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S-0882-0005-08-00001

Expanded Number S-0882-0005-08-00001

Title |tems-in-Yugoslav! a

Date Created 19/04/1967

Record Type Archival Item

Container s-0882-0005: Correspondence Files of the Secretary-General: U Thant: with Heads of State, Governments, Permanent Representatives and Observers to the United Nations

Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit UNITED NATIONS Press Section Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (FOR USE OF INFORMATION MEDIA — NOT AN OFFICIAL RECORD)

Prsss Release L/T/72^ 2 June 1971

YUGOSLAVIA^RATIFIES, HUMAN RIGHTS COVENANTS

Yugoslavia has ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The instrument of ratification was deposited today. So far, 11 countries have signified their intention to be bound by the two Human Rights Covenants: Bulgaria, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Ecuador, Iraq, Libyan Arab Republic, Syria, Tunisia, Uruguay and Yugoslavia. Each of the Covenants -will come into force three months after the thirty-fifth instrument of ratification or accession has been deposited with the United Nations. The tvo Covenants and an Optional Protocol to the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights were adopted by the General Assembly on 16 December 1966. The Covenant, on Economic. Social and Cultural Rights will bind parties to take steps with a view to achieving progressively the full realization of a series of rights. These include the right to work, to form and join trade unions, to social security, to an adequate standard of living, to education and to take part in cultural life. The Covenant on Civil and Political Rights will obligate States parties to ensure that all individuals within its jurisdiction enjoy a number of rights. These include the right to life, liberty, security of person, freedom of movement and residence, equality before courts, presumption of innocence when charged with a crime, freedom of thought and religion, freedom to hold opinions, freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, freedom of association, protection of the family, and participation in voting and public affairs.

-X-X-K .VS*V7.,V«.:.~»r r.».vrr,v,^..BOSSOja, ^IWRflX A 4. ato A talk with Yu

, -. <.$ Alberto if oraiw, the Italian writer, West Jordan and Gaza, but this happening there is a healthy reaction -rgcgntiy: interviewed the, 79-year-old would eventually depend on the Is- to internal conflicts. raelis. Three years ago, in Algiers, I •Marshal Tito who just started his last It seems to me that the Chinese discussed their problems with some people will successfully resolve these •term as President. The interview took Palestinian representatives. They conflicts by overcoming many grave -place qf Tito's.villa on the Adriatic stressed the fact that Arabs and Jews difficulties; and this, I must add, will .island, of Brioni. had lived together in peace for centu- permit them to adopt a much more '

i...... ries until the arrival of the Zionists. flexible posture in their foreign poli- By Alberto Moravia According to the Palestinians, cy. erican Newspaper Alliance what is needed is the creation of a "MORAVIA: You think there will democratic and secular state in which be any new moves in search for i,--.-, MORAVIA: In your opinion, will Arabs and Jews could live together peace in Vietnam? b'i a1ihe emergence of the USSR as a without friction. Naturally, it re- TITO: (With a smile, and speak^ ;jnaval power in the Mediterranean mains to be seen to what extent such "cfeate a'test of strength and what ef- ing in Italian) "It still goes on." That"t a proposal runs counter to the gener- will depend on the United States and,* "fec-t will'such a situation have on al wishes of the Palestinians and the •relations'between Yugoslavia and the above all, on the development of t*he Arabs. At the present time, I believe internal situation in America. 038SR?" '- • - that some of the Palestinians simply 5/1 TITOi At -the moment, as far as desire the liquidation of Israel, which So far, Mr. Nixon has not been v we know, there are no repercussions I consider inadmissible. And from successful with his policy. It has < from the Soviet naval presence in the time to time, I've told this to both failed, as we have seen; in Cambodian, i Mediterranean. The 'main purpose of Arab government officials and heads And as for Vietnamizatibn, it is ab- of state. surd. On the other hand, if one has.^ ,the Soviet fleet is to give moral sup- been unable to achieve victory in ai' port jjp the Arab countries in their ; In any event, at the moment, limited area, it is absurd to extend : J*feuggie.against Israeli aggression. things are going from bad to worse. the war zone; one should not set one ^,»S& .-It'"WQuldp.be1 very dangerous for The reason for this absurd behav- ; people against another. S:5tti0 USSR to. get involved with either ior is the fear which some Arab coun- Three years ago, when (Averell) |ê American Fleet or the American tries have of Socialism. This fear is Harriman was in Yugoslavia, we dis- hisses, "in the end, the presence in the also caused by the dissension that ex- lV cussed the Vietnam problem. I told K; ê|jiterranean of both the American ists among the Arab countries. For all him that one solution would be the [âixd Soviet fleets could also create a these reasons, I don't believe that the : establishment of a provisional gov- h coj|flict. As the 'saying goes: When federal plan proposed by the Pales- ernment in Saigon, in which all the ^weapons sound, war is not far behind. tinians can be seriously discussed, at 'various -parties would be represented. * " This is why it is most urgent that least at the present time.' Not necessarily a Socialist govern- a prompt solution to tihe Mideast con- Another factor is that Socialism ment, but a Democratic one. Harri- '• flict'- be found. In this way, the US incurs the hostility of the United u man approved of such a solutiori. < 5 "and Soviet fleets could go back home States, which is interested in pre-t^ fat \irtv i ,~> * -.•>'!' and' leave the Mediterranean to the venting the spread of Socialism in thete f neighboring countries to whom it Middle East. To tell the truth, in the,.1,' *b'elongs: Yugoslavia, rltaly,;,.France, beginning the Israelis -were inclined the: Arab countries, towards Socialism; but in'the past .few. years, they have been drifting n; 'i. MORAVIA: What'is; your opinion .away from it.... "'.'.' < i"oh-"the; Middle East problem?>On the s*eOp;i|rting Of thevSuez Canal? On the . With regard;to, the,Suez Canal, I 'question of the Palestinians?;. •• :' :: . /believe that its .reopening will greatly TITO: It is difficult to suggest a benefit all the countries, of the Medi- ^Solution toJ-ihe Middle.'East problem terranean region, including ours. "beGauseHhffvsittiationy which- in itself However, we are not willing to ac- was a difficult - one,.has .now become cept ths canal's reopening at any cost. 4 We believe the Vcanal'should be re- ;«.rnpre, compUcated(,with ;.the interna- "libnal".extension,of"the.conflict -and opened only after Israeli troops have because.there is no agreement among withdrawn from the east bank. (,.,:the Palestinians themselves; •' • Naturally, the United States is op- j^l r''I&> gn r^yenij:.ariy.ultimate..solu- poseclto the reopening since they fear tion; wilf require; the "•\yith.drawal .of the expansion of the Soviet Union Israeli troops f rbhi the territory pccu- into the Indian Ocean. This fear is ^p'ied as-a. .result'of the-Six-Day War. shared by the British. '^However, '"some Palestinian leaders . ' MORAVIA: What :do you think ::i are" adamantly demanding the right of the 'cultural revolution in China? •-of 'theiri people to simply return to~ Do you think it represented a tenta- '^neifr '-original lands, although I'm tive attempt to create a national ;':afr-aid that 'this is %.- vain hope since brand of-; socialism as" in Yugoslavia? e; Israelis' have1 greatly transformed TITO: With regard to Yugoslavia, we should no longer speak of Nation-

^.?*?'3^KSS£Sfi9&^Sfe^ t • '/• I•*

Receive^ from the Foreign Minister of Yugoslavia

v - • ' 31 August 1967 Brioni, 24- August; 19G7

Dear Mr. Secretary-General,

Continuing the useful practice of mutual exchange of. views and cooperation and highly appreciating your unremitting efforts to strengthen the role of the United > Nations and to consolidate peace in the world, I wish bo acquaint you with our views concerning the possibility of resolving the crisis in the Near East. It is a fact that this crisis is continuing and is fraught with the undiminished danger of a new outbreak of hostilities, which could have even graver consequences for peace in the world, unless fresh efforts are made for its peaceful solution as a matter of urgency. Every lack of resistance to aggressive tendencies or passive attitude towards developments connected with crisis and the growing threats arising therefrom can only encourage the protagonists of the policy of force and pi-assure to continue their onsloughts on the freedom and independence of countries that do not want to submit themselves to foreign domination. Guided by such considerations I have visited the United Arab Republic, the Syrian Arab Republic and the Republic of Iraq at the Invitation of President Gamal Abdel

Nasser, Head of State Dr Houredine Attassy, and President

His Excellency (J Thant, Secretary-General of the United Nations, N e w Y o r k -2-

Abdul Rahman. Arif . On that occasion we had open and exhaustive talks on the liquidation of the consequences of Israeli aggression. At the same time, I had the opportunity to get direct impressions concerning the xj°si"tion- ari|3- difficulties with which these countries are faced today. I have been impressed, in particular, by their determination to persevere with, all the 4 means available in their efforts to secure their independence, territorial integrity and fundamental rights and interests. The responsibility for the situation in the Near East is borne by Israel and the pbwers that support it in. its aggressive policy and territorial pretensions. Such a policy 'is wholly unacceptable as it calls for the capitulation of the Arab countries, the annexation of considerable -parts of their national territories and their subordination to a foreign diktat . The Arab countries are riot prepared to accept the imposing of any solution that would ofiend their dignity or call for a renouncement of fundamental national ri-ghts and Interests, The Arab countries feel that they are endangered, by Israel and any Imposed solution would not be tenable regardless of une force on which It would temporarily rely and would be the source of new conflict in the future. The extreme positions of Israel and the one-sided approach of Its protectors to the problems of the Near East can only strengthen the influence of those forces among the Arab which see in the preparation of revenge the only way out of the crisis. However, the Arab leaders with whom I have had talks do not reject the possibility of a political solution if the latter took into account the essential interests of their countries. We understand their just aspirations and Yugoslavia will continue, as it has done so far, together with other countries, to lend all possible assistance to the Arab countries in that sense. > Proceeding frora such a state of •"._•',,'airs, I a:u convinced that_it is indispensable, in the interest of PC ace and of the countries victims of aggression, to render possible a just solution of the existing crisis which is burdening international relations, taken as a whole, very seriously. With this purpose in mind, I have addressed personal messages to the Heads of State or Government of the four great Powers-permanent members of the Security Council, as well as to a number of friendly countries, in which I have set forth our views and our suggestions regarding the bases for such a solution. Although it is matter for concern that a decision on the withdrawal of Israeli forces could not be brought at the special emergency session of the General Assembly, the resolution tabled by the non-aligned countries nevertheless constituted a useful contribution towards such endeavours. Strong views were expressed at the General Assembly along the line of demands for the withdrawal of Israeli forces, for the non-recognition of annexations as well as for a search for solutions which would, "by .respecting the sovereignity arid territorial integrity of all the States in the Near East, render possible the solving of outstanding issues in the interest oi' peace and stability in the region, I believe that new efforts could be exerted on such bases with a view bo achieving the broadest possible consensus on a pla.tforn that would be, of course, ae;;eot-ible t;o bh.j Arab Gountries-victins oi' the aggression. I have studied carefully the views coiiUiiunicatod by you to our 'oerruanent representative in the United Nations t on August 11, and 1 find tnat on many points they are in concordance with our concepts. The ho-Mv-t of the matter :i. o still to secure the withdrawal of Israeli forces to ti.io

; positions held by them before June i-9 >/:i thout this it is neither possible nor acceptable to undertake any solving of the crisis. I share your opinion that, in the present; circumstances, Arab countries cannot be expected to recognize for.ni.ally Israel and the cessation of the s'aate of belligerency but 1 feel that it is possible to find a solution that would not jeopardise their rights. In this connection I wish to inform you that the Arab countries I have visited do not accept the Soviet-American draft resolution, because they do not find in its provisions, and especially in the American interpretations of the draft, the necessary guarantees that the withdrawal of Israeli forces will be actually secured, and for this reason they feel that Israel would derive unilateral benefits from it. Bearing In mind the developraent of the crisis so far, the session of the General Assembly and the stands of the parties concerned, I am confident that a peaceful and equitable solution could be found on the following bases: 1. Withdrawal of all forces from territories they have occupied since June ^-, under the control of United Nations observers, 2. Guarantee of the security and borders of June 4- of all "the States of the region by bhe four great Powers or the Security Council sending the definitive solution. * of outstanding problems. Possible stationing, for this purpose, of United Nations forces on both sides of the border. ;;•. ji'ree pasage for all slii'os through the Strait of Tiran until the decision of the International Court of Justice. 4-. Navigation in the Suez Canal as before June 4-. 5- After the implementation of the above measures, the Security Council would take steps, with the participation of the parties directly concerned, for the solving of the other questions under dispute, primarily of the question of Palestinian refugees as well as the question of the passage of Israeli ships through the Suez Canal. I wish to draw your attention to the second point, namely, to the question of guarantees. This vrould meet the demand of a certain number of States which link the withdrawal to the recognition of the existence of Israel or demand the cessation of the state of belligerency. I think that these — 6— guarantees meet these demands, as they would actually confirm the inviolability of borders and the integrity o,7 all States through the acceptance of such guarantees, without demanding a formal recognition of Israel by the Arab States. As regards the question of refuge/s and navigation through the Suez Canal, the Security Council would solve 'these issues later, with. the participation of the parties concerned. Hay I mention that it is unacceptable to the Arab countries that the question of navigation through t the Suez Canal should be at all examined outside the context of one of the most important problems, the question of Palestinian refugees, which should be solved in the spirit of the laiown resolutions of the United' Nations which Israel has been rejecbing constantly. The appointment of your representative for j)Ui:>Poses of mediation could be taken into consideration for the solving of these and possibly other questions* 1 have discussed, with the statesmen of the United Arab Republic, Syria and Iraq the possibilities of a political solution on this basis. I may say that the reacting of these countries to our ideas has been encouraging, particularly in the United Arab Republic which was, as you are aware, the main target of the aggression. As for the form in which the guarantees would be given, i.e. whether they would be given by the four great

Powers or by the Security .Council, it is of secondary »* n • -7-

importance, as the consensus of the four great Powers is required in any, case. For this reason, contacts among the four great Powers are of particular significance for the success of our action at the present moment as their agreement is an indispensable condition for the adoption of the aforementioned platform for the solution of the crisis in the Near East, We shall,* of course, exchange concurrently views with other countries, too, especiall;/ ;I bh the non- aligned countries as we continue to place groat hones in their understanding and cooperation as well as their readiness » to take action in the United Nations and outside it for a •. peaceful and gust solution of the crisis. . . We are aware of the difficulties we are going to encounter in cur efforts to realize: such a solution, but we are convinced that it would be the most dangerous thing to reconcile ourselves to the present situation and to allow that benefits should continue to be derived from the fruits of aggression. Finally, 1 wish to assure 3/011 that I would greatly appreciate to receive your views concerning these ideas, in view of the role that the United Nations and the Security Council in particular coxild play in overcoming the crisis in the Near East and consolidating world peace. I avail myself of this opportunity to convey to you the assurances of my'high esteem and to address you greetings and best wishes.

