways that reso- Managing emotional manhood thus nated with racial stereotypes, hoping to involved using the body and language in evoke fear in opponents. Dion would enter attempt to control others’ emotions. the ring doing ‘‘the gorilla stomp, just to Some interviewees, especially new- intimidate my opponent . . . and get the comers, revealed that their opponents’ crowd going.’’ At one event he was backstage presentations sometimes observed running into the cage and jump- evoked fear in them. Once when Garrett ing vertically about four feet into the air arrived at the arena for pre-fight activi- before stomping down on the middle of ties, he found out that the promoters the mat with both feet, shaking the whole changed his opponent and saw his new cage and creating a loud noise that rever- one ‘‘looking all rugged, I was intimi- berated through the arena. He then dated.’’ Lou said his confidence was charged at his opponent, who was ‘‘utterly shattered’’ when he saw his oppo- required to remain in his corner, and nent moments before his fight, suggesting repeated the gorilla stomp, coming down he ‘‘would not be surprised if this guy left a mere foot from his competitor as he weigh-in and shot steroids . . . he was yelled in unison with the roaring crowd. impressively bigger [by] 20 pounds.’’ Immediately after this fight, the loser Doug said of his opponent, ‘‘When I got was asked how he felt before the opening a look at him it was intimidating [because] bell: ‘‘I was terrified.’’ Taylor, another he looks like someone in a bar that would African American, fashioned himself in beat the shit out of you . . . I was nervous.’’ stereotypical gang attire, wearing dark Dean explained how when he first saw his glasses and a doo-rag, and sometimes opponent, ‘‘a big stocky old man,’’ he a black t-shirt with ‘‘Danger’’ printed on thought, ‘‘‘Oh man! I’m going to have to the front, and generally entered the arena out-wrestle him.’ [Then] I see a Wacala to a song that started with gun shots. wrestling bag. Wacala is a really good When asked about his presentation, wrestling program. So I was like, ‘Damn, Taylor, a college-educated information there goes wrestling [from my game technology professional, responded: plan]!’’’ Opponents’ presentations could thus unravel their game plans and confi- That’s all Hollywood. I’m not a gangster. dence, although they tried to not to show Do I sound like a gangster? . . . I kind of it. putallthatintoapersona....Ifme Many fighters said they tried to intimi- coming out to some music or wearing date opponents when entering the cage. somethingonmyface,orglasseswill Most often fighters said that they put a little ounce of in this guy’s

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head, make him think, ‘‘Hey, man, this engaging in discursive acts, the fighters is a bad mother fucker right here,’’ it’s sometimes broke through their opponents’ only to my benefit. emotional defenses. Regulating their own emotions played a role in this micropoliti- WhileDion’sandTaylor’sperformance cal emotion work—whether presenting constituted ‘‘ work’’ (Smith 2008) themselves as calm and collected or on because it could generate crowd excite- the verge of . In addition, some men ment, it also managed emotional manhood of color strategically embodied racial ster- by evoking fear in their opponents. This eotypes that have long been used to con- worked in part because the cultural ster- trol minority men as a resource to exert eotypes of African American men orient power over others. Regardless of the strat- others to view them as dangerously ani- egy used, the implication of this emotion malistic and criminal (Collins 2004). work was that they, as men, should be If fighters sensed or caught glimpses of respected and feared. fear in opponents’ faces, it affirmed their own manhood and motivated them to fight with confidence. In a post-victory inter- CONCLUSION view, for example, Benny said he knew Mixed martial arts competitors feared ‘‘the fight was mine’’ before it started injury and losing and needed to manage because ‘‘I could sense that he just wasn’t these emotions to put on a convincing readytofightmeatall...hewasner- manhood act. Through scripting game vous.’’ Casey offered a bit more detail in plans; framing the fight as another day his post-fight interview: ‘‘I looked across in the gym, business, or a valuable experi- the cage at him—his face—he seemed ence; and othering opponents as inferior, kind-ofscared.AndIthought...that fighters usually kept their fear under I’m probably going to win this. So I went enough control to enter the cage. They out and shot right away and knocked accomplished such emotion management him down.’’ If their own violence evoked personally and interpersonally and not fear in opponents during a fight, the men only suppressed fear but evoked confi- felt particularly powerful and motivated dence. Fighters also engaged in a kind of to finish them off. As Rocky said: micropolitical emotion management, seek- ing to instill fear in opponents by strategi- Once they’re all bruised up and I see cally using language and their bodies to the fear in their eyes and, man, I see enact intimidating personas. that they realize that the fight isn’t Whereas most scholarship on gendered going to be as easy as they thought it was going to be—or that their game emotion work focuses on how women man- plan isn’t working like they thought age emotions at work and home in ways it was going to—that’s really what that reinforce their subordination (e.g., gets me going. DeVault 1999; Elliott and Umberson 2008), we show how men do emotion Evoking fear in their opponents could thus work aimed at facilitating domination. work back on fighters’ own emotions, moti- We also show, however, that fighters’ vating them to confidently attack. experience shaped how they managed Managing emotional manhood involves emotions and that despite their best not only fighting one’s own fear but also efforts, their fears often came true. The trying to evoke it in others. By strategi- most experienced fighters more credibly cally manipulating their appearance, used some strategies (e.g., the rhetoric of engaging in nonverbal posturing, and professionalism) than did newcomers,

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on December 7, 2011 432 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(4) and as more ‘‘privileged emotion manag- otherwise—are commonly interpreted as ers’’ (Orzechowicz 2008), they were better signifying one is a real ‘‘man’’ or ‘‘woman.’’ able to quell or transform their fear. As our study suggests, controlling one’s Similar to leaders of support groups own fear while fostering it in others is (Francis 1997; Thoits 1996), experienced key to the identity code of manhood. fighters more often acted as emotional Understanding that emotion manage- guides who not only managed newcomers’ ment may constitute gendered identity fear but taught them strategies that they work may enrich our understanding of could use individually or on other fight- qualitative and quantitative research ers—that is, they passed down some ‘‘emo- that has found sex differences in emotion tional capital’’ (Cahill 1999) to the next work. In her structural equation analysis, generation of cage fighters. More gener- for example, Lively (2008:927) finds that ally, although all fighters’ emotion work men efficiently transition from one emo- aimed to manage their fears of losing tion to another whereas women making and pain, because fighters inevitably lose similar transitions generally ‘‘move and are injured, the sport created the con- through more intervening emotions.’’ She ditions under which their emotion work suggests that these differences may be was in some ways ‘‘doomed to fail’’ (Copp due to how men and women’s brains dif- 1998). While such failure could lead some ferently process emotions, social structure, fighters to quit, our analysis shows how or ‘‘subculture variation’’ in how women many used some of the same emotion and men feel and manage emotions work strategies (scripting and framing) (Lively 2008:929). Consistent with our to quell fears that they were not cut out approach, another possibility may be that for the sport, bolstering commitment to men do emotion work more efficiently the cage despite repeated beatings. because expressing many emotions, espe- Our study also contributes to sociologi- cially those indicating vulnerability, is cal social psychology by developing the inconsistent with signifying masculine notion of ‘‘managing emotional manhood’’ selves (and vice versa for women). in order to bring together insights from Erickson and Ritter (2001:160) find that research on emotions and gender and men are more likely than women to expe- research on emotions and identity work. rience agitation at work but less likely to In doing so, we promote an interactionist manage it, suggesting it might be due to approach that views emotion, identity, ‘‘power and status’’ or the different types and gender as intertwined social pro- of jobs men and women typically hold. cesses. Because people are held account- We might add that because anger is one able to present appropriately gendered of the few emotional expressions that is self-presentations (West and Zimmerman consistent with the identity code for ‘‘being 1987), their emotion management is often a man,’’ men may feel freer to express irri- geared toward signifying gender identity. tation at work (and vice versa for women). One implication of this is that emotion Ethnographic research comparing how scholars should move beyond considering men and women differently manage emo- gendered feeling rules as ‘‘masculine’’ or tions at work suggest that gender sociali- ‘‘feminine,’’ as if these concepts have zation leads women to engage in feminine some objective status (see Bem’s [1993] and men to engage in masculine styles of critique). Instead, we advocate viewing emotion management, which preserves such rules as part of an ‘‘identity code’’ status distinctions (Lewis 2005; Lois (Schwalbe and Mason-Schrock 1996) 2003; Martin 1999; Pierce 1995). Our anal- that defines what acts—emotional or ysis would suggest that such differences

