© Kamla-Raj 2011 J Sociology Soc Anth, 2(1): 1-22 (2011) Status of Women in Transhumant Societies

Veena Bhasin

Department of Anthropology. University of Delhi, Delhi 110 007,

KEYWORDS Himalaya. Gender. Status. Social Life. Economic Power .Culture-ecological Condition. Tribal Women

ABSTRACT The present study revolves around the women of three pastoral transhumant societies, Gaddis of Bharmour of , of Lachen and Lahung of , and Changpa of Changthang of Ladakh. Women are backbone of the economics’ structure, as the production system is much dependent on them. The role and status of women vary according to the traditions of cultural group. Transhumant pastoral societies depend for sustenance on livestock herding and use of pasturelands. Due to certain specificities like accessibility, fragility, marginality, diversity or heterogeneity; life in general is tougher for women among transhumant pastoralists. The pastoral production activities implicate the services of both sexes, but women’s involvement varies in different culture-ecological conditions. Women play a central role in the pastoralist way of life, providing labour for the various tasks with regard to the livestock, the land and the household. The pastoral societies have been largely seen to be male dominated in which men have economic, social, political and cultural powers special to men. Patriarchy denotes a culture of power relationship that promotes man’s supremacy Among Gaddis, the household consists of one elementary family of a man, his wife and their children, with the occasional addition of unmarried, widowed, or divorced relatives who would be otherwise alone in their house or wife and children of married son family. Conventionally fraternal polyandry, primogenitor and monasticism were part of a traditional culture among the Changpas and Bhutias to overcome economic and demographic problems. Regional isolation helped to retain the traditional socio-economic system until the winds of change swept in.. In pastoral societies, both men and women share the economic activities but they do not share the burden equally or in the same ways. Pastoral women suffer two kinds of desecrations: those that all pastoralists share regardless of gender, and those that are specific to women. The women in study areas contribute more labour for smooth running of the household than men do. The Gaddi and women have been playing a very important role in their economy. In these traditional pastoral communities, the women have an important role to play. Gender principles are central to the organisation of traditional communities. Emphasis on gender, a relational concept provides opportunities for looking at full range of social and cultural institutions, which reproduce gender hierarchies and gender-based inequalities. The cultural interpretation of gender is central to the identity and status of women that entails web of relationships

INTRODUCTION on types of crops (Troll 1968, 1972; Uhlig 1976; Dollfus 1981). The economic forces of transhu- Transhumance is the seasonal movement of mant mobility are inseparable from social and people with their livestock, to higher pastures in ideological forces. Transhumant technologies can summer and to pastures in lower valleys in win- now be understood as much more than an eco- ter. The term derives from Latin-trans ‘across’ logical and economic strategy. Transhumance and humus ‘ground’. Transhumance is practiced with or without agriculture becomes profitable in those parts of worlds where there are moun- where high pastures are available. In the terms tains, highlands that are too cold to be inhabited of ecological adaptations, the two most signifi- and utilised in for grazing in winter. The dis- cant factors for transhumance are the availabil- tinctive physical environment of the mountains ity of pastures and the severity of winter. Tran- restricts economic processes. These basic fea- shumants that migrate from summer pastures to tures can be seen to have contributed to a series winter pastures with their flocks have some sort of altitudinal zones or niches that can be ex- of living arrangements at both the places, and ploited in different ways. This vertical stratifica- use tents and shelters while ascending or descend- tion of resources implies mobility among them ing. Apart from getting their basic needs fulfilled if man has to utilise environment fully. Transhu- from their stocks, they also barter or trade their mance is a form of pastoral, economic and so- animals and animal products to meet with other cial organisation in which livestock moves twice necessities of life. Where people have regular yearly between highland summer pastures and summer and winter pastures, to supplement their lowland winter pastures. It is a seasonal move- resources they start growing grains or vegetables ment from one ecological zone to another. The at or near winter or summer pasture. Transhu- interaction of altitude, climate and soil fertility mance of this type is practiced in mountainous sets upper limits on agriculture and pastoralism regions of many parts of the world. These stud- and within the range of agriculture, upper limits ies point to the lack of transparency in defining 2 VEENA BHASIN and classifying nomadism and pastoralism. Sev- mise is that women status is high when they con- eral authors have carried out studies on these tran- tribute substantially to primary subsistence ac- shumant groups (Newell 1967; Khatana 1976a, tivities. Women position is low in the societies 1976b; Nitzberg 1987; Goldstein and Massers- where food getting is entirely men’s job like hunt- chmidt 1980; Kango and Dhar 1981; Rao and ing, herding or intensive agriculture. In the his- Casimir 1982; Bhasin 1988, 1989, 1996). All torical times when warfare was essential, men forms of transhumance may be regarded as dif- were more esteemed than women. Likewise, in ferent forms of adaptation, the parameters of the centralised political systems men had high which are determined by ecology and level of status. Men in most societies contribute more to technological development. This makes transhu- primary subsistence activities, as women have mance a special adaptation, both from economic infant and child care responsibilities. However, and cultural point of view. It is special because it women contribute substantially to primary sub- manages the conditions dictated by environment. sistence activities that depend heavily on gather- Women are the ones who are in the best position ing and horticulture and in which men are away to understand the value of nature and land ( Tauli- on labour or pastoral duties while subsistence Carpuz 1993). work has to be done. When primary and second- ary subsistence activities are counted, women STATUS OF WOMEN work more than men. Women occupy different positions in the so- The term ‘status’ includes not only personal cial structure as they pass through the lifecycle, and proprietary rights but duties, liabilities and and the very basis upon which the community disabilities as well. The position of women in ascribes power, privilege and prestige also chan- India as a whole is characterised by sharp gen- ges. der disparities, although women’s status varies Women in transhumant societies in Himala- considerably by region. For all time there are yas are no different. Transhumant societies de- socio-cultural factors, which validate for the sta- pend for sustenance on livestock herding and use tus of women in particular society. Gender roles of pasturelands, due to certain specificities like are socially constructed. Status of women is gen- accessibility, fragility, marginality, diversity or erally measured using three indicators: educa- heterogeneity; as described by Jodha (1992), life tion, employment status and intra-household de- in general is tougher for women among transhu- cision-making power. Mason (1984) points out mants. Women are the backbone of the economic the status of women has three distinct and not structure, as the production system is much de- necessarily overlapping features -prestige, power pendent on them. The role and status of women and autonomy that need to be measured sepa- vary according to the traditions of the cultural rately. Caldwell and Caldwell (1983) have de- group. The pastoral production activities impli- fined the autonomy as the ability to make deci- cate the services of both sexes, but women’s in- sions about education, employment and health volvement varies in different culture-ecological care. Women’s ability to communicate with and conditions. The livestock production system can convince their spouses or other members of the be broadly divided into five categories increas- family indicates their decision-making autono- ing responsibilities, based on gender and age: (a) my. Women with great decision-making power are not involved in livestock production; (b) are supposed to have a higher status in the hou- women are accountable for processing of ani- sehold. Studies have shown that marriage pay- mal products; (c) women are liable for manag- ments and residence pattern also affect the sta- ing small stock and other animals kept at home tus of women. Where marriage is exogamous and besides processing of animal products; (d) residence is neolocal, a new bride is completely women are responsible for managing and herd- cut-off from all female networks. She is thus vis- ing large livestock, other animals and process- à-vis her in-laws in a position similar to that of ing of livestock produce; and (e) along with other household servant. responsibilities of livestock , women also indu- In India, women are discriminated due to sev- lge in trading. eral historical, religious and other reasons. There Women play a central role in the transhumant are various hypotheses about why women have way of life, providing labour for the various tasks relatively high or low status. The common pre- with regard to the livestock, the land and the STATUS OF WOMEN IN TRANSHUMANT SOCIETIES 3 household. In some societies, there is no involve- their homestead, thus marginalising their role and ment of women in livestock production. Women authority (Hodgson 1999; Kipury !991; Joekes lack ownership rights, control over resources and and Pointing 1991). may or may not have control over the disposal of animals and animal products. In other societ- LITERATURE ON TRANSHUMANT ies, women are responsible only for processing WOMEN products. In many societies, women are respon- sible for managing and processing small stock There exists limited research about transhu- and other animals kept at the homestead. mant women and their role in livestock produc- In- spite of substantial participation and con- tion. Earlier anthropological studies that dealt tribution to transhumant economy, the role of with pastoral gender relations applied a synch- women in livestock production has not been paid ronic model, analyzing them in terms of either enough attention. This is in part because tran- the pastoral mode of production or pastoralist shumant societies are male-dominated like most ideology. Harold Schneider contended that other subsistence systems, but also of the atti- among East African pastoralists, men’s control tude of women themselves, who are socialised of livestock gave them control of women, who to underestimate their economic worth. The role were ‘usually thoroughly