Josip Broz Tito (signed) .of.., views' and cooperation".'and;:highly appreciating ybur\ ';"- |fV^'" ^V^;-^ unremitting efforts to strengthen the role- of "the- United')''"'1'• •~/ik0"""

., j - - .•;<• "•'.'..'• .'•',! -'•'••• .:' Nations and to consolidate peace in the world, -'I wish to '' - "•

/ .acquaint :you with our views concerning the possibility ..of "•"• -. : resolving the crisis in the Near. East. It -is a -: fact.' '••.""-'';•: .•.".-•.••. that this crisis is continuing and is fraught with the ••:; ' ; "- undiminished danger of a.new outbreak of hostilities, which could have even graver consequences'for peace in the world, unless fresh efforts are. made for its peaceful solution as a'matter of urgency. 'Every lack of resistance to aggressive tendencies or passive attitude towards developments connected with crisis and the growing threats arising therefrom can only encourage the protagonists of the policy of force and pressure to continue their onsloughts on the freedom and independence of countries that do not want to submit themselves to foreign domination. Guided by such considerations I have visited the • United Arab Republic, the Syrian Arab Republic and the Republic of Iraq at the Invitation of President Gamal Abdel Nasser, Head of State Dr rTouredine Attassy, and President

ilis Excellency iJ Thant, Secretary-General of the United Nations, '•."•'V: ' ' •••,,.•• •.:.•'•'• • '..::•,-. • ' •••' !' -' .' . ••'.* " ""'••™'&W& •': ••-•) •?^r$^fL%;v"m '" ;;v" Abdul Rahman Arif. On that occasion we had'open";'and^>^|;^;S ,, exhaustive talks on the liquidation of the - consequences::.df '•'**-*':^,H|

: .. Israeli aggression. At the same time, I had the4..opportunity;''••-,-.;^j . to get direct impressions concerning the position and ••' .'.'',-. -./difficulties with which these countries are faced today. "- -.-- "". "••',•.!..have been impressed, in particular, by their determination.

.;••• to persevere with .all the}means . available in their efforts to.secure-their independence, territorial integrity and fundamental rights and Interests. . . . The responsibility for the situation in the Near : East is borne by Israel and the powers that support it in /its aggressive policy.and territorial pretensions. Such . a policy'is .wholly unacceptable as it calls for the capitulation of the Arab countries, the annexation of considerable parts of their national territories and their subordination to a-foreign diktat. The Arab countries are 1 not prepared to accept .the- imposing of any solution that would o fiend their dignity ..'or call for a renouncement of '.'.fundamental national .rights and interests. The Arab countries : feel that they are'.endangered, by Israel and any Imposed

: solution would not:: be tenable-regardless of the force on which it would -temporarily rely and would be the source ..of .new conflict - in the 'future. The extreme positions of Israel and the one-sided approach of its protectors to the '•;-.'• problems of the Near East can only strengthen the influence •' of those forces among the-Arab-'which see in the preparation . ' of revenge the only.way out of the crisis. However, the : : lsip6asibllity;-'o'f :'-a -rpo'l ':$^#&i&,?i™ • "account tli.e' essential .-iriterests -..of. .—— .-^ — r- . -, .—r — T?T"? ™™v - •» — .. .'- • -•, r--£V\ '«».»"* understand /their" just- aspirations. , . an.d ^>^^'-rt^^^Ynwosi #vi a- -i..n-1-l .y..x •»>•••->•^. : .;'.c ontinue, : as it -'ha's vdoiie^so ;f ar','' /1 ogether;. • w'itlSr .bther. ••'?,'.''. '*>;'!}• countries , to 'lend all: .'possible assistance;;to ' tlie;" Arab 7 •' •. . * • ' . ;- •.- .-'•'" - ' ' ' • • '" ' ' " : countries in, that. sense. > .. "• '"•• .'-.• ',. • . .-": •".';" '•/ . . Proceeding -from such' a state of affairs,- 1'am convinced that_it is•indispensable, 'in the interest of j and of the countries.victims of 'aggression, to render . . possible, a just solution of the existing crisis which is burdening international relations, taken as a whole, very seriously. With this purpose -in mind, I have addressed personal messages to the Heads of State or Government of the four great Powers-permanent members of the Security Council, as well 'as to a number of friendly countries,, in which I have set forth our views- and our suggestions regarding the bases for such a solution. Although it is matter for concern that a decision on the withdrawal of Israeli forces could not be brought at the special emergency session of the General Assembly, the resolution tabled by the non-aligned countries nevertheless constituted a useful contribution towardc such endeavours. Strong views were expressed at the General Assembly along the line of demands for the withdrawal of Israeli forces, for the non-recognition of annexations as well as for a • ' ,,4^'^H^-/••'-'•': .-search for solutions which; would, by cespeoting^the^^s;..V*/'>ttji J v %'£•' '• '"'' '•'•*'-.•. *. .•.•-. . • • . ' - ' . •• " • t .. . : '•*• , '•'• . • -* Yi ,\ •. • "-',• • • '•••'.-• .'''.-..''' i.*A-«. .,*' •/"•!' f_. '••. • '• • s '''." sovereignity and territorial integrity of all the- States • ;•.,'.'<:-•<'*-

• . in the Near East, render''.possible' the. solving of';"outstanding" . ....issues in the interest of peace and stability.

I haVe studied carefully the vievis coiiirminicatou V .by you to oui1 permanent representativ;? in the United Nations on Aup;i;st 11, and i find that on many points they are in '. concordance with our concepts. I'lie heuvt of tae mat b or is still to tiecure the ;/it:idrav.r£l of Israeli forci-;s to the

1 •positions held by t'.iu :!. be:.Y;re Jiuie ".-t '••/:: bliout this it is neither possible nor.acceptable to undertake any solving of the crisis. I share your opinion Uhat, in the present; . circumstances, Arab countries cannot be expected to recognize formally Israel and the cessation of the state of belligerency but I feel that It is possible to find a solution that would not jeopardise their rights. In this connection I wish to inform you that the Arab countries I have visited do not accept the Soviet-American draft '' resolution, because they do not find in its provisions, and especially in the American interpretations of the draft, the

.'-. .necessary guarantees that the withdrawal of Israeli forces will be actually secured, and for this reason they feel that

. Israel' would derive unilateral benefits from it. v a { v -;.'•'; •/::..• • Bearing in mind the development of.; the cr3!sis>s|6^; vf|^|^ '•"'*:•'" -'•-' -•• • • "'. - • ' "'•-".: • • ?'•'•'*'** *? ;fi*> •',*<•• U;Cf°v*-'Ca '*'Vf/';..--far, the session of the General Assembly and the .stands',..of. :<&f'^f^ ..J&* ':';••; the parties concerned, I am confident that a' peaceful-; and,--'. __.-.'.'"'::j|f-| :':/-;.. - equitable solution could be found on the following bases:Vv-.;-• ,-;•':-;.' "'.••'• . • .1. Withdrawal of all forces .. from 'territories , '•=.-'. -•..-• ; . • they' have occupied since June 4, under the'-control of 'United. .• Nations observers. • . 2. Guarantee of tile.security ana borders of June -4- of all the States of the region by the four great • '. - *-• ' ' Powers . or the Security Council pending the definitive solution of outstanding problems. Possible stationing, for this •'•• purpose, of United Nations forces on,both sides of the border. ;;• .b'rec pasage for all ships through the Strait of Tlran until the decision of the International Court of Justice. '. . 4. Navigation in the Suez Canal as before June 4. 5- After the.implementation of the above measures, the Security Council, would take steps, with the participation of the parties directl;/ concerned, for the solving of the other questions under dispute, primarily of the question of Palestinian refugees as well as the question of the passage • ••': • • of Israeli ships through the Suez Canal. ; ' .1 wish'to'draw your attention "co the second point, ..'.-• i; namely, - to the question of guarantees. This would meet .the • "-. demand of a certain number of States which link the withdrawal • • to the recognition of the existence of Israel or demand the cessation of the state of belligerency. I think that these ^^^^;^.'^;!-vteuara:n-t^os meet-- these demands^, as-.they, would-a^ti

'•confirm the inviolability-of. borders and the .integrity-;cu'^ ?^V|£||

r ist ' all States- through the'acceptance, of such giiar^ht'6es,;,^:\"'^-^>>f- - « :' without demanding a,-formal recognition •of Israel- by; the '•'-: /':..-' Arab States. • . " '. : ...' - . •'••* '."-"''•'•';• .'-:".

' v.i*!r;'**" ' ""i'.' ' ' -«;, •••". '? '•- -f -\.' ' ; N

^'f.'.1"' ' :'$'$•:- ';'• '";..- As regards the question of refuge/^ and navigation,;. through the Suez Canal, the Security Council would solve • these issues later, with.the participation uf the parties concerned. ' Hay I mention that it is unacceptable to the . Arab countries that the question of navigation through ' ' - the Sue;:, Canal should be at all examined outside the context .-. of one of the most important problems, the question of • Palestinian refugees, v;hlch should be solved in the spirit ': of the known resolutions of the United' Nations which Israel has been rejecting constantly. The appointment of your representative for purposes • of mediation could be taken into consideration for the solving ' of these and possibly other questions. I have discussed with the statesmen of the United Arab Republic, Syria and Ireq the possibilities of a political solution 'on this basis. I may say that the reacting of these countries to our ideas has been encouraging,.particularly in the United Arab Republic which was, as you are aware, the main target of the aggression. As for the form in which the guarantees would be given, i.e. whether they would be given by the four great

Powers or by the Security .Council, it ±s Of secondary •:.: v! •-"%&•*••• "'•:;• '-;?.' V"'"-'S*' ; *_.'. ' ~ *

..^•.":|*-. •'• • importance, as the consensus, of the. four great Pdwers'f-i • • '-'..- ••"f." v' -'-•• "'*' .:'.^ required in any, case. For this reason, contacts among the" '. --./-J four, great Powers are of particular significance for"the'-. •: •••.^fj^' ,"''... success of our action at the present moment as their agreement •.-'•' is an indispensable condition for the adoptio•'•* n of-thei / . •. • . . aforementioned^platform for the solution of .the crisis in' the Near East. We shall,1 of course, exchange concurrently views with other countries, too, especially ;ibh biie non- aligned countries as we continue to place groat hopes in their- understanding and cooperation as well as their readiness ^ to take action in the United Nations and outside it for a - "ff peaceful and just solution of the cr-isis. . £gf ;;v| We are aware of the difficulties we are going bo .,"l| . encounter in our of.Torts to realize siacii a solution, but we .",| are convinced that it would ue the most dangerous thing =| to reconcile ourselves to the present situation and to allow ..;?* that benefits should continue to be derived from the fruits '^ of aggression. .'J Finally, 1 wish to assure you that 1 would greatly "'j appreciate to receive your views concerning these ideas, in .- ,-.'< view of the role that the United Nations and the Security Council';:; in particular .could play in overcoming the crisis in the '%; Hear East and consolidating world peace. v-'J I avail myself of this opportunity to convey to ';:. you the assurances of my:high esteem and to address you %• . greetings and best wishes. " . :,'/

Josip Broz Tito (signed) PREDSEDNIK REPUBLIKE Brioni, 24. avgusta 1967. godine

Dragi gospodine Generalni sekretare,

Najstavljajuci korisnu praksu uzajamne razmjene misljenja i saradnje i visoko cijeneci Vasa neprekidna nastojanja za jacanje uloge Ujedinjenih. nacija i ucvrscenje mira u svijetu, zelim da Vas upoznam sa nasim. pogledima na mogucnosti rjesavanja krize na Bliskom istoku. Cinjenica je da se ona produzava sa ne- smanjenim opasnostima ponovnog izbijanja neprijateljstava, sto bi moglo imati jos teze posljedice po mir u svijetu, ukoliko se hitno ne uloze novi napori za njeno miroljubivo razrjesavanje. Svako odsu- stvo otpora agresivnim tendencijama ill pasivan stav prema zbivanjima u vezi sa krizom i rastucim prijetnjama koje iz nje izviru, moze samo da ohrabri protagoniste politike sile i pritiska da nastave sa svojim na- srtajima na slobodu i nezavisnost onih zemalja koje nece da se potcine stranoj dominaciji.

