SĀWĪRUS IBN AL-MUQAFFA‘ IN GƎ’ƎZ LITERATURE A Provisional Reappraisal*

1. The Author

Little is known about the details of Sāwīrus1 Ibn al-Muqaffa‘, one of the earliest Coptic writers who started to compose theological works in Arabic2. The sources of Anba Sāwīrus’ life, known also as Abū al-Bišr Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (10th/11th cent.), are the History of the Patri- archs3, as well as the witness of Copto- authors such as Abū al-Barākat Ibn Kabar (14th cent.). It is believed that he was consecrated

* This paper is a “reappraisal” because a part of the material presented here has been already dealt with. Little known works have been brought to the fore. It is “provisional”, inasmuch as new Gə’əz editions of Sawirian texts will hopefully appear in the near future. As far as the Gə’əz versions are concerned, I have published two contributions (Tedros Abraha, Severos of Ašmunayn, and Id., Mäṣḥafä Sawiros) which have tried to assess the influence of the Sawirian corpus on Gə’əz literature. Nonetheless, it has been deemed useful to update my earlier studies without disavowing anything in them. 1 This name recalls Severus of (465-538), a champion of the monophysite creed, highly revered in the Coptic Orthodox Church. In the Coptic Missal he is remem- bered in the first place, cf. Liturgy of Saint Basil which reads: “Saint Severus the patriarch, our Teacher Dioscorus, Saint Athanasius the apostolic, Saint Peter the last of the martyrs and pontiff, and Saint John Chrysostom”, Holy Kholagy, p. 80, 126. For information about Sāwīrus Ibn al Muqaffa‘ ’s life and of the works that go by his name, cf. GCAL, II, p. 300-318; Aṯanāsīūs al-Maqārī, Fihris, p. 114-185; Sidarus, Débuts, p. 166-177. 2 ‘Abd al-Masīḥ al-Isrāelī al-Raqqī (11th cent.) is another author, a convert from Juda- ism, who has composed apologetic works in Arabic to make proselytes among the in , cf. GCAL, II, p. 319-320; Samir, ‘Abd Al-Masiḫ. 3 The part of this History which relates about Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ was written by Anbā Mīḵa’īl, bishop of Tinnīs, cf. den Heijer, Mīẖa’īl; Wadi, Anbā Mīḫa’īl, p. 263-288; den Heijer, History, col. 1239-1240. Beside Atiya, Sāwīrus, for a recent summary of the bios and works of Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘, cf. Swanson, CMR, 2, p. 491-509. In this book, the historicity of virtually every acquired data of Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘’s life and works has been put into doubt, apparently without compelling arguments. For a more cautious approach on the debate about the authorship of the Sawirian Corpus, cf. Sidarus, Débuts, p. 169-176. Until well proved evidence is produced, Swanson’s suspicions about the authenticity of the available information, in my opinion, remain at the level of sheer speculation. Until the opposite is established, I choose not to reject the data handed down by Coptic sources, especially the ones registered in the above mentioned History of the Patriarchs, by Anbā Mīḵa’īl, bishop of Tinnīs who lived soon after the demise of Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘, and confirmed three centuries later by Abū al-Barakāt, cf. Abū al-Barākat, The Lamp, p. 307.

Le Muséon 130 (3-4), 421-444. doi: 10.2143/MUS.130.3.3259748 - Tous droits réservés. © Le Muséon, 2017. 422 tedros abraha bishop of al-Ašmūnayn (ancient Hermopolis Magna), close to the mod- ern town of Mallawi, in Upper Egypt. In the tradition of the Coptic Orthodox Church, Sāwīrus is acclaimed as one of the chief religious protagonists of his epoch. Yet historical records of his life, from his birth to his death, are scanty. Apologetics, defence of the in the context of Egypt at the time, is a common thread in the works that go by his name. A declared objec- tive of Sāwīrus was to rescue the from their dwindling Christian faith and practice, due among other causes to “ignorance of the Coptic language”. From a scrutiny of the works penned by or ascribed to him, it emerges that Sāwīrus was a well read and prolific scholar. The books that are linked to his name testify that he had a thorough knowledge of the Bible, of several Church Fathers and that he relished Alexandrian (allegorical/spiritual) exegesis. It is also clear that he was well acquainted with Greek language and with Greek philosophy, as well as with Islamic thought and theological terminology. One of Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘’s primary merits was his decision to introduce the use of the Arabic lan- guage into Coptic ecclesiastical literature as a convenient tool to stave off the real risk of the Christian faith being wiped out by the Islamic expansion4. Sāwīrus is widely seen as the defender and champion of the Coptic Jacobite faith5 vis-à-vis non- and non-Chalcedonians. His real and theoretical debates with , often expressed in a poignant and witty language, show a man with a good grasp of Islamic vocabulary and tenets of faith.