subordinated to men of women in transhumant societies is generally and thus unable to establish independent iden- described as subsidiary, their adversity, their sub- tity as a production force’ (1979: 82). Spencer jugation and their lack of power as opposed to alleged that both male and female Matapato men’s domination, ownership, power and asso- Maasai believe in ‘the undisputed right of men ciated patriarchal relation. Patriarchy denotes a to own women as “possessions”. Marriage, in his culture of power relationship that promotes man’s view, was therefore ‘the transfer of a woman as supremacy and women subjugation. It encom- a possession from her father who reared her to passes institutional endorsement of man’s ascen- her husband who rules her’ (1979: 198). Galaty dancy within the family and other social struc- (1988) maintained that in their ideology Maasai tures. Patriarchy, like gender is produced, men were the ‘real’ pastoralists, while Maasai materialised, and transformed through culture women were negatively equated with lower sta- and social relations The Indian family organi- tus hunters, providing an ideological explana- sation makes discrimination between the sexes. tion for their lower status. With a secondary status, women play but a sub- The literature on women in pastoral societies missive role in social life. On virtually all fronti- is relatively limited when compared to the vast ers of human societal pursuits-economic, edu- body of research on women in agriculture. The cational, scientific, legal, official, political and early studies of pastoralism largely ignore wo- religious sphere Indian women suffer profound- men’s economic activities and social status, even ly. Despite several economic, political and so- though there have been some improvements in cial changes, women are still far behind. In most more recent literature, especially by anthropo- transhumant societies, gender roles are strongly logists (Horowitz 1992). Martin and Voorhies marked, and patterns seem to be similar across (1975: 352) give reasons to explain why research the world. on women in herding societies is so rare. “This Several scholars have argued against these is perhaps because of the bias that economic, views. They believe that traditional and pre-co- political and social dominance of males which is lonial pastoral communities were comparatively common to interest of anthropologists”. Categori- egalitarian. Women were actively involved in cally, women in pastoral societies have a critical pastoral activities and had great influence on role in the socio-economic and cultural activi- decision- making processes on domestic as well ties, and the management and conservation of as pastoral livelihood practices. It was because natural resources and environmental amenities of the external pressure of male-dominated co- of the household and communities. The pastoral lonial powers, development works, and intro- societies have been largely seen to be male domi- duction of cash economies. The development in- nated in which men have economic, social, po- terventions were always men oriented, which led litical and cultural powers special to men. In to bifurcation of men and women sphere of ac- 1987, Dahl published a collection of essays with tivities. The women’s duties restricted around theoretical insights on issues related to women 4 VEENA BHASIN and significant roles played by pastoral women ceremonial occasions. Both traditional law (Her) in various pastoral societies. By detailing differ- and Islamic law (Shari’a) regulate Somalian no- ent axes of social differentiation, division of la- madic life. However, Muslim women of South bour and ideological elements, most authors Africa have greater autonomy and less gender clarify economic roles and relative status of wo- bias. men in pastoral societies. Contrary to earlier an- Holtzman (2002) pointed out that research- thropological treatments of pastoral women as ers often failed to analyse the role and status of socially and productively subordinate to men, women, domestic/ public dichotomies among these articles point out both direct and indirect these allegedly prominently male dominated so- ways that women contribute to subsistence pro- cieties. This analytical framework assumes the duction (Ensminger 1987; Fratkin and Smith universal subordination of women to men, at- 1995; Hodgson 2000; Little 1987; Talle 1987; tributes its cause to the asymmetrical binary op- Turner 1999). Such studies have highlighted the position between the sexes that is women enga- role of women in these societies in a variety of ge in domestic work concerning their own fam- domains ranging from livestock production (Dahl ily and household such as cooking, collecting 1987) to religious system (Straight 1997) to kin- firewood, bringing water and child bearing in ship (Bianco 2000) to food allocation (Holtzman the private domain. While men care about their 2002). In Somalia and in the north-eastern prov- herds, herding and are engaged in trading (Ort- ince of Kenya, women play a crucial rule in solv- ner 1974; Rosaldo and Lampere 1974; Rosal- ing conflicts (Elmi et al. 2000). In some pastoral do1974). It was clarified in later studies that societies, women are making effort to upgrade private/public spatial distinction was not equi- their technological and environmental knowle- valent to a domestic/political distinction of po- dge that is crucial to their way of life (Smith and wer, nor was it clearly gendered or hierarchical Webley 2000). Among Bedouin of Egypt, women (Collier and Rosaldo 1981). Such an explana- try to update their database as livelihood prac- tion assumes that such distinctive spheres are tices keep changing (Briggs et al. 2003). Among universally present and unchanging through his- matrilineal Tuareg pastoral groups of Sahara, tory. This Universalist argument has been criti- women control urban markets indirectly from cised by many authors (Yanagisako 1979; Cam- their rural tents through activities of men (Ras- aroff 1987). In the present study, an attempt has mussen 2002). been made to study the status and role of women Pastoral societies in the show a in three transhumant societies inhabiting differ- poor understanding of the economic and politi- ent regions of . cal roles played by women. Fazel (1977) using comparative data examines strategies whereby TRANSHUMANTS OF THE HIMALAYAS women exercise power and influence decision- making at all levels in an apparently male-domi- A number of transhumant groups in Himalayas nated society. Among Boyr Ahmad of southwest are practicing subsistence agriculture along with Iran, the position of pastoral women in relations raising large herds of animals. Sheep and goat of production, distribution and property dispo- pastoralism is a constant feature of traditional sition is regarded as the basis of their political mountain societies. Gaddis, Gujjars, power. In the Middle East and North Africa, ,Kinnauras, Kaulis and Kanets of the north In- where is a determining factor, though wo- dian Himalayas, Bhotias of Garhwal Himalayas, men work more than men, are dominated by Bhotias and Sherpas of Khumbu valley of Nepal, men. Adan (1988) discussed women’s work in Kirats of eastern Nepal, Monpa yak breeders of herding sheep and goats, and in milking and pro- , Bhutias of Lachen and cessing milk from small stock and large (camels Lachung, Sikkim and Changpas of Changthang, and cattle) among Somalian pastoralists. Women Ladakh are some of the known pastoral commu- work more than 11 hours a day in the dry season nities of Himalayas. The pastoral communities and 12-13 hours in a wet season: most of this of Himalayas make use of resources like high time is spent watering stock in dry season and mountain pastures by three different ways by milking and making butter in wet season. Women characteristic mobility patterns, socio-economic work cooperatively to make the constituent parts organisation and property rights. There are no- of their movable houses and cook together on mads like Changpa of Changthang in Ladakh, STATUS OF WOMEN IN TRANSHUMANT SOCIETIES 5 whose economy is predominantly based on ani- of two genders and related roles, according to mal husbandry; there are agro-pastoralist groups kinship, sexuality, work, marriage and age. In the like Gaddis of Bharmour, Himachal Pradesh; and present study, an effort has been to describe the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung in Sikkim, who status of women in three different ecological re- practice marginal agriculture and raise herds of gions, with different socio-economic conditions sheep and goats and yaks (Bhasin 1988, 1989, and cultural backgrounds. The conceptual frame- 1996). The interaction of altitude, climate and work to analyse women’s status comprise the soil fertility set upper limits on agriculture and seven roles women play in life and work: paren- pastoralism and within the range of agriculture, tal, conjugal, domestic, kin, occupational, com- upper limits on types of crops (Troll 1968, 1972; munity and as an individual. In order to appraise Uhlig 1976; Dollfus 1981). Several authors have the social status of women in these diverse eco- carried out studies on these pastoralist groups logical areas, the findings have been divided into (Uhlig 1961; Singh1963; Newell1967; Khatana subsequent categories: - (a) a girl /daughter/ a 1976a, 1976b; Nitzberg 1987; Goldstein and unmarried woman, (b) a married woman, (c) a Messerschmidt 1980; Kango and Dhar 1981; Rao widow, (d) divorcee, and (e) a barren woman. and Casimir 1982; Bhasin 1988, 1989, 1996; Bounded by moral sanctions and legal rights, Farooquee and Rao 1999-2000). Though pas- women are compelled to obey their male rela- toral women studies have not been a major part tives. Their work strategies are routed by cul- of these, however information on the role of Hi- tural values, resources and choices available in malayan women have been provided by Bhasin the social system. In transhumant societies, ana- (1989, 1990,1996, 2007), Biswas (1990), Faroo- lysis take into account women’s role as mem- quee and Rawat (2001), Ghatak (2006), Guha bers of production and household unit; in the (1989), Katoch (2003), Pokhriyal (1985), Rana kinship system as members of family and lin- (1996), Rawat and Kothari (1994), Rao(1998), eage; in marriage as members of inheritance Rawat and Singh (1993), Samal (1993), Singh structure and labour input and their position in and Rawat (1992). Rao (1998) using the con- decision-making. In transhumant societies, dif- cepts of personal autonomy and agency among ferential access to productive resources and prop- women‘ and men, as they are reflected in daily erty relations; division of labour by age and sex; decision- making within a frame of socio-reli- decision making within the household and cul- gious perception and structures of power and tural cognitive categories all make difference to authority studied the lives of Bakkarwal pasto- status of women. The sex roles in the transhu- ralists. mant organisation, produced by a specific set of cultural values and preferences as well as eco- PRESENT STUDY logical, economic and technological factors work for the easy functioning of society. The present study deals with status of women Out of the three, two groups, Gaddis of Bhar- in three transhumant societies in Himalayas. mour, Himachal