Rukovodjen takvim konsideracijama posjetio sam Ujedinjenu Arapsku Republiku, Sirijsku Arapsku Republiku i Republiku Irak, na pozive predsjednika g. Ganaala Abdel JSTasera, sefa drzave dr Noureddine Atassi-a i predsjednika generala Abdul Rahman Mohamed Arefa. Tom prilikom vodili smo otvorene i iscrpne prijateljske raz - govore o likvidaciji posljedica izraelske agresije. Ujedno, imao sam mogucnost da steknem neposredne utiske o polozaju i teskocama sa kojima se ove zemlje danas suocavaju. Posebno me je impresionirala njihova odlucnost da svim raspolozivim sredstvima istraju na putu odbrane svoje nezavisnosti, teritorijalnog integriteta kao i psnovnih prava i interesa.

Njegova Ekselencija U Tant, Generalni sekretar Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija,

N j u j o r k. Odgovornost za situaciju na Bliskom istoku snosi Izrael i sile koje ga podrzavaju u njegovoj agresivnoj politic! i teritorijalnim pretenzijama. Takav prilaz potpuno je neprihvatljiv,- jer trazi kapitulaciju arapskih zemalja, aneksiju znacajnih dijelova njihovih nacionalnih teritorija i njihovo podredjivanje stranom dik- tatu. Arapske zemlje nisu spremne da prihvate bilo kakvo nametanje rjesenja koje bi vrijedjalo njihovo dostojanstvo ili trazilo odricanje od najosnovnijih nacionalnih prava i interesa. Arapske zemlje se osjecaju ugrozene od Izraela, a svako nametnuto rjesenje ne bi bilo odrzivo bez obzira na snagu na koju bi se trenutno oslanjalo i pred- stavljalo bi izvor novih sukoba u buducnosti. Ekstremni stavovi Izraela i jednostrani prilazi njegovih zastitnika problemima Bliskog istoka mogu samo da ojacaju utjecaj onih snaga kod Arapa koje jedini izlaz vide u pripremi revansa, Arapski rukovodioci sa kojima sam razgovarao, medjutim, ne odbacuju mogucnost politickog rjesenja ukoliko bi ono vodilo racuna o sustinskim interesima njihovih zemalja. Mi shvacamo njihove opravdane teznje i Jugoslavija ce, kao i do sada, zajedno sa drugim zemljama, nastaviti da pruza svu mogucu pomoc arapskim zemljama u torn pravcu.

Polazeci od takvog stanja stvari uvjeren sam da je neophodno da se u interesu mira i zemalja - zrtava agresije omoguci pravican ishod postojece krize koja na veoma ozbiljan nacin opterecuje i cjelinu medjunarodnih odnosa. U torn cilju uputio sam licne por\ike sefovima drzava i vlada cetiri velike sile - stalnim clanovima Savjeta bezbjednosti, kao i jednom broju prijateljskih zemalja, u kojima su izlozena nasa razmisljanja i sugestije o osnovama za jedno takvo rjesenje.

lako je zabrinjavajuce da na vanrednom zasjedanju Generalne skupstine nije bilo moguce postici odluku o povlacenju izraelskih snaga, rezolucija nesvrstanib. ipak je pretstavljala koristan doprinos takvim nastojanjima. U Generalnoj skupstini snazno su manife stir ana gledista na liniji zahtjeva za povlacenjem izraelskih snaga, za nepriznavanje aneksije kao i za trazenje solu- cije koja bi, postujuci suverenitet i teritorijalni integritet svih drzava na Bliskom istoku, omogucila rjesavanje spornih pitanja u interesu mira i stabilnosti na torn podrucju. Vjerujem da se na takvim osnovama mogu uloziti novi napori kako bi se postigao najsiri moguci stepen saglasnosti o platformi koja bi, naravno, bila prihvatljiva za arapske zemlje - zrtve agresije.

S paznjom sam upoznao Vasa gledista koja ste iznijeli nasem stalnom predstavniku u UN 11. avgusta i nalazim u torn mnogo podudarnosti sa nasim shvatanjima. Osnovno i dalje ostaje da se obezbjedi povlacenje izraelskih snaga na pozicije od 4. juna. Bez toga nije moguce niti prihvatljivo pristupiti bilo kakvom rjesavanju krize. Dijelim Vase misljenje da se ne moze ocekivati da u sadasnjim uvjetima arapske zemlje formalno priznaju Izrael i prekid stanja zaracenosti, ali smatram da je moguce postici rjesenje koje ne bi ugrozilo njihova prava. S tim u vezi zelim da Vas obavjestim da arapske zemlje koje sam posjetio nikako ne pristaju na nacrt sovjetsko-americke rezolucije, jer u njenim odredbama, a posebno u americkim interpretacijama tog prijedlo- ga, ne vide potrebne garancije da ce se zaista osigurati povlacenje izraelskih snaga, zbog cega oni ocjenjuju da bi Izrael izvukao jedno- strane prednosti.

Imajuci u vidu dosadasnji razvoj krize, zasjedanje Generalne skupstine i stavove zainteresiranih strana, uvjeren sam da bi se miroljubivo i pravedno rjesenje moglo naci na slijedecim osnovama:

1. Povlacenje svih snaga sa teritorija koje su okupirane posle 4. juna, pod kontrolom posmatraca UN.

Z. Garancije bezbjednosti i granica od 4. juna svim drzavama pvog podrucja od strane cetiri velike sile ili Savjeta bezbjednosti do definitivnog rjesenja spornih pitanja. U tu svrhu eventualno stacioniranje snaga UN sa obje strane granica.

3. Slobodna plovidba z,a sve brodove Tiranskim mo- reuzom do odluke Medjunarodnog suda pravde.

4. Plovidba Suecom kao do §. juna.

5. Poslije sprovodjenja u zivot gornjih mjera Savjet bezbjednosti bi preduzeo korake uz ucesce direktno zainteresiranih strana za rjesavanje ostalih spornih pitanja, u prvom redu pitanja palestinskih izbjeglica, kao i pitanja plovidbe Suecom za izraelske brodove.

Zelim da skrenem Vasu paznju na tacku 2, naime na pitanje garancija. Time bi se izaslo u susret zahtjevima jednog broja drzava koje povezuju povlacenje sa priznanjem egzistencije Izraela, odnosno traze prekid stanja zaracenos-ti. Mislim da ove garancije zadovoljavaju te z.ahtjeve, jer bi se fakticki potvrdili nepovrijedi- vost granica i integritet svih drzava kroz akceptiranje takvih garancija, bez da se trazi i formalno priznanje Izraela od strane arapskih zemalja.

U pogledu pitanja izbjeglica i plovidbe Suecom to bi Savjet bezbjednosti rjesavao kasnije uz ucesce zainteresiranih strana. Napominjem da je za arapske zemlje neprihvatljivo da se pitanje 4

plovidbe Suecom za izraelske brodove uopste razmatra izvan konteksta jednog od najznacajnijih. problema - pitanja palestinskih izbjeglica koje treba rjesiti u duhu poznatih rezolucija OUN za koje su arapske zemlje glasale, dok ih je Izrael stalno odbijao.

Za rjesavanje ovih, a eventualno i drugih pitanja moglo bi doci u obzir naimenovanje jednog Vaseg predstavnika u cilju posredo- vanja.

O politickom rjesenju na ovoj osnovi ja sam razgovarao sa drzavnicima UAH, Sirije" i Iraka. Mogu da kazem da je reagovanje ovih zemalja na nase ideje bilo ohrabrujuce, posebno u UAH koja je, kao sto znate, bila glavna meta agresije.

Sto se tice forme u kojoj bi se dale garancije, tj. da li cetiri velike sile ili Savjet bezbjednosti - ona je po nasem. mi- sljenju sekundarna, jer je u svakom slucaju potrebna saglasnost cetiri velike sile. Zbog toga u ovom momenta poseban znacaj za uspjeh nase akcije imaju kontakti sa cetiri velike sile, jer njihova saglasnost predstavlja neophodan uvjet za usvajanje izlozene osnove rjesavanja krize na Bliskom istoku. Naravno, da cemo uporedo izvrsiti razmjenu raisljenja i sa drugim zemljama, narocito sa ne- svrstanima, u cije razumijevanje i saradnju kao i spremnost anga- zovanja u UN i van njih za miroljubiv i pravedan izlaz iz krize i dalje polazemo velike nade.

Svjesni smo teskoca koje cemo susresti u naporima za ostvarenje jednog takvog rjesenja, all smo uvjereni da bi bilo najopasnije miriti se sa sadasnjim stanjem i dozvoliti da se koriste i dalje plodovi agresije.

Zelim da Vas na kraju uvjerim da bih veoma cijenio Vase misljenje o ovim idejama, s obzirom na ulogu koju bi Ujedinjene nacije, a posebno Savjet Bezbjednosti mogli odigrati u prevazilazenju krize na Bliskom istoku i u ucvrscenju mira.

Koristim ova priliku, da Vam uz izraze visokog postovanja, uputim pozdrave i najbolje zelje. 6 September 1967

It is with pleasure that I reply to Jrouricordia1 - ^ » l and informative letter of 24 August which you sent to me from Brioni. I very much appreciate every opportunity for an exchange of views with you and I am particularly grateful to you for taking me into your confidence \ with regard to the subject matter of your letter. You may be sure that I have read it with very great interest. It is very good, in my estimation, that you are making this important effort towardja solution of the difficult and dangerous problems of the Middle East and I wish you well with it. I note that you would welcome any views that I may have about the substance of your proposal but,if I do not respond to this invitation here by commenting upon/specific points i'rr yonr jirnprinnl, I know that you will understand that this is because it would be inappropriate for me, as Secretary-General, to take a position on a question -wh±le~it is under active consideration by both the General Assembly and the Security so vx^-'^>U.^ i\ Council and which is also/-fe©*i35 controversial. * „ ft >±L. Permit me, Excellency, to make a clarification with regard to one statement in your letter. On page k you refer to my opinion as communicated by your Permanent Representative to the United Nations on Arab insistence •_- -•• » on maintaining a state of belligerancywith Israel. In my discussion with I i*39L ufdvv* )• AA*-«- ux-* * flFT^J*-- JL f^^Jdf^JL &&&<*-$*» Q- «*OUv» } your Permanent Representative tit was my intention to convey the thought G-fojfLitL&At&s ***• that, as it-sssHJSSTto me, the Arab Representatives - or some of them - -2- seemed to draw a distinction between maintaining a =+Q>--"a of belligerency and actually committing belligerent acts. I had gathered from my talks with some of them that there might be a willingness to refrain from acts &£ of belligerency while maintaining the fl'featus of belligerency. Ev*j&~r* If I may venture to comment upon one point of substance in V/our, letter,

I would suggest the inadvisability of any employment of the word "mediation" in connexion with the functions that might be given to a Special Representative of the Secretary-General in the Middle East. My impression is that it would not be helpful to ascribe mediatorial responsibility to such a representative, although it is quite possible that once he would begin to function he would find himself engaged in mediation in one way or another. Incidentally,

I am happy to advise you that there seems to be very widespread support at the United Nations for the idea of a Special Representative of the

Secretary-General in the Middle East.

I am availing myself of the kindness of your Permanent Representative to the United Nations in having this letter brought to you by hand. cLe_^v~ HT - I ^&y^*"$As\f$*j Please be assured, Excellency, of my continuing highest consideration and esteem and my weii/wishes that your vital and courageous efforts toward?

I—- peace in the Middle East will be rewarded with success.

His Excellency Marshall Josip Broz Tito President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia f I

yen to ®s

«t

e c . c year «? idMMi, It

it it 3SSt 'fe® to

f «K «r tltf* Dr. Anton Vratusa

\ TANJUG

Belgrade, 24- Octover 1967

The United Nations is far from perfect and from "being considered as an exceptionally effective peace instrument, "but it has proved to be more and more on the road of finding solutions within the framework of peace efforts by an over- whelming majority of members, writes BOEBA of Belgrade today.

The prominent Belgrade daily notes that this was proved also by the recent general debate during the General Assembly session which was dominated by Vietnam and Middle East problems.

More numerous than ever, the United Nations has become a barometer of the real balance of power in this im- perfect world, the paper states. It adds that the East- West cold war has ceased, but that dangers to world peace, with hotbeds in other parts of the world, continue to give rise to fresh threats.

During the past 22 years, continues BORBA, the United Nations has experienced periods of success as well as those of crises, as the fate of this world was more or less uncertain. Korea, Berlin, Cuba, Vietnam, the Middle East - 2 - these are only some of the traumas through which international community has "been and is still exposed. Without the voice of conscience from the rostrum of the United Nations, without the firm adherence by many members to the Charter of the world Organisation, history would probably look different, adds the paper.