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on December 7, 2011 Managing Emotional Manhood 433 may exist because men and women’s emo- identity codes), the processes through tion work are part of their differently gen- which men regulate emotions (emotion dered identity work projects. Thus, while management), and how such regulation socialization, status hierarchies, and signifies a virtual masculine self (identity working conditions may indeed shape work). Furthermore, whereas it has been emotion work, our approach would empha- said that men and other dominant groups size that people still put their agency to attempt to evoke fear in subordinates to usetoregulateemotionssoastosignify better control them (e.g., Schwalbe et al. their gendered identities. 2000), our study suggests that controlling More broadly, our analysis shows how one’s own fear may also be important for culture is implicated in gendered emotion maintaining one’s power or at least deriv- work. In addition to providing the identity ing compensatory benefits from those who categories and codes that enable us to control distribution systems. interpret an emotional display as signify- While case studies are limited in that ing the gender identity, we can also see they cannot be generalized to a larger pop- how culture is a ‘‘tool kit’’ (Swidler 1986) ulation, they can help us develop robust of resources that can be used to accom- ‘‘sensitizing concepts’’ (Blumer 1969), plish gendered emotion work. More specif- which are useful for analyzing trans-situa- ically, our analysis shows how fighters tional processes. Much previous research mitigated fear and cultivated confidence provides glimpses of managing emotional by using cultural ideals of men as rational, manhood, including studies of male business-minded, and physically intimi- stalkers (Dunn 2002), rapists (Scully dating (Connell 1995). In addition, the 1990), and batterers (Hearn 1998) that men sometimes drew on stereotypes of show how such men blunt empathy and/ women as dependent and overemotional or evoke fear and shame in women. And, and of men of color as animal-like and as suggested earlier, much research on criminal (Collins 2004) to manage emo- men’s emotional work lives—including tions. Furthermore, fighters’ emotion studies of health care workers (Lewis work helps reproduce the cultural ideals 2005), rescue workers (Lois 2003), and that men should feel confident and fear- lawyers (Pierce 1995)—can similarly be less in the quest to dominate others. Of viewed as showing how men’s emotion course, MMA fighters have a larger audi- management constitutes manhood acts. ence than do most others who do so. While future research may uncover impor- Because MMA is the fastest growing pro- tant variations, we suspect managing fessional sport in contemporary society emotional manhood is a social process (Snowden 2008), such gendered emotion that can be examined in diverse settings. work (as well as their violence) also consti- One direction for future research that tutes a cultural product consumed by the would deepen our understanding of man- masses. aging emotional manhood would be to Our study also demonstrates the value investigate how men in different contexts of adopting a social psychological approach manage emotions in addition to fear— to emotions for gender scholars of men and such as , anger, and empathy—as masculinity. Although research and the- part of their identity work. We also think ory on men and masculinity often suggests microsociologists should examine how men are supposed to be emotionally inex- women’s emotion management is impli- pressive (Connell 1995; Sattel 1976), social cated in not only their subordination psychology can deepen our understanding but also their gendered identity work; of why that is the case (feeling rules/ that is, how they ‘‘manage emotional