Pradesh and Bhutias of Lach- Using comparative data, this paper explores how en-Lachung, North Sikkim are agro- pastoralist transhumant women of three groups exploit their transhumant and the third group, Changpas of power and influence decision- making in an ap- Changthang is of . The transhumance parently male dominated societies. The position system are similar in Bharmour and North Sikkim of women in relation to production, distribution, in that they are of vertical type where livestock maintenance of household and socialisation of move to high alpine region in summer and come children is regarded here as basis of their power. back to lower mountain and valleys in winter. The transhumant societies are structured in terms The Bhutias of Lachung and Lachung present an of two social worlds- the private sphere of the interesting contrast as for as movement for agri- house (the women’s sphere) and the public sphere cultural activity. The movements though verti- (the men’s sphere). The social status of transhu- cal in both the cases are in the opposite direc- mant women is complex and is not possible to tion. They are controlled by the presence of ar- explain with a single paradigm. A single woman able land at different elevations. The transhu- plays multiple roles associated with a particular mants under study keep mixed flocks viz., sheep, relation to each individual. goats, yaks, hoses and dogs for wool, meat, ritu- All societies offer its children the presence als, transport and protection. Changpas of Cha- 6 VEENA BHASIN ngthang raise herds of yak and flocks of sheep with residents in low hills for grazing. Male mem- and pashmina goats. Gaddis at 2100 metres and bers of the family inherit these rights. In winter Bhutias at 3000 metres follow Alpwirtscaft type migrations, their families also accompany them. of strategy, associated with the movement of The Gaddis have property rights in Alpine pas- peoples and animals in vertical space, commu- tures and customary rights or contracts with resi- nal control of pastures, combined with indivi- dents of lower hills. While men go with animals, dual control of plots and haying fields and social women and children work as labourers and house institutions that schedule the complex move- help. The proprietor farmers provide shelter and ment in space and time. The Changpas inhabit grazing on their fields after harvest or on mead- the cold desert of Changthang, Ladakh at 3,500 ows. In return, the farmers get manure for their to 4,500 metres. Their complete reliance on na- fields. The Changpa women of Changthang and tural pastures creates difficulties for year round Bhutia women of Lachen and Lachung in North sustenance. Therefore, their pattern of migra- Sikkim profess while Gaddi women tions differs from Gaddis of Bharmour and of Bharmour in Chamba district profess Hindu- Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung who have per- ism. Changpas and Bhutias have communal pas- manent houses at middle altitude. Gaddis spend tureland with strong community regulation of their summers in their permanent homes in land usage. Bharmour tehsil and cultivate their lands. Due The prominent features of the three trans- to heavy snowfall for about three to four months humant communities under study are given in during winter, the Gaddis migrate to the lower Table 1. hills and plains along with their sheep and goats. For the transhumant cycle followed by the During this period, the main source of livelihood three communities see Table 2. is the sale of wool and the employment of their children and the women as domestic help in the Women’s Role in Economic Sphere houses of landlords where they go and stay. The migration is necessitated because the pastures and Pastoral women in India contribute positively grazing lands are covered with snow, and it is to the local economy and participate along with difficult to maintain the large number of sheep men in subsistence activities. In reality, women and goats; secondly, for the selling of raw wool do more work than men do. All households have which is available in large quantities in the ab- a recognised head, the husband in the family, who sence of market facilities. Like Gaddis, Bhutias represents the household in all public and offi- also migrate with their flocks to high altitude in cial dealings. A woman is looked upon as the summer and to lower altitude in winter (Bhasin head of a household in the absence of an adult 1988, 1989, 1996). Unlike Gaddis and Bhutias, male. In these societies, women provide labour Changpas have no reason to migrate to far off for the various tasks related to livestock but have places, as the surrounding areas have the same no say in the process of decision-making, par- short growing season. The tent- dwelling Chang- ticularly over the disposal of animals and animal pas traverse with their livestock across the Chang- products. Economic activities are grouped into thang and the migrations between summer and the following categories: domestic, agro-pasto- winter pastures involve all the family members. ral, collecting, trading and other miscellaneous An average family owns over two hundreds go- activities. Men are shepherds and cultivators; ats and sheep, several yaks and few horses. women grow crops, cook and raise infants. The Changpas and Bhutias have communal pasture- sexual division of labour is rather complete, land with strong community regulation of land though certain phases of agricultural labour fall usage. Changpas and Bhutias follow the tradi- to men, women shepherds exist under rare cir- tional system of grazing where in headman- the cumstances. Because of the tendency towards goba and phi-phun respectively decide areas for extensive social and economic equality in Bud- animal grazing. A unique feature of the traditional dhist society, there is no sharply defined divi- pastoral system is the complex administrative sion between the kind of work to be done by men system of pasture allocation and reallocation by and women in Bhutia society. However, among goba and phi-phun among Changpas and Bhu- Changpas, there is however, a marked gender tias respectively. Gaddis have property rights in distinction in the pastoral production system, with Alpine pastures and customary rights or contracts the women involved mostly in milking and dairy STATUS OF WOMEN IN TRANSHUMANT SOCIETIES 7

Table 1: The transhumance cycle followed by the three communities Season Months From To Duration Pastures Spring Gaddis Early April End of June 90 days Around Bharmour 1000- 2500 metres Bhutias February 15 May 10 53 days Lachen 2770 metres (Lachenpa) Changpas March-April May-June 50-60 days Changthang 3500-4500 metres Summer Gaddis July September 90 days Alpine pastures 2000-3500 metres Bhutias June Middle of July 45 days Yakthang, Samdong, Kalep (Lachenpa) 3600 metres Changpas July September 80-90 days Changthang 3500-4500 metres Autumn Gaddis October December 90 days Bharmour to Kangra hills 600-2300 metres Bhutias October November 60 days Thangu 3965 metres (Lachenpa) Changpas October November 60 days Changthang 3500-4500 metres Winter Gaddis December End of March 120 days Kangra hills Bhutias November April 155 days Lachen and Lower areas of (Lachenpa) Latong, Denga Geuma Changpas November April 160 days Changthang processing, while males are responsible for shear- in dismantling and rebuilding their houses with ing cashmere wool, herding and selling of ani- the men when they move from one pasture to mals. Both sexes participate in ceremonies, but another with their herds. The pastoral gender di- men share the major responsibilities. vision of labour only barely assigns to women Domestic Activities: Married women in the major herding responsibilities over large stock. study area carry out all types of work at home as Women in the study groups take animals for graz- well as outside that are a demand of mixed agro- ing who do not accompany the main group for pastoral economy. Among Gaddis and Bhutias, some reason or are left behind for agriculture. almost all women work in fields and take cattle These women are different from Twareg women to graze. The other activities of women include in Algeria, Niger, and Mali, who may own cam- looking after the house and children, food prepa- els and who may engage in herding activities of ration, food processing, collecting firewood and small and large ruminants away from their do- water, spinning and weaving, repairing clothes mestic plain (Worley 1991). On the other hand, etc. The work done by women is constant, di- there are many reports of women herding sheep verse and often arduous. Bhutia women, apart and goats, whose shorter grazing range does not from growing food crops and fruits, accompany call for women’s prolonged separation from their their husbands on pastoral duties as well. In the homesteads. absence of men, the whole burden falls on the Agro-pastoral Activities: In the traditional women. Among Changpas, the women and the societies, which lack market system, the business old people staying back in the rebo are busy in of everyday living is usually carried on gender the food processing, spinning wool and weaving division of labour (Illich 1982). In the commu- clothes apart from other household work. Women nities under study, the main subsistence activi- and girls generally do the work within the house- ties are herding and agriculture and women folk hold. are considered as the most important economic Women in these three groups do the milking asset. Among Gaddis and Bhutias, the men are and processing of milk but do not have the right shepherds and women grow crops for food. Am- to sell it. Changpa and Bhutias women also help ong Gaddis, in all other tasks concerned with life 8 VEENA BHASIN