Thus, in a great measure thanks to the United Nations platform, peaceful coexistence has become not only an important concept in political thinking in our time but also a part of international practice, concludes BORBA.

-end- Beograd, 8 March 1968

Dear Mr. Secretary-General, Highly appreciating your incessant efforts and endeavours to strengthen the role of the United Nations in promoting peaceful and equitable international co-operation and to consolidate peace in the world, I wish to inform you of my impressions gained in the talks with statesmen of some Asian and African countries I visited recently. I avail myself of this opportunity to acquaint you at the same time with our opinion as to what might be done for the improvement of the international situation. In all these countries we noted grave concern over the adverse development of the international situation due to the use of the policy of force and aggression, the interference in internal affairs of other countries, as well as due to the worsening of the economic position of the developing countries. It is generally accepted that the continuation and escalation of the war in Vietnam constitute a source of the greatest danger not only to the United Nations, to the peoples of that area, "but also to the world as a whole, since it directly threatens the world peace. All our interlocutors were agreed that the urgent cessation of the

His Excellency U Thant Secretary-General United Nations New York - 2 - "bombing of North. Vietnam was indispensable, this "being the basic prerequisite for starting to solve the Vietnam problem politically, by means of negotiations in the spirit of the 1954- Geneva Agreements. It is a general belief also that the prolongation of the existing state of affairs in the Middle East, brought about by the Israeli occupation of the territories of the Arab countries, constitutes a permanent danger to the security and peace, as well as a dangerous precedent with far- reaching consequences. The pressure of colonialist and neo- colonialist forces, brought to bear on the independent countries and anti-colonial movements in Africa, the raising of territorial disputes, the instigation to internal differences and secessionist tendencies, threaten the independence attained by African states and the achievements gained so far in the struggle against colonialism. Yery encouraging, however, is the fact that the peoples and governments of the countries we visited, have remained, regardless of outside pressures and other difficulties they are- exposed to, consistent in their resolve to withstand the use of force and the attempts to interfere from outside, determined to consdlidate their political and economic independence, to strengthen their efforts in the struggle for peace and for equitable and democratic international relations. In the course of these talks we were reassured once again what a great significance is attached by the peoples and governments of these countries to the activities - 3 - of the United Nations Organisation in protecting independence and integrity of countries, in solving acute international problems by peaceful means and in consolidating peace. It is for this reason that they emphasize the need and express their readiness to engage themselves and to contribute to the implementation of the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and to the strengthening of the role of the world Organisation. In the talks with statesmen of countries we visited, as well as in other contacts with friendly countries, we have come to a common conviction that in the present international situation causing concern, it is indispensable and possible to join forces of all non-aligned and other peace-loving countries and to strengthen their positive contribution towards the solving of outstanding international problems, towards an unhampered economic development of all countries, towards peace. A summit conference of non-aligned and other peace-loving countries ready to stand for these ideas, would, in our opinion, contribute to this end. We estimate that there is a need, as well as indispensable conditions, to proceed to consultations aimed at organizing a summit conference, whose platform and criterion for participation would be broader than those applied to Belgrade and Cairo Conferences. Consequently, it would be a conference in favour of peace and independence, against the use of force in international relations and the interference in internal affairs of other countries, in favour of the final eradication of colonialism. In addition to the most acute political questions, such a gathering should certainly deal also with the economic aspects of the struggle for independence, equality of nations and the securing of an accelerated development of the developing countries and the world economy as a whole. In this respect, a joint action of all interested countries is necessary for the realization of the platform provided by the Charter of Algiers and for the implementation of the conclusions of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. A particular problem facing the developing countries is the further mobilization of their own forces through appropriate mutual co-operation and a possible establishment of their own economic, financial and other institutions, in order to achieve, among other things, an equitable position in their relations with the economically developed countries. ¥e are convinced that such a conference would be a major contribution to the mobilization of the world public opinion for the cause of peace and progress in the world. Its decisions would, at the same time, constitute a programme of a constructive action of these countries within the United Nations Organization and at other international gatherings. In this way, the conference might contribute to the world Organization's more efficient fulfilment of its tasks embodied in the Charter. ¥e believe that a constructive and consistent - 5 - programme of action produced "by such a gathering would "be supported also "by many other peace-loving countries and progressive forces, which, for various reasons, would not be represented at the conference. Of course, for the holding of such a conference, preliminary consultations on the "broadest possible basis are indispensable, so that as large as possible number of countries could voice their opinions and suggestions. I wish to inform you, Mr. Secretary-General, that in this sense, I have sent out messages to the Heads of State or Government of friendly countries interested in taking part in the common effort for the improvement of the international situation in general. I am setting forth these ideas and deliberations which we have reached in the course of talks with statesmen of friendly countries, aware of your keen interest and your personal engagement in the efforts exerted for the improvement of the international situation, the elimination of war dangers and the realization of equitable international co-operation. We should highly appreciate your views on the present situation in the world as well as on what might be done in order to promote international relations. Please accept, Mr. Secretary-General, the assurances of my highest consideration and best wishes for the success in your unremitting efforts for peace.

(Signed) Josip Broz Tito ^—x*

Beograd, 8 March 1968

Dear Mr. Secretary-General, Highly appreciating your incessant efforts and endeavours to strengthen the role of the United Nations in promoting peaceful and equitable international co-operation t and to consolidate peace in the world, I wish to inform you of my impressions gained in the talks with statesmen of some Asian and African countries I visited recently. I avail myself of this opportunity to acquaint you at the same time with our opinion as to what might be done for the improvement of the international situation. In all these countries we noted grave concern over the adverse development of the international situation due to the use of the policy of force and aggression, the interference in internal affairs of other countries, as well as due to the worsening of the economic position of the developing countries. It is generally accepted that the continuation and escalation of the war in Vietnam constitute a source of the greatest danger not only to the United Nations, to the peoples of that area, but also to the world as a whole, since it directly threatens the world peace. All our interlocutors were agreed that the urgent cessation of the

His Excellency U Secretary-General United Nations New York - 2 - "bombing of North Vietnam was indispensable, this being the basic prerequisite for starting to solve the Vietnam problem politically, "by means of negotiations in the spirit of the 1954- Geneva Agreements. It is a general belief also that the prolongation of the existing state of affairs in the Middle East, brought about by the Israeli occupation of the territories of the Arab countries, constitutes a permanent danger to the security and peace, as well as a dangerous precedent with far- reaching consequences. The pressure of colonialist and neo- colonialist forces, brought to bear on the independent countries and anti-colonial movements in Africa, the raising of territorial disputes, the instigation to internal differences and secessionist tendencies, threaten the independence attained by African states and the achievements gained so far in the struggle against colonialism. Very encouraging, however, is the fact that the peoples and governments of the countries we visited, have remained, regardless of outside pressures and other difficulties they are. exposed to, consistent in their resolve to withstand the use of force and the attempts to interfere from outside, determined to consolidate their political and economic independence, "to strengthen their efforts in the struggle for peace and for equitable and democratic international relations. In the course of these talks we were reassured once again what a great significance is attached by the peoples and governments of these countries to the activities - 3 - of the United Nations Organisation in protecting independence and integrity of countries, in solving acute international problems "by peaceful means and in consolidating peace. It is for this reason that they emphasize the need and express their readiness to engage themselves and to contribute to the implementation of the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and to the strengthening of the role of the world Organisation. t In the talks with statesmen of countries we visited, as well as in other contacts with friendly countries, we have come to a common conviction that in the present international situation causing concern, it is indispensable and possible to join forces of all non-aligned and other peace-loving countries and to strengthen their positive contribution towards the solving of outstanding international problems, towards an unhampered economic development of all countries, towards peace. A summit conference of non-aligned and other peace-loving countries ready to stand for these ideas, would, in our opinion, contribute to this end. We estimate that there is a need, as well as indispensable conditions, to proceed to consultations aimed at organizing a summit conference, whose platform and criterion for participation would be broader than those applied to Belgrade and Cairo Conferences. Consequently, it would be a conference in favour of peace and independence, against the use of force in international relations and.the - 4. - interference in internal affairs of other countries, in favour of the final eradication of colonialism, In addition to the most acute political questions, such a gathering•should certainly deal also with the economic aspects of the struggle for independence, equality of nations and the securing of an accelerated development of the developing countries and the world economy as a whole» In this respect, a joint action of all interested countries is necessary for the realization of the platform provided "by the Charter of Algiers and for the implementation of the conclusions of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. A particular problem facing the developing countries is the further mobilization of their own forces through appropriate mutual » co-operation and a possible establishment of their own economic, financial and other institutions, in order to achieve, among other things, an equitable position in their relations with the economically developed countries. ¥e are convinced that such a conference would be a major contribution to the mobilization of the world public opinion for the cause of peace and progress in the world. Its decisions would, at the same time, constitute a programme of a constructive action of these countries within the United Nations Organization and at other international gatherings. In this way, the conference .might contribute to the world 'Organization's more efficient fulfilment of its tasks embodied in the Charter. We believe that a constructive and consistent - 5 -

programme of action produced by such a gathering would be supported also by many other peace-loving countries and progressive forces, which, for various reasons, would not be represented at the conference. Of course, for the holding of such a conference, preliminary consultations on the broadest possible basis are indispensable, so that as large as possible number of countries could voice their opinions and suggestions. I wish to inform you, Mr. Secretary-General, that , in this sense, I have sent out messages to the Heads of State or .Government of friendly countries interested in taking part in the common effort for the improvement of the international situation in general. * I am setting forth these ideas and deliberations which we have reached in the course of talks with statesmen of friendly countries, aware of your keen interest and your personal engagement in the efforts exerted for the improvement of the international situation, the elimination of war dangers and the realization of equitable international co-operation. i We should highly appreciate your views on the present situation in the world as well as on what might be done in order to promote international relations. Please accept, Mr. Secretary-General, the assurances of my highest consideration and best wishes for the success in your unremitting efforts for peace.

(Signed) Josip Broz Tito The international situation has changed considerably since the convening of the last Conference of the Non- Aligned Countries in Cairo in 1964. Consequently, it is felt that it would be to the advantage of the non-aligned countries to examine the altered situation, to evaluate the present trends in the world as well as to study problems having direct bearing upon the future developments. It is with this view in mind that a convening of a consultative meeting of special representatives of non- aligned countries is being proposed; a meeting at which, among others, the following points could be considered:

a) The role of the policy of non-alignment in the present-day world, in particular, in terms of peace, independence and development, and b) The possibility for more extensive consultations and cooperation, as well as the feasibility of undertaking concerted actions by the non-aligned countries in different fields.

New York, 3 March 1969- <

r His Excellency U Thant Secretary General United Nations New York MEW YORK TIMES, Sun.da y-..,,£7.. April 1969 •"sssuxil&'r' 'V&&^:\$gti$i F FOR PEACE BIOC ..V;;,:"-7.:,;:.:: -.'-??• BY TWO NEUTRALS Nprialigried Nations ^gree Yugoslavs See a Threat, .b to Consultative Meeting ' Finns Discount It