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on December 7, 2011 434 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(4) womanhood.’’14 It may also be fruitful to ACKNOWLEDGMENTS systematically examine people breaking The authors would like to acknowledge Daphne the feeling rules proscribed for their sex Holden, Brian Powell, John Reynolds, Deana category, as is the case with women who Rohlinger, Robin Simon, J. Sumerau, John participate in MMA or men who partici- Taylor, as well as members of the FSU pate in groups that encourage the open Inequalities Working Group for their helpful com- ments on earlier drafts of this article. The authors expression of shame and fear. Such would also like to thank Cathryn Johnson and the ‘‘cross-gendered’’ emotion work may anonymous reviewers for their useful suggestions. involve some strategies used in gendered emotion work, yet the meanings of and REFERENCES thus the responses to such work may be very different. And finally, since gender Acker, Joan. 1990. ‘‘Hierarchies, Jobs, Bodies: identity is intertwined with race, class, A Theory of Gendered Organizations.’’ and sexual identity, microsociologists Gender and Society 4:139–58. Albas, Cheryl and Daniel Albas. 1988. should explore more thoroughly how these ‘‘Emotion Work and Emotion Rules: The statuses are implicated in gendered feel- Case of Exams.’’ Qualitative Sociology ing rules and emotion work (see e.g., 11:259–74. Wilkins 2010; Wingfield 2010). Anderson, Elijah. 1999. Code of the Street: Putting on a convincing manhood act Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City. New York: W.W. Norton. requires more than using language and Bartky, Sandra. 1995. ‘‘Feeding Egos and the body; it also requires emotion work. Tending Wounds: Deference and By suppressing fear, empathy, pain, and Disaffection in Women’s Emotional shame and evoking confidence and pride, Labor.’’ In Power, Dignity and Social males signify their alleged possession of Structure: Readings in Multicultural Social Theory, edited by M. Rogers. New masculine selves. Such emotion work York: McGraw-Hill. may thus create an emotional orientation Bem, Sandra L. 1993. The Lenses of Gender: that primes men to subordinate and Transforming the Debate on Sexual harm others. And by signifying masculine Inequality. New Haven, CT: Yale selves through evoking fear and shame in University Press. Blumer, Herbert. 1969. Symbolic Interactionism: others, such men are likely to more easily Perspective and Method. Englewood Cliffs, secure others’ deference and accrue NJ: Prentice Hall. rewards and status. Managing emotional Cahill, Spencer E. 1999. ‘‘Emotional Capital manhood, whether it occurs in a locker and Professional Socialization: The Case room or boardroom, at home or the Oval of Mortuary Science Students (and Me).’’ Social Psychology Quarterly 62:101–16. Office, likely plays a key role in maintain- Cahill, Spencer E. and Robin Eggleston. 1994. ing unequal social arrangements. ‘‘Managing Emotions in Public: The Case of Wheelchair Users.’’ Social Psychology Quarterly 57:300–12. Cancian, Francesca M. and Steven F. Gordon. 1988. ‘‘Changing Emotion Norms in 14Hochschild’s research on dual-career rela- Marriage: Love and Anger in U.S. tionships comes close to this. It is here that she Women’s Magazines Since 1900.’’ Gender suggests that one’s emotion work is ‘‘guided by and Society 2:308–42. an ideologically informed aim ...tosustain a cer- Clark, Candace. 1990. ‘‘Emotions and tain gendered ego-ideal, to be for example a ‘cook- Micropolitics in Everyday Life: Some ies-and-milk mom’ or a ‘career woman’’’ Patterns and Paradoxes of Place.’’ Pp. (Hochschild 1990:129). Yet the notion of an ‘‘ego 305–33 in Research Agendas in the ideal’’ is more consistent with viewing identity Sociology of Emotions, edited by T. as part of the self-concept than with identity as Kemper. Albany, NY: State University of a dramaturgical construction. New York Press.

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Wingfield, Adia H. 2010. ‘‘Are Some Emotions in sociological social psychology. He is Marked ‘White’s Only’? Racialized Feeling a symbolic interactionist interested in Rules in Professional Workplaces.’’ Social the study of gender, emotions, identity, Problems 57:251–68. and embodiment. Wolkomir, Michelle. 2001. ‘‘Emotion Work, Commitment, and the Authentication of the Self—The Case of Gay and Ex-Gay Douglas P. Schrock is an associate pro- Christian Support Groups.’’ Journal of fessor in the Department of Sociology at Contemporary Ethnography 30:305–34. Florida State University. His research Zurcher, Louis A. 1982. ‘‘The Staging of focuses on how emotion, identity, narra- Emotion: A Dramaturgical Analysis.’’ tive, and the body are implicated in gen- Symbolic Interaction 5:1–22. der construction and the reproduction of Zurcher, Louis A. 1985. ‘‘The War Game: inequalities. Organizational Scripting and the Expression of Emotion.’’ Symbolic Janice M. McCabe is an assistant pro- Interaction 8:191–206. fessor in the Department of Sociology at Florida State University. She studies BIOS gender, race/ethnicity, sexuality, educa- tion, and childhood. Her current projects Christian A. Vaccaro is a visiting assis- include investigations of inequalities in tant professor in the Department of college culture, youths’ social networks, Sociology at Indiana University of same-sex behavior during young adulthood, Pennsylvania. His research interests are and media representations of children.

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