Table 2: The prominent features of the three transhumant communities Prominent Population feature Gaddis Bhutias Changpas Economy Agro pastoral Agro-pastoral Pastoral nomads Domesticated Sheep, goats and dogs Yaks, Sheep, Ponies and dogs Yaks, sheep, goats, horses and dogs. Livestock Transhumance Intervalley, Alpine pastures In summer to high altitudes in Summer and winter pastures in Cha- in summer and lower valleys North Sikkim to lower altitudes ngthang Plateau. in winter. in winter. Type of Only men migrate to alpine In summer whole families Changpas are pastoral nomads. Transhumance pastures, women take care of migrate to Thangu and Chopta Changpas move with their families, crops. In winter, whole fami- valley and grow potato, radish livestock, household goods and yak lies migrate to lower hills, and leafy vegetables. The herd tents year round. These movements where men look after the owners move further north in are regular and cyclic between the flocks and women and child- search of fresh pastures. After areas of summer pastures and winter ren work in the homes of the harvest of crops and onset pastures. The Changpas have com- local landlords. of winters, they return back to munal pastureland with strong com- their permanent residence. munity regulation of land usage. Some of them go further down The Changpas follow the traditional to comparatively warm areas system of grazing wherein headman- where they own cardamom the goba ( headman) decides areas for plantations. animal grazing. Sources of Sale of wool, woolen pro- Trading of raw wool, blankets, Selling of butter, cheese, pashmina Income ducts, animals and surplus rugs, churpi and other dairy goat wool, sheep wool, lambskins, grains products, potato and cardamom. hides, occasional livestock, salt and New source of income by small amounts of borax and sulphur. tourism. Social Structure Patrilarchal, patriarchal, pat- Patriarcha, patrilocal and patri- Patriarchal, patrilocal, patrilineal, rilocal.Patrilineal, caste gro- lineal , society is divided in to society is divided into named phas- ups, gotras, nuclear to pa- 12 joint families, inheritance pun. Nuclear, polyanderous fami- rents. Monogamy and poly- after the death of the rus(clan). lies. They divide their property after gyny Nuclear and polyanderous fami- the birth of the son’s first child. Pa- lies, inheritance after the marri- rents with their unmarried daughters age of elder son during the life move to a smaller house. time of parents Religion Gaddis profess Bhutias are Buddhists. They Although the Changpas of Chang- and worship Hindu gods and also believe in a vast array of thang are Buddhists, yet their real goddess. Despite the fact that gods and spirits who must be worship is that of local spirits. Peo- the Gaddis are devout Hin- propitiated at appropriate time ple and animals live between the dus and they strongly lean for the general welfare of socie- gods and the spirits, in a world, towards Shaivism, the tradi- ty. The Bhutias of Lachen and which is also inhabited by demons. tion of demon-worship and Lachung place great emphasis Among the Changpas, there are nature worship still persists. on coercive rites of exorcising three levels at which gods enter the Most probably the religious and destroying demons. The community life — through house- beliefs and rituals were ori- execution of religion is in the hold worship, pha-spun worship ginally in essence demonola- hands of trained specialists Pau, and inter-pha-spun worship. The try, ancestor worship and na- Nejohum and Lamas. Pau is a Changpas worldview is that relation ture worship. With the pass- male and Nejohum is female. between animals and humans is age of time, these religious Nejohum wears a Lhasyr (whi- based on link or association, rather beliefs were refined and te shawl). Bhutias permit its than a clear boundary between retouched to form a part of Lamas to marry one find both them. Animals are an essential com- the vast religious entity-Hin- married and celibate lamas in ponent of seasonal and life-cycle duism. This transformation village. rituals, like the ceremonies asso- was achieved by the absorp- ciated with birth and marriage. tion of local beliefs and ritu- Among the Changpas, animals are als, rather than by their eradi- a vital link between man and the cation. gods. For the reason that sheep and Patriarchal, patrilocal, patri- goats are of subsistence importance, lineal, society they are icon of worship. in the village, such as crafts, house building, wat- Among Gaddis and Bhutias, women perform ermills and work on boundary walls, there is di- major agricultural activities like hoeing, manu- vision between men’s work and women’s work. ring, planting, weeding, irrigation, harvesting, STATUS OF WOMEN IN TRANSHUMANT SOCIETIES 9 thrashing and preservation of seeds except plo- hold industry. However, now Bhutia women are ughing (which are done by men) in the fields ad- mostly employed in making carpets, blankets, jacent to houses or far off fields. Even when men scrolls, Sikkimese caps leather and woollen shoes are working in the fields, women help men by in a Sikkim Institute of Cottage Industry for car- beating the soil after ploughing, manuring, reap- pet and blanket weaving. ing and winnowing. Apart from performing two- In the making of clothes, Gaddi men do the thirds of the duties for crop cultivation, women twisting of three threads on a spinner, weaving are largely responsible for the fodder and water and making Doras etc., while teasing and spin- for animals kept at home, while men herd the ning the wool into thread is done by women. other animals. Bhutia women also look after lee Embroidery, repairing and dyeing of clothes are (apple) gardens. Like women in who female tasks. manage small ruminants, although men herd both Collecting Activities: Pastoralists mostly de- cattle and small ruminants jointly (Feldman et pend on natural resources, particularly for fuel, al. 1986), Gaddi and Bhutias women also take fodder and water. Women look after collection care of sheep and goats that are left behind. Wo- of all the three. In Changthang and north Sik- men and girls of Tihama region of Yemen are kim, women collect yak dung to be used as fuel, responsible exclusively for feeding, watering, while Gaddi women collect cow dung for using milking and providing shelter for sheep, goats, as manure in the fields. Several studies dealing cows and chickens kept at the homestead. Cam- with pastoral societies indicate that the position el husbandry is a man’s job (Hamada 1986). of women in such societies is not very high be- Among Changpas, the involvement of women cause the actual care of the livestock and han- of all age groups in the different spheres of pas- dling of economic affairs is entirely a male do- toral life is largely equal to that of males. In ad- main. dition to the processing of milk, pastoral women Bhutia women collect yak dung which they also process the wool, fibres and hides. Pastoral use as fuel and manure. Storing of hay is an es- women in all the three groups spin and weave sential part of pastoral economy. In Lachen and woollen clothes, blankets, carpets, saddle bags Lachung, herds are fed on hay from December and containers etc. All Changpa women work to April. Immediately after the harvest of pota- on loom for most of the time. The weaving of toes and vegetables, women cut grasses and cloth is a measure of women’s worth and a wo- weeds, tie these in bundles and store on the roof- man who does not weave, or who does not cook top. They have to pluck fruits in time. They also well, is not considered a good bride. Men claim collect roots, vegetables, fuel and fodder for daily to be spiritually cleaner than women are. Both use from the forest. Changpa women also have Changpa men and women weave, though their to collect animal dung, as there are no forests in looms are different. Men and women weave spe- this cold desert. At campsites, the animals are cific articles. Thus, while women must weave tethered in les. It takes months for one group to continuously, the men weave occasionally. The return to the same spot. After settling, women fabrics woven by women are as essential as those collect animal’s dung, and use it as fuel espe- woven by men. There is a thread of prejudice cially when it is scarce during the long winters. against women running through discourse of Trading Activities: In areas where milk pro- spinning and weaving. Women weave textiles for duction generates a surplus above household use as clothes, blankets, containers for food and and herd consumption requirements, women valuable possession, saddle bags for holding may benefit by taking it to local markets and to personal belongings, covering for floors, tent small town processing centres. Barbara Michael walls, and saddles. Men weave blankets, saddle- (1990) reporting on production and marketing bags and tents. of milk and dairy products in the Sudan, states The Changpa women weave in summer mo- that Baggara women participate in all stages of nths, from May/June to October/November. Wo- this economic activity, and that their incomes co- men weave on a back strap loom (Sked-thags), nstitute two-thirds of total annual household bu- and men use a fixed handle (Sikpa) loom (sa- dget. They manage the money, which they earn thags). Before the closure of border, as long as and usually use it for the purchase of new stock wool was coming from Tibet, the Bhutia women or animal feed. Women’s marketing links to vari- were practicing spinning and weaving as a house- ous private and state cheese factories are facili- 10 VEENA BHASIN tated by government pick-up posts and by a chain situation is in contrast to Nuers, as observed by of middle women who sell the milk to retail sell- Evans Pritchard (1940: 22) that, “milking is per- ers. Pastoral women serving consumer’s needs formed daily by women, girls and uninitiated in small encampments may also engage in milk boys. Men are forbidden to milk cows———. transaction in urban areas, where primarily older Stenning (1959) observed that among pastoral local women traders who act as intermediaries Fulani of Nigeria, Fulani women are responsible between producers and consumers dominate for marketing of milk and milk products as well. markets. The desegregated nature of the milk Among Changpa nomads, though women are market, the relative durability of soured milk, and involved in all spheres of pastoral life and their the low initial capital investment facilitate the involvement in their subsistence economic ac- participation of distant pastoralist women in milk tivities is much bigger, they are not given the marketing, which allows them a degree of cash portfolio of trade. These pastoral women have autonomy (Horowitz and Jowkar 1992). woven an indelible and colourful pattern of cul- The literature is exceptionally unforthcom- ture and lifestyle in these rugged and economi- ing on the roles of women in the marketing of cally marginalised regions. These women enjoy wool, hides and skins, yet these are often highly higher social status because there is no clear-cut significant outputs of pastoral and agro-pasto- division of labour or specific land rights. In the ral production systems. traditional set up, there were no institutionalised In West Africa, herded sheep do not produce ways of earning cash by pastoral women of study wool. The herders tan and use locally the hides area. Absence of infrastructure and preservation of sheep, goats, and cattle. In East Africa, where technology has so far prevented most women’s herding households tend to slaughter their own direct access to urban consumers. Since the men livestock, there is a greater household involve- are usually grazing the herds during the day, it is ment in hide and skin marketing which is an im- women who interact with traders and intermedi- portant source of income for women. aries who come there to purchase animals and animal products. However, presently by the in- The socio-economical relevance of pastoral tegrated Rural Development Programme and women and their contribution in livestock pro- Allied Programme, the women are helped in self- duction in the study area is only supportive. In earning through poultry farming, piggery etc. It all the three communities, milk production does is true that these interventions have created more not generate a surplus above household and herd work for these already burdened women but have consumption requirements, women do not ben- enhanced their economic value. efit by taking it to local markets and to small town processing centres. Both Changpas and Women’s Role in Social Sphere Bhutias are far from trading towns and cities and women do not participate in all stages of eco- Role of pastoral women in the study area is nomic production. The Gaddi women do mig- not only of importance in the economic activi- rate to places around Kangra town, but are busy ties, but her role in non- economic activities is working as househelp or labourers and men look equally important. Formation and continuity of after trading. Changpa men indulge in salt and family hearth and home is the domain of the pashmina trade and women keep out of it. These women. Women’s role as wives, mothers, and women do contribute to household economy but organisers and as basic foundation of other di- are not part of the pastoral production. Bhutias mensions of social life is of extreme importance. and Changpa women apart from performing In the pastoral societies, as men are out for pas- their household duties, take on small business, toral duties, the socialisation of children auto- run shops or work as porters as and when need matically becomes mother’s business, in the early arises. years of life at least. The family assumes mother Among Bhutias and Changpas, the involve- centeredness with the children and some impor- ment of women of all age groups in the different tant decisions falling into the sphere of women’s spheres of pastoral life is largely equal to that of intervention. In all the three societies, the role the males. They actively take part in milking of women in childbirth, funerals and fairs and along with males besides processing the milk into festivals is an important part of village life. Here storing form – butter, churpi etc., that are to be women are carriers of traditional information in changed for grains in the subsequent time. This absence of written records. STATUS OF WOMEN IN TRANSHUMANT SOCIETIES 11