By ALDEN WHITMAN ~ . ' Special to Tht NEW Yortt Times ; By DAVID BINDER ., BELGRADE, , Yugoslavia, Sptoial to Th« New Torit Ttrna April 23—President Tito has HELSINKI, Finland, April 20 i—Traveling along the perime- renewed his diplomatic initiative in the third wo'rld in the ter of the Soviet bloc from hope of organizing this year a Belgrade to Helsinki, a corre- bloc of 30 nohaligned" nations spondent encounters striking whose aim would be'to pursue divergences between, neutral a common policy of interna- Yugoslavia and neutral Finland tional peace. in their assessments of the --.i: Moscow leadership's European munists sHaie this ::;i8e"c)lQgi§ay This was disclosed today policy. estimate, • thejr . 'seeJi Mj^S-jseiE^ in an interview with Veljko : v The Yugoslavs, a Communist ondary to another motivation, Micunovic, president of the For- which they now believe to be eign Affairs Committee of the nation outside the Soviet bloc,' a repetition of a classic Rus- Yugoslav Federal Assembly and are frankly worried about the sian desire to expand power- former Ambassador to ' the "unpredictability and aggres- specifically' to expand across siveness" of Soviet policy since Yugoslavia to the Mediterra- United States. nean seaports. About 30 nations have tfte August invasion and oc- agreed to attend a consultative cupation of Czechoslovakia. Ac- Respect IslWutual meeting, perhaps in June, to cordingly they are taking cost- A traveler hears expressions' discuss the world situation, Mr. ly long-term steps to improve of respect and admiration for Micunovic said, and to organize! their defenses. each other from Finns and a third conference of the non- The Finns, whose Govern- Yugoslavs. ment, a five-party coalition, "We have a, common prpb aligned world. The first such lem," said a Yugoslav official conference was held in Bel- includes Communists, almost "which is living next to a Sovie grade in 1961, the second in unanimously view the post-in superpower, though we startec Cairo in.!9S4. vasion stance of the Soviet from different situations." No site for. the consultative Union as "largely defensive" in Attempting to explain the di- meeting has been set, although character and almost certainly vergence in assessment of cur there are Indications that it no danger to the territorial in- rent Soviet policy in centra may be held in Belgrade. tegrity 'and sovereignty of Fin Europe, the Yugoslav went on. Time Is Ripe "We were a show window land. during the Khrushchev era fo: Conceding that the interna- The Yugoslavs believe i the Soviet intention of demon tional muscle of the nonaligned Soviet Army under Defense]; strating tHat they could achieve world "has been considerably] Minister Andrei A. Grechko has good cooperative relations with reduced over "the last five acquired undue influence of a an independent and neutra' 'years," Mr. Micunovic said that belligerent nature over the socialist country. The Soviet President Tito and Yugoslavia! party leadership of Leonid I. Union smashed that window believed that the time was nowl Brezhnev. when they invaded Czechoslo ripe to weld the third .world vakia and have been threaten- into an effective force for peace Ideology Seen as Key ing to loot us ever since. and stability. While acknowledging that "Finland remains a show- "We in Yugoslavia consider the Soviet Army marshals are case of beneficent Soviet co- that the present division of the playing a stronger role than operation with a Western neu- world between two blocs,. East previously in Moscow's policy, tral country on their frontier, and West, is a dangerous one," Finnish officials believe the which Moscow needs to show Mr. Micunovic said. He indi- central problem- in the Soviet its so-called peaceful intentions cated that many .states of the leadership is ideological rather toward West Europe and the third world shared this pessi- than military. United States." mistic view and were now eager to attempt to create a Olavl Laine, the Helsinki Mr. Laine echoed this esti- counterweight to the super- radio commentator who has mate of Soviet treatment of powers, the Soviet Union and traveled widely in Communist! Finland. So did Aarne Saarinen, the United States. countries arid speaks with au-l the progressive chairman of the thtority about them as a liberal recently liberalized Finnish* There are positive signs In Communist party in an inter- Soviet-American, relations that Finnish Communist, made this give hope that the nonaligned assessment last autumn to a view; and so did highly placed countries can effectively or- visitor and he upholds it to- Finnish Government officials. ganize at this time, according! day. But despite the divergence to Mr. Micunovic. "The Russians invaded both Finns and Yugoslavs feel Czechoslovakia primarily be- they share a stake in maintain- The' countries agreeing to at- cause they rwere afraid that ing or attaining good relations tend include most of those that the de-Staliriizatiori process un-; with the Soviet superpower. As were part of the Belgrade and der way in Prague would neutrals, tHey also hope with Cairo conferences. However, spread to "the Soviet Union," equal fervor that time and do- because no host country has mestic consumer demands will been.,' selected,...; the Yugoslav he said, adding: : "And there are hundreds of force the Soviet Union onto &\ ilfcreigri" Ministry deciirfed^ ta;j thousands of Stalinists in the more peaceful course in cen-i :n-yak£' public/the list of 'natrons; trial Europe. .'trial: have accepted President,: Soviet Union who -have: never 1 been called to account .for their. {Tito's initiative." - •' ''•••-•;• ••'_*$": crimes. They are : afraid; ."foe tbJ^;fxwer.^^:sK.^/- *i^^! Excerpt from the text of the invitation to participate at the consultative meeting of the non- aligned countries in Belgrade on 8 July 1969:

"In expressing its willingness to organize the consultative meeting, the Government of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia whishes to recall that the following agenda has been proposed in the course of the consultations:

a) Role of the policy of non-alignment in the present-day world, especially with reference to peace, independence and development.

b) Consideration of possibilities for intensifying consultations and cooperation among and concerted actions by the non-aligned countries in various fields.

It has been also suggested, at the same time, that the Governments of the countries participating in the consultative meeting should be represented at this meeting by special envoys.M TUG/8 Belgrade, 21 May 1969 (TANJtTG)

The Yugoslav government lias accepted a proposal advanced by a number of countries to hold a consultative meeting of the non-aligned countries in Belgrade beginning of July. According to an agreement during an extensive exchange of views the agenda of the consultative meeting will contain the question of the role of the policy of non-alignment in the world today» especially with reference to peace, independence and development of all countries. The conference will also examine the prospects for more intensive consultations, cooperation and joint activities of the non-aligned countries in various fields. The consultative meeting will be held at the level of special representatives of the governments of the non-aligned countries. Invitations will be sent to the governments of all countries and observers that had particpated at the Conference of Heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries in Cairo in 1964. Recognizing the need to increase the number of non- aligned countries, possibilities will be explored to invite also other countries that have, expressed their readiness and desire to participate at the consultative meeting, primarily the OAT7 members not represented in Cairo in 1964 and other newly liberated countries. The Yugoslav government expressed its confidence at its recent session that the non-aligned countries will in this way contribute towards promoting the spirit of cooperation and understanding, with a view to finding peaceful settlement to the pressing problems facing the world today. -end- His Excellency U OJhant, Secretary-General, United Nations Headquarters, Hew York, H.Y.

PREDSEDNIK REPUBLIKE , Beograd, 19. aprila 1967. godine

Dragi gospodine Generalni sekretar,

Posto nas Stalni predstavnik pri OUN, ambasador Danilo Lekic boravi u Beogradu, koristim priliku da Vam iskreno zahvalim na vasoj ljubaznoj poruci koju sam primio pocetkom. januara ove godine i da vam uzvratim dobre zelje i prijateljske pozdrave.

Visoko cijeneci misli koje ste izrdjeli u Vasoj poruci, zelim da kazem da je nasa zemlja, kao i ja licno, uvijek pridavala veliki znacaj Organizaciji ujedinjenih nacija, videci u njoj neophodan svjetski demokratski forum za ocuvanje mira i ostvarenje ravnopravne medjunarodne saradnje. Razumljivo je da se OUN u svojoj djelatnosti suocava i sa teskocama, koje proisticu iz opsteg stanja medjunarodnih odnosa i nerijesenih problema u svijetu. To nas ne obeshrabruje u nasoj rijesenosti da, zajedno sa drugim miroljubivim zemljama i narodima, radimo na daljem unapredjenju medjunarodnih odnosa, kroz Ujedinjene nacije, sto je i neodoljiva teznja citavog covjecanstva.

Zelio bih takodje, dragi gospodine Generalni sekretaru, da zahvalim na vasem razumijevanju, saradnji i podrsci koju ste uvijek pruzali jugoslovenskim predstavnicima u Ujedinjenim nacijama, sa uvjerenjem da ce se nasa plodna saradnja i razmjena misljenja uspjes- no nastaviti i ubuduce. Sa velikim interesovanjem pratimo plemenite napore, koje Vi licno ulazete, i inicijative koje preduzimate na vasoj visokoj i odgovornoj duznosti za miroljubivo rjesavanje akutnih medjunarodnih problema.

Izrazavajuci Vam, i ovom prilikom, moje duboko posto- vanje, zelim Vam mnogo uspjeha u daljem radu.

Iskreno Vas,

Njegova Ekselencija U Tant, -jfiuw Generalni sekretar Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija,

New York Unofficial Translation

Belgrade, 19 April 196?

Dear Mr. Secretary-General:

I am taking the opportunity of the visit of our Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Danilo Lekic, to Belgrade to thank you most sincerely on your kind message which I received at the "beginning of January of this year and to re- ciprocate the good wishes and friendly felicitations.

Highly appreciating the ideas expressed in your message, I should like to say that our country, and I personally, have always attached great importance to the United Nations, deeming it to constitute an indispensable world democratic forum entrusted with the safeguarding of the peace and promoting of equitable international cooperation. Understandable are the problems which the United Nations faces in its activities because of the difficulties generated by the prevailing situation in the international relations and the unresolved problems in the world. This, however, does not discourage us in our determination to work — together with other peace-loving

His Excellency peace-loving U Thant Secretary-General United Nations New York - 2 -

countries and peoples — towards a further Improve- ment of international relations through the United Nations. This is also an earnest desire of mankind as a whole.

I should also like to thank you, dear Mr. Secretary-General, on your understanding, cooperation and support that you have always extended to the Yugoslav representatives in the United Nations. I am confident that our fruitful cooperation and exchange of opinions will be continued successfully in the future as well. We are following with great In- terest the noble efforts you are personally exerting, and the initiatives you are undertaking in the exe- cution of your high and responsible duty of achieving a peaceful solution of pressing international issues.

Please accept,on this occasion also, the assurances of my highest consideration and best wishes for future successes in your work.

Sincerely yours,

(Signed) J.B. Tito PREDSEDNJJ^PEPUBLIKE " " Beograd, 8. marta 1968. godine

Dragi gospodine Generalni sekretare,

Visoko cijeneci Vase neprekidne napore i nastojanja za jacanje uloge Ujedinjenih nacija u unapredjenju miroljubive i ravnopravne medjunarodne saradnje i za ucvrscenje mira u svijetu, zelim da Vas obavijestim o svojim utiscima iz razgovora sa drzavnicima nekih zemalja Azije i Afrike koje sam nedav- no posjetio. Istovremeno koristim priliku da Vas upoznam sa nasim misljenjem o tome, sta bi se moglo preduzeti za poboljsanje medjunarodne situacije.

U svim ovim zemljama naisli smo na ozbiljnu zabrinutost zbog nepovoljnog razvoja medjunarodne situacije usljed primjene politike sile i agresije, mijesanja u unutrasnje stvari drugih zemalja, kao i zbog pogorsanja ekonomskog polozaja zemalja u razvoju. Opste je misljenje da nastavljanje i eskalacija rata u Vijetnamu predstavlja izvor najvede opasnosti ne samo za narode toga podrucja, vec i za svijet u cjelini jer direktno ugrozava svjetski mir. Svi nasi sagovornici bili su saglasni u tome da je neophodno hitno obustavljanje bombardovanja Sjevernog Vijetnama, sto je osnov- ni preduslov za pocetak politickog rjesavanja vijetnamskog problema putem pregovora u duhu Zenevskih sporazuma od 1954. godine. Opste je uvjerenje, takodje, da produzavanje postojeceg stanja na Bliskom istoku, koje je stvoreno izraelskom okupacijom teritorija arapskih zemalja, predstavlja stalnu opasnost za bezbjednost i mir, kao i opasan presedan sa nesagledivim posljedicama.

Pritisak kolonijalistickih i neokolonijalistickih snaga na nezavisne zemlje i antikolonijalne pokrete u Africi, pokretanje teri- torijalnih sporova, podsticanje unutrasnjih razmimoilazenja i sece- sionistickih tendencija ugrozava stecenu nezavisnost africkih drzava i dosadasnje tekovine antikolonijalne borbe.

Njegova Ekselencija Gospodin U Tant, Generalni sekretar Ujedinjenih nacija

Njujork Veliko je, medjutim, ohrabrenje sto su narodi i vlade zemalja koje smo posjetili, bez obzira na pritiske spolja i druge teskoce kojima su izlozeni, ostali dosljedni u svojoj rijesenosti da se suprotstave primjeni sile i pokusajima mijesanja sa strane, odlucni da ucvrste politicku i ekonomsku.nezavisnost i da pojacaju svoje napore u borbi za mir i ravnopravne i demokratske medjunarodne odnose.

U toku ovih razgovora ponovo smo se uvjerili koliki znacaj narodi i vlade ovih zemalja pridaju djelovanju Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija u zastiti nezavisnosti i integriteta zemalja, mi- roljubivom rjesavanju akutnih medjunarodnih problema i za ucvrscenje mir a. Zbog toga one isticu potrebu i izrazavaju spremnost da se angazuju i pruze svoj doprinos ostvarenju ciljeva Povelje UN i jacanju uloge svjetske Organizacije.

U razgovorima sa drzavnicima zemalja koje smo posjetili, kao i drugim kontaktima sa prijateljskim zemljama, dosli smo do zajednickog ubjedjenja da je u sadasnjoj zabrinjavajucoj medju- narodnoj situaciji neophodno i mogucno udruziti napore svih nesvrstanih i drugih miroljubivih. zemalja i pojacati njihov pozitivan doprinos za rjesavanje otvorenih medjunarodnih problema, za nesme- tani ekonomski razvoj svih zemalja, za mir. Tome bi, po nasem mi- sljenju, mogla doprinijeti jedna konferencija na najvisem nivou ne- sVrstanih i drugih miroljubivih zemalja koje su spremne da se za to zaloze. Ocjenjujemo da postoji potreba, kao i neophodni uslovi, za pristupanje konsultacijama za organizovanje konferencije na vrhu, cija bi platforma i kriterij za ucesce bill siri od onih koji su bill primjenjivani za Beogradsku i Kairsku konferenciju. To bi, dakle, bila konferencija za mir i nezavisnost, protiv upotrebe sile u medjunarodnim odnosima i mijesanja u unutrasnje stvari drugih zemalja, za konacnu likvidaciju kolonijalizma.

Pored najaktuelnijih politickih pitanja, takav jedan skup svakako bi trebalo da razmotri i ekonomske aspekte borbe za nezavisnost, ravnopravnost naroda i obezbjedjenje ubrzanog razvoja zemalja u razvoju i svjetske privrede u cjelini. U torn pogledu potrebna je zajednicka akcija svih zainteresovanih zemalja za realizaciju plat- forme koju je dala Alzirska povelja i za sprovodjenje u delo zakljuca- ka Konferencije UN o trgovini i razvoju. Za zemlje u razvoju posebno se postavlja pitanje dalje aktivizacije njihovih sopstvenih snaga putem odgovarajuce medjusobne saradnje i eventualne izgradnje zajednickih ekonomskih, finansijskih i drugih institucija, pored ostalog i radi uspostavljanja ravnopravnih pozicija u odnosima sa ekonomski raz- vijenim zemljama. Uvjereni smo da bi takva konferencija predstavljala snazan doprinos mobilizaciji medjunarodne javnosti za mir i pro- gres u svijetu. Njene preporuke bi istovremeno mogle predstav- Ijati i program za zajednicke konstruktivne akcije tin zemalja u okviru Ujedinjenih nacija i na drugim medjunarodnim skupovima. Na taj nacin Konferencija bi mogla doprinijeti da svjetska Organi- zacija efikasnije odgovori zadacima koje Povelja pred nju postav- Ija. Vjerujemo da bi konstruktivni i principijelni program akcija jednog takvog skupa podrzale i mnoge druge miroljubive zemlje i progresivne snage, koje iz raznih razloga ne bi na njemu bile zastupljene.

Naravno, za odrzavanje takve konferencije neophodne su prethodne konsultacije na najsiroj osndvi, kako bi dosli do izrazaja misljenja i prijedlozi sto sireg kruga zemalja.

Zelim da Vas obavijestim, gospodine Generalni sekretare,da sam u torn smislu uputio poruke sefovima drzava i vlada prijateljskih zemalja koje su zainteresovane da ucestvuju u zajednickom naporu za poboljsanje opste medjunarodne situacije.

Iznosim Vam ove ideje i razmisljanja, do kojih smo dosli u razgovorima sa drzavnicima prijateljskih zemalja, pozna- vajuci Vase interesovanje i licnu angazovanost u naporima koji se cine za poboljsanje medjunarodne situacije, uklanjanje ratnih opasnosti i ostvarenje ravnopravne medjunarodne saradnje. Veoma bismo cijenili Vase misljenje u sadasnjoj situaciji u svijetu i o tome sta bi se moglo preduzeti u cilju unapredjenja medjunarodnih odnosa.

Izvolite primiti, gospodine Generalni sekretare, izraze mog najviseg postovanja sa najboljim zeljama za neumornim naporima za mir. NJEGOVA EKSELENCIJA. GOSPODIN U TANT, GENERALNI SEKRSTAR UJEDINJENIH NACIJA

NJUJORK NJEGOVA EKSELENCIJA U TANT, GENERALNI SEKRETAR ORGANIZACIJE UJEDINJENIH NACIJA,

NEW YORK Brioni, 24 August 196?

Dear Mr. Secretary-General,

Continuing the useful practice of mutual exchange of views and cooperation and highly appreciating your unremitting efforts to strengthen the role of the United Nations and to consolidate peace in the world, I wish to acquaint you. with our views concerning the possibility of resolving the crisis in the Near East. It is a fact that this crisis is continuing and is fraught with the undiminished danger of a new outbreak of hostilities, which could have even graver consequences for peace in the world, unless fresh efforts are made for its peaceful solution as a matter of urgency. Every lack of resistance to aggressive tendencies or passive attitude towards developments connected with crisis and the growing threats arising therefrom can only encourage the protagonists of the policy of force and pressure to continue their onsloughts on the freedom and independence of countries that do not want to submit themselves to foreign domination. Guided by such considerations I have visited the United Arab Republic, the Syrian Arab Republic and the Republic of Iraq at the invitation of President Gamal Abdel

Nasser, Head of State Dr Nouredine Attassy, and President

His Excellency U Thant, Secretary-General of the United Nations, New York -2-

Abdul Rahman Arif. On that occasion we had open and exhaustive talks on the liquidation of the consequences of Israeli aggression. At the same time, I had the opportunity to get direct impressions concerning the position and difficulties with which these countries are faced today. I have been impressed, in particular, by their determination to persevere with all the means available in their efforts to secure their independence, territorial integrity and fundamental rights and interests. The responsibility for the situation in the Near East is borne by Israel and the powers that support it in its aggressive policy and territorial pretensions. Such a policy is wholly unacceptable as it calls for the capitulation of the Arab countries, the annexation of considerable parts of their national territories and their subordination to a foreign diktat. The Arab countries are not prepared to accept the imposing of any. solution that would offend their dignity or call for a renouncement of fundamental national rights and interests. The Arab countries feel that they are endangered by Israel and any imposed solution would not be tenable regardless of the force on which it would temporarily rely and would be the source of new conflict in the future. The extreme positions of Israel and the one-sided approach of its protectors to the problems of the Near East can only strengthen the influence of those forces among the Arab which see in the preparation of revenge the only way out of the crisis. However, the -3-

Arab leadens with whom I have had talks do not reject the possibility- of a political solution if the latter took into account the essential interests of their countries. We understand their just aspirations and Yugoslavia will continue, as it has done so far, together with other countries, to lend all possible assistance to the Arab countries in that sense. Proceeding from such a state of affairs, I am convinced that it is indispensable, in the interest of peace and of the countries victims of aggression, to render possible a just solution of the existing crisis which is burdening international relations, taken as a whole, very seriously. With this purpose in mind, I have addressed personal messages to the Heads of State or Government of the four great Powers-permanent members of the Security Council, as well as to a number of friendly countries, in which I have set forth our views and our suggestions regarding the bases for such a solution. Although it is matter for concern that a decision on the withdrawal of Israeli forces could not be brought at the special emergency session of the General Assembly, the resolution tabled by the non-aligned countries nevertheless constituted a useful contribution towards such endeavours. Strong views were expressed at the General Assembly along the line of demands for the withdrawal of Israeli forces, for the non-recognition of annexations as well as for a search for solutions which would, by respecting the sovereignity and territorial integrity of all the States in the Near East, render possible the solving of outstanding issues in the interest of peace and stability in the region, I believe that new efforts could be exerted on such bases with a view to achieving the broadest possible consensus on a platform that would be, of course, acceptable to the Arab countries-victims of the aggression, I have studied carefully the views communicated by you to our permanent representative in the United Nations on August 11, and I find that on many points they are in concordance with our concepts. The heart of the matter is still to secure the withdrawal of Israeli forces to the positions held by them before June 4-, Without this it is neither possible nor acceptable to undertake any solving of the crisis. I 'share your opinion that, in the present circumstances, Arab countries, cannot be expected to recognize formally Israel and the cessation of the state of belligerency but I feel that it is possible to find a solution that would not jeopardize their rights. In this connection I wish to inform you that the Arab countries I have visited do not accept the Soviet-American draft resolution, because they do not find in its provisions, and especially in the American interpretations of the draft, the necessary guarantees that the withdrawal of Israeli forces will be actually secured, and for this reason they feel that Israel would derive unilateral benefits from it. -5-

•/ Bearing in mind the development of the crisis so far, the session of the General Assembly and the stands of the parties concerned, I am confident that a peaceful and equitable solution could be found on the following bases: 1. Withdrawal of all forces from territories they have occupied since June 4-, under the control of United Nations observers. 2. Guarantee of the security and borders of June 4- of all the States of the region by the four great Powers or the Security Council pending the definitive solution of outstanding problems. Possible stationing, for this purpose, of United Nations forces on both sides of the border. 3. Free pasage for all ships through the Strait of Tiran until the decision of the International Court of Justice. 4. Navigation in the Suez Canal as before June 4-. 5. After the implementation of the above measures, the Security Council would take steps, with the participation of the parties directly concerned, for the solving of the other questions under dispute, primarily of the question of Palestinian refugees as well as the question of the passage of Israeli ships through the Suez Canal. I wish to draw your attention to the second point,

namely, to the question of guarantees. This would meet the demand of a certain number of States which link the withdrawal to the recognition of the existence of Israel or demand the cessation of the state of belligerency. I think that these -6- guarantees meet these demands, as they would actually confirm the inviolability of "borders and the integrity of all States through the acceptance of such guarantees, without demanding a formal recognition of Israel by the Arab States. As regards the question of refuge^ and navigation through the Suez Canal, the Security Council would solve these issues later, with the participation of the parties concerned. May I mention that it is unacceptable to the Arab countries that the question of navigation through the Suez Canal should be at all examined outside the context of one of the most important problems, the question of Palestinian refugees, which should be solved in the spirit of the known resolutions of the United Nations which Israel has been rejecting constantly. The appointment of your representative for purposes of mediation could be taken into consideration for the solving of these and possibly other questions. I have discussed with the statesmen of the United Arab Republic, Syria and Iraq the possibilities of a 6W political solution on this basis. I may say that the reacting of these countries to our ideas has been encouraging, particularly in the United Arab Republic which was, as you are aware, the main target of the aggression. As for the form in which the guarantees would be given, i.e. whether they would be given by the four great

Powers or by the Security Council, it is Of secondary importance, as the consensus of the four great Powers is required in any case. For this reason, contacts among the four great Powers are of particular significance for the success of our action at the present moment as their agreement is an indispensable condition for the adoption of the aforementioned platform for the solution of the crisis in the Near East. We shall, of course, exchange concurrently views with other countries, too, especially with the non- aligned countries as we continue to place great hopes in their understanding and cooperation as well as their readiness to take action in the United Nations and outside it for a peaceful and just solution of the crisis. We are aware of the difficulties we are going to encounter in our efforts to realize such a solution, but we are convinced that it would be the most dangerous thing to reconcile ourselves to the present situation and to allow that benefits should continue to be derived from the fruits of aggression. /

sf Finally, I wish to assure you that I would greatly appreciate to receive your views concerning these ideas, in view of the role that the United Nations and the Security Council in particular could play in' overcoming the crisis in the Near East and consolidating world peace. I avail myself of this opportunity to convey to you the assurances of my high esteem and to address you greetings and best wishes.

Josip Broz Tito (signed) Beograd, 8 March 1968

Dear Mr. Secretary-General,

Highly appreciating your incessant efforts and endeavours to strengthen the role of the United Hations in promoting peaceful and equitable international co-operation and to consolidate peace in the world, I wish to inform you of my impressions gained in the talks with statesmen of some Asian and African countries I visited recently. I avail myself of this opportunity to acquaint you at the same time with our opinion as to what might be done for the improvement of the international situation.

In all these countries we noted grave concern over the adverse development of the international situation due to the use of the policy of force and aggression, the interference in internal affairs of other countries, as well as due to the worsening of the economic position of the developing countries. It is generally accepted that the continuation and escalation of the war in Vietnam constitute a source

His Excellency U Thant, Secretary-General of the United Nations New York 2.

of the greatest danger not only to the peoples of that area, "but also to the world as a whole, since it directly threatens the world peace. All our interlocutors were agreed that the urgent cessation of "bombing of North Vietnam was indispensable, this "being the "basic prerequisite for starting to solve the Vietnam problem politically, "by means of negotiations in the spirit of the 1954- Geneva Agreements. It is a general belief also that the prolongation of the existing state of affairs in the Middle East brought about by the Israeli occupation of the territories of the Arab countries, constitutes a permanent danger to the security and peace, as well as a dangerous precedent with far-reaching consequences.

The pressure of colonialist and neo- colonialist forces brought to bear on the independent countries and anti-colonial movements in Africa, the raising of territorial disputes, the instigation to internal differences and secessionist tendencies, threaten the independence attained by African States and the achievements gained so far in the struggle against colonialism.

Very encouraging, however, is the fact that the peoples and governments of the countries we visited, have remained, regardless of outside pressures and other difficulties they are exposed to, consistent in. tlieir resolve to withstand the use of force and the attempts to interfere from outside, determined to consolidate their political and economic independence and to strengthen their efforts in the struggle for peace and for equitable and democratic international relations.

In the course of these talks we were reassured once again what a great significance is attached by the peoples and governments of these countries to the activities of the Organization of the United Nations in protecting independence and integrity of countries, in solving acute international problems "by peaceful means and in consolidating peace. It is for this reason that they emphasize the need and express their readiness to engage themselves and to contribute to the implementation of the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and to the strengthening of the world Organization^ role.

In the talks with statesmen of countries we visited, as well as in other contacts with friendly countries, we have come to a common conviction that in the present international situation causing concern, it is indispensable and possible to join forces of all non-aligned and other peace-loving countries and to strengthen their positive contribution towards the solving of outstanding international problems, towards an unhampered economic development of all countries, towards peace. A summit conference of non-aligned and other peace-loving countries ready, to stand for these ideas., would, in our opinion, contribute to this end. We estimate that there is a need, as well as indispensable conditions, to proceed to consultations aimed at organizing a summit conference, whose platform and criterion for participation would "be broader than those applied to Belgrade and Cairo Conferences. Consequently, it would be a conference in favour of peace and independence, against the use of force in international relations and the interference in internal affairs of other countries, in favour of the final eradication of colonialism.

In addition to the most acute political questions, such a gathering should certainly deal also with the economic aspects of the struggle for independence, equality of nations and the securing of an accelerated development of the developing countries and the world economy as a whole. In this respect, a joint action of all interested countries is necessary for the realisation of the platform provided by the Charter of Algiers and for the implementation of the conclusions of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. A particular problem facing the developing countries is the further mobilization of their own forces through appropriate mutual co-operation and a possible establishment of their joint economic, financial and other institutions, in order to achieve, among other things, an equitable position in their relations with the economically developed countries.