Women’s Role in Political Sphere lated into a corresponding community authority. Women perform waged and non-waged, produc- This inclination of pastoral societies in be- tive and unproductive labour. The workload that ing androcentric is also reflected in women’s ab- is associated with these activities most unlikely sence from formal political institutions. Elder does not give women any time to indulge in com- men work out decisions regarding herd mobil- munity affairs. ity, conflict resolution, and diplomatic relations with neighbouring groups and the state. Both Women’s Role in Religious Sphere among Bhutias and Changpas, women can en- joy high social status and exercise a consider- All the three societies under study show male able measure of autonomy and decision-making dominance in ritual sphere. Two prominent reli- power, a result of their participation in daily pro- gions – Buddhism and Hinduism, are professed ductive and reproductive activities. Women ex- by the pastoral groups under study operate with ercise, in fact, considerable informal political tenets that are restrictive of women’s participa- influence in their communities and households tion in their rituals. Their conventional religion with regards to men’s economic activities, mar- is different from their professed religion. Gen- riage of their offspring, inheritance, transhu- der is a significant slip-up in Buddhist societies, mance routes, and the like (Horowitz and Jow- as in Hindu or Islamic ones. Buddhist monastic kar 1992). The role of women’s empowerment practices reinstate the social hierarchies that the for a just society was highlighted in the Beijing Buddha had disparaged. Nuns and their nunner- Conference (1995). In all the three societies un- ies are completely ignored. Nuns remain subject der study, women power does not extend to so- to the authority and scrutiny of monks through- cietal or political spheres. The economic power out a religious life that is theoretically devoted of the women in the household is not translated to rise above gender and other social hierarchies. into corresponding community authority. Wo- In Buddhist communities, monasticism is as men supremacy is restricted within the family do- structured around a gender division of labour and main and does not extend to social or political the dualities of sex as are the lay communities. spheres. It is interesting to note that although by Nuns are distinguished from female renunciates convention every village Panchayat has a female who live at home and do not perform any public member, the woman never bothers to attend the rituals. Buddhist women can never become mo- meeting or to take any active interest in the pro- nks or be ordained due to the ideology of purity ceedings of Panchayat. Sikkim has a tradition of and pollution. Among Changpas and Bhutias, collective decision making by communities the lay and monastic realms are not alternating, through the institution of Dzumsha. However, as the monks play a central role in politico- eco- traditional institutions do not witness a signifi- nomic processes. In Ladakh, Buddhist monas- cant role for women and Dzumsha is constituted teries are wealthy, as monasteries are the big- of males only. In the absence of a male member, gest landing agencies and act as treasury. The a female can represent her family unit. If a male lay patronage which sustains Buddhist mona- head is absent from Dzumsha meeting, he is sticism is the Buddhist idea of earning merit. fined, however if represented by female head, There is synchronised and incessant exchange she is liable to pay half the amount for her ab- between the laity and monastery, and the politi- sence. Like Bhutias’ phipun, goba holds Chang- co-economic and religious functionaries of the pa encampments together and unites into unit. area. However, Buddhist nuns face many hard- In this democratic form of government, the vil- ships first in establishing and afterwards in main- lage council (chogdus) selects goba (Headman). taining these nunneries. To become a nun, women The village council consists of all the male he- reject her femininity and maternity and dedicate ads of the separate households. Women are ge- her to spiritual life in the nunnery. When a girl nerally bypassed and marginalised either they joins nunnery to learn rituals and Buddhist ser- lack the requisite skills, or because women’s mons, even then she is not free of her economic heavy and unending domestic responsibilities responsibilities towards her family and village. makes attending meetings and participating in She performs her agricultural duties on the fam- decision making difficult. Even the economic ily farms and monastic estates. Families allow power of the women in the household is not trans- their daughters to join nunneries in order to earn 12 VEENA BHASIN merit and at the same time make sure the assur- ing. In the rituals of Gaddi Chela, Gaddi women ance of their productive services. Buddhist nuns merely participate as spectators. There are no play an important arbitrating role between the female counterparts of Gaddi Chela. Women are monastery and the laity by performing ritual ser- never appointed as priests, and are skillfully vices and serving monks and society, thereby manipulated against themselves. Both sexes par- earning merit for their families and communities ticipate in ceremonies, but men shoulder major while continuing to perform labour in the fields. responsibilities. Men mainly play musical instru- Both nuns and monks take vows to abstain from ments. Women do take part in dancing but their worldly pursuit, but nuns end up working as do- movements are different from men. As the reli- mestic help. The Buddhist way of life and mak- gious sphere is most dominating among pasto- ing merit can neither assure a livelihood for nun ralists, it constitutes a major field for male domi- nor provide funds for their periodic rituals, while nation. The women are deprived of public au- assuring the same for the monks and their thority. Religion legitimises gender hierarchy. gompas. Despite the fact that nuns earn wide- The subordination of women in religious activi- ranging merit for the entire community, it does ties and their denial of access to positions of re- not assure them patronage as they do not per- ligious leadership has been a powerful tool in form practical tantric, instrumental and propi- most world religions in supporting the patriar- tiatory rituals like monks. chal order and the exclusion of women, from the The religious organisation of Buddhist soci- public form (Ortner 1974; Sered 1994; Franzmen ety of Ladakh gives an idea about the gender in- 2000). The religious sphere is a major field for equality that denies status and independence to male dominance, and a strategy to deprive wo- Buddhist nuns and perpetually subordinate and men of public authority (Scott 1988; Jones 1993). marginalise them. The situation of Bhutia and There are a few innovations in religious sphere, Changpa nuns is like that of Sherpa nuns. Ort- and hence these changes must exist within a tra- ner (1996) found that the moment of their cre- ditional, ritual and textual structure. Religious institutions are resistant to gender equality. In ation as institutions the monastery supposedly structure, an explicitly male religious framewo- represented the culmination of public concerns, rk contains the pastoral societies. and the nunnery the embodiment of domestic Changpas follow a ritually defined living ar- ones. rangement in their rebos. The household occu- Changpas and Bhutias place great empha- pying a rebo is a commensal and property-own- sis on coercive rights of exorcising and destroy- ing group. The space in the left side of the tent ing demons. Both the communities have trained is for females and right for males. This is further male and female specialists for exorcising de- accentuated by the placement of articles and work mons. Changpas have lha-ma (female) and lha- performed. The men of the household always pa (male) and Bhutias have pau (male) and pray while sitting on the right side. They store nejohum (female) who play part in exorcising prayer books, incense and other ceremonial ar- rights. Changpa and Bhutias nunneries are geo- ticles on the right side. They keep saddles, sad- graphically separated from the gompas (monas- dle covers, stirrups and bridles, as well as sad- tery) and nuns do not perform rituals and funeral dlebags and blankets woven by men on right si- rights for the people. They are present only dur- de of the tent. On the left side of the tent women ing festivals and certain ceremonies as specta- keep their kitchenware. Women cook and do tors or at the time of earning merit for oneself. all household work on the left side of the tent. Bhutias even make difference between male and They construct shelves on the left side of the tent female funeral pyres. In the case of female and for keeping clothes of family members, saddle- male funeral pyres, eight and seven tiers of fire- bags and blankets woven by women. The women wood are laid respectively for consuming the of the house, including those who visit, inhabit body into flames. Bhutias explain this discrimi- the left side of the tent. The husband and wife nation in a way that women are one degree be- sleep on the left side. Deliveries also take place low men in the society. To compensate this low- on the left side. Children sleep on the right side er status of women, her pyre is raised higher (Bhasin 1992). Though both men and women (Bhasin 1991). occupy different portions of the domestic sphere, Among Gaddis as well men control ritual but outside their rebos, they walk together or realm. Women participate in dancing and sing- assemble at common public places. STATUS OF WOMEN IN TRANSHUMANT SOCIETIES 13

In these areas (as in all other areas), women only that it is not going to help her in the tradi- have their own perceptions of gender equality tional lifestyle. The problem of conversing with that cannot be easily quantified by standard in- women is that all questions have to be asked dicators through men and getting the answers by men. Women’s Perceptions on Contribution in Men translate, take things for granted, and mould Work Home: About fifty percent women in the their answers to suit their occasion. study area replied in affirmative. Husbands sho- Concept of Women’s Space: Among pasto- uld and do help in cooking and bringing water. ral groups in the study area, the concept of There is practically no task, other than minding women’s space is where only women may sit, small children, which does not require coopera- work or enter freely at any time is relatively in- tion of both sexes. The work done by women is formal and flexible and depends on the separa- constant, diverse and often arduous. The work tion of activities that result from the sexual divi- of men tends to be seasonal. In the men’s light sion of labour. It is a characteristics feature of working season, they may help in the work at traditional societies to set apart, or see a distinc- home. tion in physical space, which is used by men and Prohibitions during Pregnancy and Men- women (de Schlippe 1956; Edelberg and Jones struation: There are no restrictions during pre- 1979; Ladurie 1979; Illich 1982). In the study gnancy between Bodh and Bhutias women, whi- area, there are no such private or intimate spa- le among Gaddis women there is restriction on ces for women, though men have public space to keeping fast. After the childbirth, among Bodhs hold meetings, settle disputes, and discuss po- and Bhutias, the mother observes a period of litical and farming issues. Women do not have a pollution, when she is confined to the house for similar, formal sitting space. The water mill is a certain period, usually lasting 30 days. Even another space, which interchangeably becomes outsiders cannot eat food or drink water from men’s or women’s. However, as there are sev- the house where childbirth has taken place, as a eral water mills in each settlement, if women are house is defiled by the childbirth (bangthip). It at one, it tends to be only women and children, is a socially imposed zem-ches. They also can- but there are no fixed rules. When women oc- not appear before the shrines of family and vil- cupy public spaces like water source, water lage gods. Among Gaddis there are no such re- spring, field etc., men usually do not join them. strictions, as sometimes deliveries take place The women interact with each other, not with during migrations. They do not worship, cook their men as couples. Among Gaddis, the inter- food and bring water. All the women justified action between individual men and women var- the restrictions considering them impure. ies according to kinship relation and relative age, Ownership of Jewellary after Marriage: which ranges from relaxed informality to extre- More or less all the women considered it as their me avoidance, marked by women covering their right to own jewellery. head and men averting their glances. Men who Permission of Remarriage of a Divorced are not kin, especially elders do not come close Woman: All women agreed on the point that like to an area where a group of women is sitting. By men, women should also have the prospect to these standards, pastoralists also maintain the remarry. integrity of the gender divide Women’s Talk: Tribal women talk about their The courtyards are mainly women’s space homes, children and emotions; while men talk (except during threshing when men and women about work, innovations, ideas and politics. Pas- work together in the courtyard). All food pro- toral women in the study area are separated by cessing is done here. Washing of clothes, spin- language. They speak local language; is ning of wool, embroidery, providing bath to chi- mostly understood and spoken by men. The ldren etc. is all carried out here. The kitchen is a women’s mobility on social ladder is through woman’s domain. marriage to a person who is likely to be socially The grazing grounds in and around the vil- mobile. They think it does not affect a woman’s lage, near water source are areas where old wo- social position whether she is educated or un- men, young girls and small boys sit with babies, educated. Thus, mostly boys are sent to school. to mind cattle and sheep and goat. In the tran- This discrimination against girls is not because shumant societies of Gaddis and Bhutias, both of her lack of intelligence or ability to learn, it is summer and winter pasture contains the elements 14 VEENA BHASIN of time and space when compared to village cultural and political violence (Kelkar 1991). economy. That is to say, the pastures are spa- However, the violence in the form of female foe- tially removed and are at different altitudes. Be- ticide and infanticide suffered by women of other ing seasonally used, they bring the concept of castes and communities it seems is not present time. They provide gender differences in the among pastoralists. utilisation of resources and tool such as animals Voting Rights Pastoral women take pleasure as opposed to field crops, male instead of female in their voting rights and about 85 per cent of labour. The pastoral women in the study area have women in the study area used their right. Para- been denied roles associated with masculinity as doxically, most of them follow the advice of their a result of ideology of the family and kinship, husbands or some of them are under pressure to which identifies paternal roles with authoritative accept the wishes of their husbands. roles. Few women who have succeeded in ac- Reproductive Rights: Women in the study quiring some positions in communal life have areas have no personal opinion on the women’s found that their competence or their executive movement in the other parts of the world on the methods are frequently challenged or ridiculed. reproductive health issue as a part of women’ re- Equal Rights to Men and Women: Pastoral productive rights. They are not comfortable with women in the study area recognise the fact that the idea of women regulating their own fertility. they have been discriminated against in educa- Though they do manage to have abortion with tion, income, consumption, status and access to crude methods but men tackle major issues of power; they have a worse health record than planning the family. However, the women’s re- men; they suffer from social, cultural and legal productive health problems are originated in gen- discrimination and often from violence. They are der inequalities, control of power and resources. discriminated on grounds of equity (which re- Utilisation of Health Services: Utilisation fers to equality of opportunities and choices) and of health and maternal health services is influ- efficiency. There is need for quantitative mea- enced by the characteristics of the health deliv- surement, for a complete set of cultural and rig- ery system such as the availability, quality and hts indicators to assess women’s rights. the cost of the services. However, it does not Labour Work: Earlier when a woman was necessarily means that if medical services are working on her farm or collecting minor forest operational in an area all women are expected to produce from the forest for her family, she felt avail the facility. It may be true that, even under belonged to it. However, with the change in sce- the same conditions of availability, the response nario, when she has to do the labour work, she is different. Other factors such as social struc- has to collect forest produce for the other agen- ture and status of women are equally important. cies, her economic role becomes different. They In the study area, women could not take the de- feel as they are working as unskilled labourers, cision on their own about going to health cen- it does not help in improving their position. Pro- tres. It was not only peer pressure but lack of viding skilled training to women may help in el- education which was the deciding factor. evating their status. Pastoral women insist on a Women role in pastoral societies have been need based plan for providing work on year ro- discussed by many scholars mainly focusing on und basis, in line with the multiple occupational role of women in pastoral societies and related pattern of their work. development programmes (Abu-Bodie1979; Violence against Women: Few women are Adan 1988; Al-Hassany 1983; Beaman 1983; free from threat and violence at the hands of their Dahl 1987; Fazel 1977; Hewitt 1989; Horowitz husbands. Violence often becomes a tool to and Jowkar 1992; Kipuri 1989, 1991; Oxby socialise family members according to prescribed 1987). It has been observed that many develop- norms of behaviour with an overall perspective ment projects among African pastoral groups of male dominance and control. Kelkar (1991) have not responded well, because planners and situates violence against women ‘in the socio- administrators did not take roles played by economic and political context of power rela- women into account (Hodgson 2000; Kettle tions’ and it should include ‘exploitation, dis- 1992). As Himalayan pastoral groups are facing crimination, upholding of unequal economic and the same dilemma, the studies from other parts social structures, the creation of an atmosphere of parts may help to understand the importance of terror, threat or reprisal and forms of religio- of women role for social interventions. In real- STATUS OF WOMEN IN TRANSHUMANT SOCIETIES 15 ity, gender roles in livestock production are not land, which necessitates frequent moves to find always rigidly defined or followed. Women are new pasture, results in additional work for pas- called to perform male roles and sometimes even toral women. House moving are the women’s men perform female duties. responsibility, and more frequent moves means All Indian pastoralists are facing common that this activity becomes much more time con- problem of shrinking of their pastoral resource suming (Dahl 1979: 64). Another matter of con- base. The establishment of national parks and cern for pastoral women is the privatisation of sanctuaries, in combination with the expansion common lands. Land privatisation, either by out- of agriculture into marginal areas has undermi- siders or by wealthy insiders, results in land shor- ned the traditional livelihood of all of them. Dis- tage, which has an adverse impact on women. placement and settlement of pastoralists is a com- As a result, women’s traditional access to pri- mon response to shrinking of pastures and envi- vate and common land is curtailed. ronmental degradation. There is a chain of ad- Among pastoral groups, at some point in their verse conditions, which are forcing pastoralists growth, individual households face labour shor- to abandon their nomadic lives, their traditions tages or surpluses. It is natural in communities and total loss of their identity and culture No which are not affluent, and where labour can matter the cause, sedenterisation of transhumant hardly be purchased, that there should be some groups has adverse effects on women’s role and arrangement for co-operation, when man is in status. The pastoral families feel labour short- want. All the three groups have mutual aid gro- age as