¥e are convinced that such a conference would be a major contribution to the mobilization of the world public opinion for the cause of peace and progress in the world. Its decisions would, at the same time, constitute a programme of joint constructive action of these countries within the Organization of the United Nations and at other international gatherings, In this way the conference might contribute the world Organization's more efficient fulfilment of its tasks embodied in the Charter. ¥e believe that a constructive and consistent programme of actions produced by such a gathering would be supported also by many other peace-loving countries and progressive forces, which, for various reasons, would not be represented there.

Of course, for the holding of such a conference preliminary consultations on the broadest possible basis are indispensable, so that an as large as possible number of countries could voice their opinions and suggestions.

I wish to inform you, Mr. Secretary- General, that in this sense I have sent out messages 6. to the Heads of State or Government of friendly countries interested in taking part in the common effort for the improvement of the international situation in general.

I am setting forth these ideas and deliberations, which we have reached in the course of talks with statesmen of friendly countries, aware of your keen interest and your personal engagement in the efforts exerted for the improvement of the international situation, the elimination of war dangers and the realisation of equitable international co-operation. ¥e should highly appreciate your views on the present situation in the world as well as on what might be done in order to promote international relations.

Please accept, Mr. Secretary-General, the assurances of my highest consideration and best wishes for the success in your unremitting efforts for peace.

Josip Broz Tito /signed/ 29 March 1968

Bear Mr. Ambassador,V I would request you to be so good as to forward the attached letter to His Excellency the President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.. With best wishes,, Sincerely,

U Thant

H.E, SIN Anton Vratusa Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Permanent Mission of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 854 Fifth Avenue , Hew York, K.Y. 10021 DRAFT ALD/KSN

28 March 1968

Mr. President,

I have the honour to thank you for sending me your important message of 8 March 1968. Indeed, I am grateful to you for giving me the "benefit of your impressions from your recent talks with statesmen from the Asian and African countries you visited recently and for acquainting me with your ideas on a possible course of action to improve the international situation.

At a time of increasing threats to the independence of many countries and to world peace, your untiring efforts to seek effective ways of promoting a concerted action in a number of key problems, such as Viet-Kam, the Middle East, de-colonization and economic development, "bears testimony to the continued high sense of your international responsibilities. You have emphasized

His Excellency Marshall Josip Broz Tito President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslavia - 2 -

at the same time how desirable it would be if the countries concerned could establish within the United Nations a joint programme of constructive action to check the most pressing dangers confronting world peace.

Among these present dangers, you have singled out the situations in Viet-Nam and in the Middle East. I naturally share your views on the necessity of an urgent cessation of the bombing of North Viet-Nam as a prerequisite for starting to solve the problem politically V means of negotiation, reviving the Geneva Agreements of 195^. I also concur with the priority given to this problem in relation to the others, thn gmTr j^nrrrrlri'il n ir li In thff nnr rnr.ft having indirectly contributed to the deterioration of the atmosphere in the eastern Mediterranean region and paralyzed progress in de-colonization and economic development. One may submit that developing nations of the third world have suffered the most from the consequences of this worsening international conjunction. - 5 -

Aware as you are of the gravity of this situation, I am interested to note that you have engaged in extensive consultations before taking new steps in the direction of a summit meeting of non-aligned and other peace-loving countries.

The result of such consultations will obviously be of great importance since it appears that the outlook of concerted action might significantly vary according to the composition of such a gathering and the choice of priority subjects. On the basis of past experience, within the United Nations in particular, it seems to me that there might be certain risks —

I might even say certain dangers in this critical year — if inclusion of various issues on the agenda were only to draw- attention to the ncvfrnyal differences of opinion among participating countries on certain questions, concealing the almost universal desire of the peoples to see an end to the war in Viet-Nam and the necessity of a new stajfcrt in international co-operation. I am well aware that you yourself, are conscious of *s these difficulties. And, while, as Secretary-General of the United Nations, it would seem difficult for me to pass judgement on the opportunity of a summit conference of non-aligned States,

I would certainly consider it to be in the interest of the world community if a group of countries, representing a significant section of world opinion, could arrive at an unambiguous- stand on Viet-Nam or on the Middle East through a conference, or separate conferences, or indeed at the United Nations.

I have sent you these preliminary thoughts in the same spirit which led you to bring me into the important group of statesmen you have recently consulted. I have deeply appreciated your confidence in this respect and I am looking forward to the continued exchange of views you may wish to have on matters such as these which have a close relationship with United Nations action.

Accept, Mr. President, the assurances of my highest consideration.

U Thant AL0/KSN To be transmitted by Ambassador VratuSa. ce: . Pferaoanent Mission. Br. Saiusimban Mr. Lealexix

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PERMANENT MISSION

THE SOCIALIST FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA

TO THE UNITED NATIONS

354 FIFTH AVENUE. NEW YORK. N. Y. 1OO21 V No. 11002

Excellency, ^"'

With reference to our conversation yesterday I have the honour to transmit herewith a copy of a statement given by the President of the Socialist —aj^iBB^^i.osas^sa"*™'^ ^ ... ^ . ._ ..^,.. Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, on thlTTTrdTie East""on 1 December 1969 in Belgrade to W! l i r J 1 l0 nilrT 1 I 4ftU!**ai.iiManKM<*-,,ie»«i.-?ti*.-7ft**'*' '«'' '»*>'***' - ** * ''' ' ' "-'"•''' ftf""' J -*^ -J the Director of the Yugoslav news agency TANJUG-.~

«.^™.>»»,vw«e«»..™«"-™™"' Sincerely yours,

Lazar Moj'sov Ambassador and Permanent Representative

His Excellency U Thant Secretary-General United Nations New York

LK/mr Statement by the President of the Republic

Aggressive policy of Israel has resulted in an extremely serious deterioration of the situation

The aggressive and expansionist policy of the Government of Israel has resulted in an extremely serious deterioration of the situation in the Middle East. The most responsible Israeli leaders are persistent and more vocal in their pretensions and annexationist intentions with respect to the occupied territories of the Arab countries. They are threatening with further violation of the sovereignty and territorial integirty of these countries, The Israeli authorities are engaging in provocative armed attacks against the territories of the neighbouring Arab states, as well as in brutal repressive measures against the Arab population in the occupied territories. The Israeli Government at the same time is hampering all other efforts having as their aim peaceful and just solution of the crisis in the Middle East, in conformity with the interests of all the peoples of this area. It is certain that Israel would not behave in this way if such its policy is not receiving support from outside and considerable financial and armed assistance from abroad, in the first place from the USA.

Such a development of the situation in this area threatens to result even in wider conflicts and in the renmisraL of the war with unforeseeable consequences for the world peace and security. - 2 - The Government and the people of Yugoslavia share the concern of all the peaceloving and progressive forces in the world at the deterioration of the crises in the Middle East. For this reason Yugoslavia will, as it has up to now, actively exert its efforts towards an immediate withdrawal of the Israeli forces from all the occupied territories and towards finding a just political solution which would ensure a lasting peace and security of all countries in this very sensitive area. It is understandable that in doing so it would be necessary to guarantee also the.legitimate rights of the Arab peoples of Palestine, whose participation is essential in all efforts aimed at finding a solution for the crises in the Middle East.

Because of the persistent refusal of Israel to accept a just and peaceful solution, and in the absence of such a solution, the readiness of the Arab countries, whose territories have been occupied by Israel, to use every means in order to return that what has been taken away from them - is meeting with full understanding and support among the peoples of Yugoslavia.

Within the framework of efforts for the solution of the Middle East crisis, Yugoslavia supports also those efforts which have been expressed in the Declaration of the Group of European Socialist Countries of 27 November of this year. UNOFFICIAL TRANSLATION

PBESIDENT OF THE EEPUBLIG

Belgrade, 11 March 1970

Dear Mr. Secretary-General, I wish to inform you of the talks I had during my recent visit to Tanzania, Zambia, Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, the Sudan, the United Arab Republic, and Libya and about the impressions I gained during this tour. The visit to these countries has offered me an opportunity to acquaint myself more directly with their development and problems, and also to exchange views with the distinguished statesmen of those countries: President Julius K. Nyerere, President Kenneth D. Kaunda, His Imperial Majesty the Emperor Haile Selassie, President Jomo Kenyatta, President Milton Obote, President Jaafar Mohammed al Nemery, President Gamal A. Nasser and Pre- sident fe'oamer al Kadhafi on bilateral relations of our countries and regarding the most recent development of international situation, which, I am confident you will agree with me, is causing increasing concern.

His Excellency U Thant Secretary-General United Nations New York - 2 -

In the course of my visit to these friendly countries I "became firmly convinced that the peoples and Governments of these countries, in spite of enormous hardships they face, are making resolute efforts with a view to overcoming the heavy legacy of the colonial past. Their endeavours and efforts aimed at comprehensive economic and social transformation testify to their determination to utilize most effectively the creative forces and vast natural resources at their disposal for progress of their countries. The peoples of these countries and their leaders realize that in order to achieve progress they must, above all, rely upon their own forces. While in these friendly countries I was at>le to gain most intimate insight into the grave concern with which they view the persistence and continuation of the aggressive colonial system. The intolerable state of suppression and deprivation of millions of Africans in the Republic of South Africa, Rhodesia, Namibia, Mozambique, Angola and the so-called Portuguese Guinea is continuing, while the extremely inhuman policy of racial discrimination and apartheid constitutes a challenge to the entire world community. Understandable is the grave concern and bit- terness of African leaders at the political, economic and military support which some foreign Powers are extending - 3 - to tlie racist regimes in the southern part of Africa. Obviously involved here is not only the halting of the process of' decolonisation in that part of the world "but also "broader neo-colonialist designs, which are a source of instability on the African continent and represent a direct threat to the independence and integrity of African countries as well as to the peace in the world. The leaders of these countries rightly expect more extensive and effective engagement and support of the international community primarily, which is natural, from the United Nations for resolving problems emerging out of the persistence of colonial hotbeds and the situation now ob- taining in the southern part of Africa. All the peace- loving forces in the world, in my opinion, are interested in and obliged to make their contribution so that the United Nations, especially during the twenty-fifth anniversary of its existence and the tenth anniversary of Declaration on Decolonization, could take more effective steps towards the final resolving of these grave and painful problems. Talks with the leaders of the Sudan and Libya, in particular, the meeting with President Nasser, have convinced me that the situation in this region has become extremely alarming. We are agreed that the crisis is being further aggravated and that it is assuming a - 4 - very dangerous course with -unforeseeable consequences which could not "be restricted only to this area. Such views were also shared with other African statesmen whom I had spoken with. All countries that I visited, primarily those directly engaged in the conflict, are interested in the more urgent overcoming of this untenable situation and in finding a just settlement. The talk with President Kasser has even more convinced me in my "belief that the United Arab Eepublic is persevering in its desire to seek a political solution to the crisis. It stands to reason that a total withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the occupied territories is the precondition for the surmounting of the present situation; and the realization of the legitimate rights of the Arab

s. people of Palestine the essential foundation to a lasting peace and security of all the countries in this area. President Nasser, in this respect, rightly expects the support of the entire international community for the implementation of the resolution of the Security Council, as the initial step leading to a permanent solution of the crisis in the Middle East. Obviously the road for transcending the present situation cannot be constructed on unilateral solutions, therefore, anyone who wishes to make a genuine contribution - 5 - to avoiding a new war and to the political settlement of the crisis must proceed from the principles stipulated in the Security Council resolution. Likewise, it is my firm conviction that unless Israel desists from the present campaign of accelerated war operations and until it accepts the Security Council resolution, it would not "be possible to consider any aspects of the cease-fire without having, at the same time, the Ara"b States — victims of the aggression — incur the unacceptable arbitrariness. In my conversation with the Secretary of State of the United States of .America, Mr. Eodgers, whom I had received at his request in Addis Ababa, I outlined my assessment of the existing situation in the Middle East and pointed out to him the grave consequences of the aggressive policy of Israel and of the arming of Israel by the United States of America. In the light of the escallation of the Israeli aggression and deterioration of the situation in the Middle East, I consider it essential to exert additional and fresh efforts for the implementation of the resolution of the Security Council, especially by those factors which should and could contribute the most towards this end. The non- aligned countries, which look upon this problem with great apprehension because it constitutes a source of perpetual - 6 - and grave danger for the peace in the world, on their part, shall continue with their efforts in the search of a just settlement. Among all the statesmen I also found profound un- easiness over the lack of adequate efforts to put an end to the aggressive war in Vietnam. Of special concern are the attempts to have the so-called policy of the Vietnamiza- tion of the war — which has already for a number of years constituted a challenge to the consciousness of mankind — continue indefinitely. Dear Mr. Secretary-General, In examining all these issues there was constantly present an interest among the leaders of the countries I visited for the over-all situation in the world. ¥e were agreed in that the contacts and negotiations of the super- powers, which are more and more replacing direct confronta- tion reminiscent of the cold war era, constitute an encouraging fact. However, I also perceived concern and fear among all the statesmen of having all other countries excluded from the settlement of questions in whose outcome they are all interested. There prevails confidence in the need of undertaking common and concerted efforts by the non-aligned countries at this very monent, in order to inject a more energetic impulse into the fundamental aspirations for emancipation of the peoples and countries, for democrati- sation of international relations and for resolving out- - 7 - standing topical issues. Consequently, in all talks on important questions, significant attention was paid to the holding of a Conference of Heads of State and/or Government of the Eon-Aligned Countries. From my talks during this tour, as well as from consultations with other countries on the preparations of the convening of this Conference, I came to the conclusion that there exists a great concurrence to have this gathering organised as best as possible and held as soon as possible. Development problems figured very prominently in the talks. Constant deterioration of the position of the developing countries is giving rise to serious concern, moreover, it points to the necessity of continuing with efforts having as their aim the undertaking of the most urgent measures in the field of international economic relations so as to avoid the far-reaching adverse consequences of such a state of affairs upon the entire international community. ¥e have reached a concurrence that in this respect it is also necessary to strengthen cooperation among the developing countries themselves, also that greater and more effective support by the developed countries to the efforts being made by the developing countries is necessary. It gives me great pleasure to inform you of the great importance which the leaders of countries that I visited attach to the United Nations and of their readiness - 8 - to contribute towards the strengthening of the role of the United Nations as a universal instrument of equitable international cooperation in solving vital problems of contemporary world. ¥ith this view in mind, we naturally paid considerable attention also to the forthcoming anniversary session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. ¥e have agreed that the anniversary should assume expressly political and working content, by focusing primarily upon the urgency of a more rapid and genuine settlement of substantive questions on the agenda, such as, development, disarmament, decolonisation, codification of principles of international law concerning friendly relations and cooperation among States, universality of the United Nations, etc. It is a propitious circumstance that the efforts of the non-aligned countries to intensify their activity and exert additional efforts with a view to resolving outstanding international problems coincide with the cele- bration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, The non-aligned countries, which have always considered the United Nations to be a strong pillar of their independence, development and peace in general, will continue to render their contribution to the reaffirmation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and shall endeavour to pursue, encourage and support such international - 9 - actions as will enhance the prestige of the world Organisation and increase its contribution to international affairs. In conclusion, Mr. Secretary-General, I wish to let you know that we are following with keen interest your activities and that we highly appreciate your efforts to secure peace in the world and to strengthen the United Nations. I also wish to assure you that in these no"ble endeavours you shall always engoy full understanding and support of the Government and peoples of Yugoslavia.