number of household members is reduced; ups and obligatory assistance. These relation- women lose access to mutual aid networks, their ships are reciprocal. In the recent years, there social economic activities are diversified and have been major changes in the socio-economic their position and status as a whole are dimin- structure of pastoral systems, which have redu- ished. Moreover, degradation of the pasturelands ced the variability of households and broken the contributes to the deterioration of both animals exchange systems. This has called for major re- and fodder supply, a combination that consider- orientation of labour allocation strategies to- ably increases the burden of work on women. wards employment, education for the young, and Any deterioration in the quality of grazing re- wage employment etc., resulting in increase in sults into a reduction in milk supply, which is so women’s workloads in various ways. critical to household provisioning and to house- The evidence thus indicates that environme- hold income. Reductions in milk availability ntal degradation contributes significantly to wo- force changes in the pastoral diet and in the men’s workloads while reducing their capacity amount of time women spend on food process- to meet their household provisioning obligati- ing. As cereals become more prominent in the ons. It suggests that the extra time many women diet, women must spend more time in transfor- have to spend in subsistence activities such as ming the unhusked grain into meal and in ob- gathering wood, water, and fodder reduces the taining more fuel wood for cooking, which in- amount of time available for other economic ac- creases land degradation and impoverishment. tivities. For poor women, or those with limited An immediate consequence of the shift out access to resources, the impact is likely to be even of dairying is its adverse effect on women’s nor- greater. In the course of their daily work, pasto- mal authority over the management of house- ral women develop an intimate knowledge of hold milk supplies. With the degradation of pa- natural resource management, which they put in stureland, they have to spend more time caring practice for the benefit of community and envi- for young, sick and feeble livestock, which are ronment. As keeper of traditional knowledge, wo- kept at the homestead. men pastoralists make an important contribu- Wood shortage is another aspect of resour- tion towards the sustainable management of ce reduction, which has particular repercussions land and natural resources the world over. Plan- for women. Women are responsible for collect- ners and administrators can make use of their ing firewood and often for house building. These knowledge and capabilities. have become increasingly time-consuming and In the study area, both Changpas and Bhutias tiring tasks as they have to walk for longer dis- are feeling the crunch of resources due to clo- tances to find and gather sufficient firewood and sure of border after the Indo-China war. Chang- construction material. Deterioration of the range- pas were using rich pastures near Tibet in win- 16 VEENA BHASIN ter. As a result of border conflict, these people 1994; Momewood and Rogers 1987; McCabe were forced to alter their migrations, find alter- 2004; Scoones 1996). Many scholars contra- native pastures or reduce the number of animals. dicted this view and corrected this misconcep- Numbers of Changpa families have settled near tion (Benke and Scoones 1992; Ellis and Swift Leh and are facing the difficulties of changing 1988; Gunderson and Holling 2002; Hogg 1985; their profession and way of life. Likewise, for Kelly 1993; Morris 1988), new challenges con- Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung, animal hus- tinue to face pastoralist development. One such bandry was not sufficient to sustain the popula- challenge comes from a failure to take into ac- tion, so they indulged in marginal trading activi- count changing divisions of labour in the design ties with Tibetan across the border. Consequently, and implementation of development interven- the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung were trad- tions. Wangui (2008) examined the development ing with Tibetans across the border. The barter of gendered aspects of livelihood strategies and of timber, wood, dyestuffs and dairy products of various development interventions. Central to North Sikkim for Tibetan salt and wool formed this is an empirical analysis of gendered divi- the basis of this trade. The Bhutias of Lachen sion of labour in the context of rapidly changing and Lachung pursued it as an occupation inti- pastoralists livelihood. These livelihood changes mately interwoven with their pastoral activities. led to shift in gendered roles in livestock pro- Thus, as long as trade was unhampered by po- duction. Quantification of women’s roles is rel- litical restrictions, it enabled them to remain eco- evant because the role of women is consistently nomically independent. However, with the clos- downplayed by pastoralists. ing of the Tibetan border in 1962, life changed for these people. It deprived them of their live- DISCUSSION lihood and had an adverse effect on their tra- ditional crafts. Military encampments, supply In all the three transhumant communities un- basis, and defense posts were set up. Bhutias der study, men handle large livestock and women shifted from a pastoral and trading economy to a look after the small animals or animals that are more settled agriculture and small scale horti- left behind. A sexual division of labour is com- culture and wage-earning economy. Now with mon in pastoral societies, but the role of women’s the opening of the area, tour operators are ply- labour stands in sharp contrast to that of women ing in Lachen and Lachung and Bhutias have in foraging societies. Men’s duties outside the started boarding and lodging in services. Many confine of the household involve less time, en- of them have bought vehicles and have started ergy and labour. These activities include graz- transporting tourists. Though Gaddis have not ing, vaccination, deworming, and purchase of been affected by Indo-China war, but they are fodder and medicines and taking animals to dis- stressed by the stringent forest laws and break- pensary mainly occur in public domain. All these ing of traditional pasturing relationships. Gaddis activities entail movement, access to new tech- identify land tenure or lack of clarity in grazing nology and information and interaction with rights as one of the major problems. These tradi- market. Patterns of gender division of labour are tional laws were documented over a century ago common and location specific. However, it is at the time of land settlement, but much has common in three communities that women look changed since then. after the animals kept at home. In spite of hav- There have been many development inter- ing this sexual division of labour, women take ventions focusing on livestock in these moun- care of animal’s health, reproduction, their feed- tain areas in the last two-three decades. These ing and cleaning of sheds or pens. The activities development interventions in other parts of the performed by women look small and appear to world have faced numerous challenges and in involve low skill are important for the survival many instances met with complete failure (Mor- of livestock. This makes livestock production and ton and Meadows 2000; Pratt et al. 1997). Re- management a household activity with flexible searchers working in arid and semi-arid areas of division of labour between the sexes. The intra- Africa have attributed these failures to their mi- household division often depends on household gratory way of life as contrary to the goals of labour availability, the number and type of live- range management (Ellis et al. 1993; Ellis and stock and economic position of the household. Swift 1988; Fratkin 1997; Fratkin and Smith In fact, many household decisions are taken by STATUS OF WOMEN IN TRANSHUMANT SOCIETIES 17 both men and women, although they may not be ever if represented by female head, she is liable formally recognised as such for socio-cultural to pay half the amount for her absence. This reasons. In all the three societies, children gen- shows that women have a secondary importa- der roles are separated early in life. The girls are nce in public affairs and community decision- trained to perform roles traditionally performed making. Women are generally bypassed and by women and the boys learn the skills of men. marginalised either because they lack the requi- There is change in the traditional division of site skills, or because women’s heavy and un- labour due to the development in the respective ending domestic responsibilities makes attend- areas. More and more people are opting for non- ing meetings and participating in decision ma- traditional employments. These jobs are related king difficult. to income generation. As a result of cultural and religious norms, In transhumant groups, women have limit- women are deprived of property ownership ri- ed rights to dispose of the products of pastoral ghts and given lower status in the three com- production, which tend to be controlled by men. munities. They are denied of participation in tra- Though women labour is important to societal ditional leadership control of key assets and in- reproduction, the status of women is lower in heritances of common properties, etc. However, pastoral groups. In all the three groups’ tradi- the pastoral women in the study area have been tional rules and regulations form the founda- given special privileges in marriage, divorce or tion of women’s position which is reflected in remarriage. the traditional practices of society. The tools of Transhumants speak little of statuses and ro- production are owned by men, as are the forces les when talking about their social life. What they of production –animals and pasture rights. Lim- do talk of are the skills for managing the envi- ited right of girls’ access to education, lack of ronment for making a living. They also talk of access to control resources and the associated marriage, married life, children, and their soci- rights and benefits of their roles in community alisation within a community of relationships. affairs, decision-making, labour division etc., The women’s world in transhumant societies has does not enhance women’s status. In all the three three major manifestations: the home, children societies under study, women power does not and private communication patterns between extend to societal or political spheres. The eco- women of the camps. Transhumant societies tend nomic power of the women in the household is to be male dominated, although variations in not translated into corresponding community female status do occur. Characteristically, males authority. Men’s work in public sphere has usu- control the ownership, distribution and tending ally enjoyed higher status than women’s do- of animals, while women look after home, chil- mestic work. Women supremacy is restricted dren, dairying and subsistence agriculture. Ri- within the family domain and does not extend to ghts of access to resources are highly limited social or political spheres. The main obstacle to and through inheritance. On the surface, all the having equality in status of women and men is three groups are patriarchal. Central and cultural the women’s lesser ability to perform work other institution such as marriage is regulated by men. than domestic work. Pastoralists explain the di- Men take major decisions about the mobility, fferences in their behaviour on physiological migration, sale of animals and animal products. and psychological differences. It is interesting They represent the household in village council to note that although by convention every vil- and inherit property and grazing rights. On the lage Panchayat has a female member, the lady other hand, men are highly dependent on women never bothers to attend the meeting or to take for domestic well- being (Holtzman 2002). any active interest in the proceedings of Pan- Women feed men and provide men with children chayat. Sikkim has a tradition of collective de- through their sexuality, which they control to a cision making by communities through the ins- certain extent. Usually women are responsible titution of Dzumsha. However, traditional ins- for ensuring that food is available for the house- titutions do not witness a significant role for hold and for themselves. To make sure that there women and Dzumsha is constituted of males only. is continual supply of food throughout the year; In the absence of a male member, a female can preservation of food items in time of surplus is represent her family unit. If a male head is ab- the major strategy of women. They command a sent from Dzumsha meeting, he is fined, how- large degree of control over food items. This 18 VEENA BHASIN gives them power in their own rights. There are these areas occupy an economically significant number of ways in which women oppose wrong- place that is reflected in the generally high po- doings, or undermine their husband authority. sition and the importance that they have. The Women frequently engage in extramarital af- socio-economic equality of sexes can be obser- fairs, giving births to children not sired by their ved in the attitudes and practices concerning husbands. As was seen among Gaddis, where marriage, divorce and household harmony. Girls economic ability of woman and her consequent have a say in their selection of marriage partner. social position has resulted in special institutio- There are different type of marriages that suit nal privileges that are bestowed on the woman. the occasions. Divorce is permitted and can be To mention only a few: (a) in case of the birth of initiated by aggrieved party on grounds of in- a child after the husband’s death irrespective of compatibility of nature with socio-judicial ap- the time gap, child, if it is born in the husband’s proval among three groups. A divorce is com- house (chaukhandu= born within the four walls), pensated by way of returning marriage expen- has full inheritance rights; (b) in case the child is ses. Children are normally the liability of the fa- born away from the husband’s house, the child ther in divorce cases. Among Gaddis, in the event gets a share of property from woman’s father or a divorcee woman wants to take them she can do brother. In case of remarriage, the child is en- so, if the divorcee husband also desires the same. titled to inheritance rights from her new hus- Khewat (divorcee remarriage) can however take band. The extent of the property settlement is place. Widow remarriage is also permitted am- decided before woman agrees to remarry; (c) it ong Gaddis, preferably with elder or younger is socially expected and considered as desirable brother (fraternal widow inheritance). However, that subsequent to the death of her husband, a ultimate choice rests with the lady. women should marry her brother-in-law, but in The transhumant women work very hard, in actual practice the woman has a final say and some cases even more than the men do. How- she may refuse to enter such a marriage; (d) like ever, these women are not backward. They have all men , Gaddi men also want their women to be power in their own sphere, no men tell them what virtuous yet female promiscuity in Gaddi soci- to do. They are responsible for their own share ety is a well known and accepted fact. There has of work and share the benefits of their own work been no case of women being punished or sent as long as the unit of production and consump- away on charges of promiscuity and immorality. tion remains the home. The concept of patriar- This tolerance of promiscuity is obviously re- chy, which prevails in subsistence societies, con- lated to the economic importance of women. veys respect rather than envy between the gen- The beliefs and ideas held by locals have a ders (Illich 1982). Despite the fact that transhu- vital influence on the lives of the men, women mant women live their lives as dependents thr- and children. For one thing, it reinforces the gen- oughout their lifecycle: as daughters, sisters, and der division of work, place, tools and language. wives; or as mothers of sons, they have far more The present position and condition of the pasto- power and independence than modern sub-ur- ral women is not an accidental affair. According ban homemakers do. A woman always has it in to religious beliefs, women are considered im- her power to leave her husband if she is angry, pure, that is why they are not allowed to use plo- dissatisfied or unhappy. She has great freedom ugh and interact with supernatural beings direct- of movement as children, if any, remain with the ly. The economic cycle and division of labour in husband. Her labour is sufficiently in demand the transhumant areas has given an important so that she can move not only back to her natal role to the women. This economic role has un- family but also to a sister’s husband’s house or a doubtedly affected the social position of women, more distant kinsmen’s house. She can stay there who have social freedom that is quite remark- till such times as she returns to her husband’s able in its scope. house or finds a new one. Her economic ability Role of women is not only of importance in and consequent social position has resulted in economic activities, but her role in non-economic special institutional privileges that are bestowed activities is equally important. Women’s role as on the women. In spite of having freedom, they wives, mothers, organisers and as the basic foun- seldom have a voice in the political sphere. They dation of other dimensions of social life is of ut- are not ignored at household level, but are not most importance. The transhumant women in given due credit and importance in political and STATUS OF WOMEN IN TRANSHUMANT SOCIETIES 19 religious subjects. They are like invisible hands ledge, skills and techniques of local people, shaping and maintaining the structure of socie- which include mostly women. This does not nec- ty. Authority and power in these societies is stru- essarily mean that women are generally more ctured by gender and age. As men grow older, environment-friendly; it is just that division of their political power as members of village co- labour has given an important role to the wo- uncil increases. Women as they grow older, do men. Women’s participation in the economic not achieve any political power, though they do activity is important for their personal advance- gain power and respect in the household. Based ment and their status in the society. Work par- on her study of a Greek village, Friedl (1967:97) ticipation is influenced by a combination of num- argues that in this society women in the “private ber of social, economic, cultural and demogra- sector” are able to influence important political phic factors. There is cultural similarity among and economic decisions “behind the façade of the different groups in the study area, as the wo- the public male dominance……”. In her opin- men from different groups have the same eco- ion, it is the private domain of the family and not nomic roles to play, necessitated by the demands the public which can reveal the “relative attribu- of environment to grow food for their own con- tion of power to males and females in most soci- sumption. The economic value and worth of eties. While both Aswad (1967) and Chinas women therefore as (a) independent and neces- (1973) seem to emphasize the “informal roles” sary unit of economy without which the given of women in influencing and affecting political economic system will not survive, (b) comple- decisions, Mohsin (1967: 154) in her analysis of mentary to the men as work force, in organised position of women among the Moslem Awlad Ali functioning of the whole economic system. The views “ participation in the public affairs of so- economic power of the women in the household ciety (as) only one index of the political position is not translated into a corresponding commu- of an individual……..” the other being the legal nity authority. The male head, who is custodian rights accorded to women whereby they are able of property, manages the family finance. Selec- to influence political decision- making. tions of the bridegroom for the daughter or sis- Women play an important role in their hou- ter, acquisition or disposal of property are all sehold economy. Transhumant women operate domains of the male members or eldest male. In effectively in most economic and social institu- spite of a substantial contribution in the subsis- tions, participating in both local and migrant tence economy, a women’s right is not recogni- labour activities. Women’s autonomy in terms of sed in the transmission of landed property and decision- making is highly constrained among this makes her dependent upon men. transhumants. They have little access to, and ex- With the onset of development programmes, ercise limited control over resources; and few economic changes are taking place but transhu- are free from threat and violence at the hands of mant women remain traditional in their dress, their husbands. If they work outside and earn language, tools and resources, because they grow wages, it does not alter the scene. Working for food crops rather than cash crops. Significant wages is not necessarily an indicator of au- changes have taken place in the two decades tonomy. The wage earning pastoral women can- separating the United Nations Conferences on not make the decision to work on their own, nor women in Mexico City (1975) and the meeting do they have control over their earnings. The in Beijing (1995). Modernisation is bringing marriage pattern and family ties ensure that changes, which affect men and women differ- women are not cut off from family support. ently. Modernisation brought by outside agen- Full range of social and cultural institutions, cies is set in a male- biased ideology, women are which reproduce gender hierarchies and gender- seen as inherently ‘incapable’; the new tech- based inequalities include legal equality and ex- niques are aimed at men by men. Male values cess to education and health. In the transhum- are also reflected in the view that development ant areas under study, the economic cycle and is solely dependent on technological and eco- division of labour in the area has given an im- nomic advances. Such values exploit both the portant role to the women. Environmental re- environment and vulnerable groups such as source management illustrates that sustainabi- women (Hewitt 1989: 351). 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