(Signed) J. B. Tito PREDSEDNIK REPUBLIKE Beograd, 11. marta 1970. godine

Dragi gospodine Generalni sekretare,

Zelim da Vas obavijestim o razgovorima koje sam imao za vrijeme moje nedavne posjete Tanzaniji, Zambiji, Etiopiji, Keniji, Ugandi, Sudanu, Ujedinjenoj Arapskoj Republic! i Libiji i impresijama koje sam stekao u toku tog puta. Posjeta ovim zemljama pruzila mi je priliku da se neposredno upoznam sa njihovim razvojem i problemima, kao i da razmijenim misljenja sa uvazenim drzavnicima tih zemalja: predsjednikom Julius K. Njerereom, predsjednikom Kenneth Kaundom, Njegovim Velicanstvom Carem Haile Selasijem, predsjednikom Jomo Kenijatom, predsjednikom Milton Oboteom, predsjednikom Gaffar L. Numeiriem, predsjednikom Gamal A. Naserom i predsjednikom Moamer L. Gadafiem o bilateralnim odnosima nasih zemalja kao i o poslednjem razvoju medjunarodne situacije, koja je, siguran sam da cete se u tome sloziti, sve vise zabrinjavajuca.

U toku boravka u ovim prijateljskim zemljama stekao sam snazno uvjerenje da narodi i vlade ovih zemalja, i pored ogrom- nih teskoca sa kojima se suocavaju,cine odlucne napore u cilju savla- davanja teskog nasljedja kolonijalne proslosti. Njihova nastojanja i napori u pravcu svestranog privrednog i drustvenog preobrazaja svje- doce o njihovoj rijesenosti da stvaralaSke snage i velika prirodna bo- gatstva sa kojima raspolazu najcjelishodnije koriste za napredak svo- jih zemalja. Narodi tih zemalja i njihovi rukovodioci svjesni su da se za svoj napredak moraju, prije svega, osloniti na vlastite snage.

U ovim prijateljskim zemljama mogao sam se neposredno uvjeriti sa kolikom zabrinutoscu one gledaju na dalje postojanje i odrzavanje agresivnog kolonijalnog sistema. Nepodnosljivo stanje tlacenja i obespravljenosti miliona Afrikanaca u Juzno-africkoj Republici, Rodeziji, Namibiji, MozambikUj Angoli i tzv. Portugalskoj Gvineji se nastavlja,

Njegova Ekselencija U Tant Generalni sekretar Organizacije Ujedinjenih nacija

N j u j o r k a krajnje nehumana politika rasne diskriminacije i apartheida predstavlja izazov celokupnoj svjetskoj zajednici. Razumljivi su velika zabrinutost kao i ogorcenje africkih lidera zbog politicke, ekonomske i vojne podrske koju neke strane sile pruzaju rasistickim rezi- mima na jugu Afrike. Ocigledno je da se ne radi samo o kocenju procesa dekolonizacije u torn dijelu svijeta nego, i o sirim nekoloni- jalistickim planovima, koji su izvor nestabilnosti na africkom kon- tinentu i predstavljaju direktnu opasnost za nezavisnost i integritet zemalja Afrike i za mir u svijetu. Lideri ovih zenialja s pravom oce- kuju sire i efikasnije angazovanje i podrsku medjunarodne zajednice, razumije se, prije svega Ujedinjenih nacija, za rjesavanje problema koji proisticu usljed zadrzavanja kolonijalnih uporista i stanja koje sada preovladjuje na jugu Afrike. Mislim da su sve miroljubive snage u svijetu zainteresovane i duzne da pruze svoj doprinos kako bi Ujedi- njene nacije, upravo u svojoj 25-godisnjici postojanja i 10-godisnjici usvajanja Deklaracije o dekolonizaciji, ucinile efikasnije korake ka konacnom rjesavanju ovog teskog i bolnog problema.

Razgovori sa rukovodiocima Sudana i Libije, a posebno susret sa predsjednikom Naserom, uvjerili su me da je situacija u ovom regionu postala krajnje zabrinjavajuca. Slozili snio se da se kriza sve vise zaostrava i razvija u veoma opasnom pravcu sa nesagledivim posljedicama koje ne bi mogle ostati ogranicene samo na ovo podrucje. Ovakva misljenja dijele i ostali africki drzavnici sa kojima sam razgovarao. Sve zemlje koje sam posjetio, a prije svega one koje su direktno angazovane u sukobu,, zainteresovane su za sto hitnije prevazilazenje ovog neodrzivog stanja i za iznalazenje praved- nog rjesenja.

Razgovor sa predsjednikom Naserom jos vise je ucvr- stio moje uvjerenje da Ujedinjena Arapska Republika istrajava u zelji da se nadje politicko rjesenje krize. Razumije se da je potpuno povlacenje Izraela sa svih okupiranih teritorija preduslov za prevazilazenje sadasnjeg stanja, a ostvarenje legitimnih prava arapskog naroda Pale- stine bitna osnova trajnog mira i bezbjednosti svih zemalja na ovom podrucju. U torn pogledu predsjednik Naser spravom ocekuje podrsku citave medjunarodne zajednice za primjenu Rezolucije Savjeta bezbjed- nostij kao pocetnog koraka za trajno rjesenje krize na Bliskom istoku.

Ocigledno je da se put za prevazilazenje sadasnjeg stanja ne moze zasnivati na jednostranim rjesenjima i svako ko zeli da zaista doprinese izbjegavanju novog rata i politickom rjesenju krize mora poci od principa Rezolucije Savjeta bezbjednosti. Takodje je moje cvrsto uvjerenje da dok Izrael ne odustane od sadasnje kampa- nje pojacanih ratnih dejstava i dok ne prihvati Rezoluciju SB, ne bi bilo moguce razmatranje bilo kojih aspekata obustavljanja vatre, a da to automatski ne sadrzi i neprihvatljive jednostranosti za arapske zemlje - zrtve agresije. U razgovoru sa drzavnim sekretarom Sjedinjenih Americkih Drzava gospodinom Rodzersom, koga sam na njegov zahtjev primio u Adis Abebi, iznio sam svoju ocjenu sadasnje situacije na Bliskom istoku i ukazao mu na opasne posljedice agresivne politike Izraela i njegovog naoruzavanja od strane SAD.

U svjetlu eskalacije izraelske agresije i zaostravanja situacije na Bliskom istoku, smatram da je neophodno ulaganje pojacanih i novih napora za sprovodjenje Rezolucije Savjeta bezbjednosti narocito od onih faktora koji u tome treba i mogu najvise da doprinesu. Sa svoje strane nesvrstane zemlje, koje gledaju na ovaj problem sa velikom zabrinutoscu jer predstavlja izvor stalne i ozbiljne opasnosti za mir u svijetu, nastavice svoje napore za iznalazenje praved- nog rjesenja.

Kod svih drzavnika naisao sam takodje na duboku uzne- mirenost i zbog nedovoljnih napora da se okonca agresivni rat u Vijet- namu. Posebno zabrinjavaju nastojanja da se tzv. politikom vijetnami- zacije ovaj rat - koji vec vise godina predstavlja iskusenje za savjest covjecanstva - produzi u nedogled.

Dragi gospodine Generalni sekretare,

U razmatranju svih ovih problema, kod rukovodilaca zemalja koje sam posjetio, bio je stalno prisutan interes za cjelokupno stanje u svijetu. Bili smo saglasni u tome da kontakti i pregovori veli- kih sila, koji sve vise zamjenjuju direktnu konfrontaciju iz doba hlad- nog rata predstavljaju ohrabrujucu cinjenicu. Medjutim, kod svih sagovornika sam istovremeno naisao i na bojazan od opasnosti isklju- civanja ostalih zemalja iz rjesavanja pitanja za ciji ishod su sve one zainteresovane. Postoji opste uvjerenje o potrebi zajednickih i usa- glasenih napora nesvrstanih zemalja u ovom trenutku, kako bi se dao energicniji impuls osnovnim teznjama za emancipacijom naroda i zemalja, demokratizacijom medjunarodnih odnosa i rjesavanjem otvorenih aktuelnih pitanja. U vezi sa tim, u svim razgovorima znacajna paznja bila je posve6ena odrzavanju konferencije sefova drzava i vlada nesvrstanih zemalja. Sa ovog putovanja, kao i konsultacija sa drugim zemljama o pripremama za odrzavanje ove konferencije, dolazim do zakljucka da postoji velika saglasnost da se ovaj susret sto bolje orga- nizuje i sto prije odrzi.

Problemi razvoja zauzimali su veoma istaknuto mjesto u razgovorima. Dalje pogorsavanje polozaja zemalja u razvoju izaziva ozbiljnu zabrinutost i ukazuje na neophodnost da se nastavi sa naporima u cilju poduzimanja sto hitnijih mjera na planu medjunarodnih ekonomskih odnosa da bi se izbjegle dalekosezne negativne posljedice takvog stanja za cijelu medjunarodnu zajednicu. Saglasili smo se da u torn cilju treba ojacati i saradnju izmedju samih zemalja u razvoju, kao i da je nuzna veca i efikasnija pomoc razvijenih zemalja naporima koje cine zemlje u razvoju.

Cini mi posebno zadovoljstvo da Vas obavijestim o velikom znacaju koji rukovodioci zemalja koje sam posjetio pridaju Organizaciji ujedinjenih nacija i njihovoj spremnosti da doprinesu jacanju uloge Ujedinjenih nacija kao univerzalnog iristrumenta ravnopravne medjunarodne saradnje i rjesavanja bitnih problema savreme- nog svijeta. U vezi s tim, razumije se, znacajnu paznju posvetili smo i predstojecem jubilarnom zasjedanju Generalne skupstine Ujedinjenih nacija. Slozili smo se da ovoj godisnjici treba dati izrazito politicki i radni sadrzaj, isticanjem u prvi plan neodloznosti brzeg i stvarnog rjesavanja sustinskih pitanja sa dnevnog reda kao sto su razvoj, razo- ruzanje, dekolonizacija, kodifikacija nacela o prijateljskim odnosima i saradnji medju drzavama, univerzalnost Ujedinjenih nacija itd.

Povoljna je okolnost da nastojanja nesvrstanih zemalja da pojacaju svoju aktivnost i uloze dalje napore za rjesavanje otvorenih medjunarodnih problema padaju u vrijeme proslave 25-godisnjice Orga- nizacije ujedinjenih nacija. Nesvrstane zemlje, koje su uvijek smatrale Organizaciju ujedinjenih nacija snaznim osloncem svoje nezavisnosti, razvoja i mira uopste, i dalje ce davati svoj doprinos za reafirmaciju nacela Povelje Ujedinjenih nacija i nastojace da vode, podsticu i podrzavaju takve medjunarodne akcije koje bi jafiale prestiz svjetske Orga- nizacije i njen doprinos u medjunarodnim poslovima.

Na kraju, zelim Vas uvjeriti, gospodine Generalni sekretare, da sa velikim interesovanjem pratimo i visoko cijenimo napore koje ulazete za obezbjedjenje mira u svijetu i jacanje Ujedinjenih nacija i da cete u tim plenaenitim nastojanjima uvijek nailaziti na puno razumijevanje i podrsku Vlade i naroda Jugoslavije.