2. Literary production of Sāwīrus

The History of the Patriarchs maintains that Sāwīrus, I quote, “has composed twenty books as well as mayāmir (homilies), commentaries,

4 Marcuzzo states: “La communauté copte, de foi jacobite, conserva plus longtemps sa langue et ne commença à s’exprimer en arabe qu’un bon siècle après les autres com- munautés chrétiennes de l’Orient. Mais son patrimoine n’a pas été pour autant inférieur. Bien au contraire. Quand déjà les autres communautés commençaient le versant de la décadence, les coptes, eux, au xiiie siècle connurent leur point culminant. L’apport copte à la littérature arabe chrétienne s’ouvre avec un écrivain de grande valeur: l’évêque d’Ašmūnayn (Haute-Égypte) Sévère ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (m. après 987)”, Marcuzzo, Dia- logue, p. 61-62. 5 Haymanot Ya‘əqobawit “the Jacobite creed” is named after Baradaeus “Jacob the rags wearer” (ca. 500-578), a staunch, second generation anti-Chalcedonian. He was bishop of Edessa from 543 until his death. The main source for the life of Jacob Baradaeus is the History of John of Ephesus (ca. 507-588). For the Gə’əz version of “the Jacobite creed”, cf. Cornill, Jacob Baradaeus. SĀWĪRUS IBN AL-MUQAFFA‘ IN GƎ’ƎZ LITERATURE 423 questions and answers with the Egyptian writer Abī ’l Bišr Ibn Ġārūd”6 and provides their titles. The text reads: “ … this Saint, Ibn Raǧā, called himself al-Wāḍiḥ, and he became a friend of the learned, eminent man7, Abba Severus (Anbā Sāwīrus), bishop of al-Ašmūnayn, known as Ibn al-Muḳaffa‘ whom we have mentioned before, he who composed twenty books, besides homilies (mayāmir), commentar- ies, and answers and questions by Abī ‘l-Bišr ibn Ġārūd, the Egyptian (al-Maṣrī) writer. These are the names of the twenty books: Book on the Unity; Book on the Union; Book of the Splendid, a refutation of the Jews (al-Yahūd); Book of the Exposition and Detailed Account, a refutation of the Nestorians (an-Nasṭūriyah); Book concerning , written for the Wazīr Cosmas (Ḳuzmān) ibn Menas (Mīnā); Book on the Arrangement of the Pearl; Book on the Councils; Book on the curing of sadness and the healing of affliction; Book on the Councils; Book of Commentary on the Faith; Book of the Announcement, a refutation of the Jews (al-Yahūd); Book of Refutation of Sa‘īd ibn Baṭrīḳ; Book of the Signification of the Children of the Faithful and the Impious, and on how the Two Souls rise; Book of Elucidation, namely, the Lamp of the Soul; Book of the Biogra- phies; (Book of) the Discernment; Book on the Order of the Priesthood, twelve (chapters) on the Rites (τάξις) of the Church; Book on the Differ- ences of the Sects; Book on Judgments; Book on the Exposition of the Union. Some of these books have a different name from that which we have stated. Perhaps, the book has two names. Severus (Sāwīrus) the afore- said bishop and al-Wāḍiḥ ibn Raǧā, the two Saints, used to consult together a good deal of their time, and to examine the books of for the enlight- enment of their mind and their nature, so that they might interpret spiritual books”.

On the other hand, the Coptic theologian, Abū al-Barakāt Ibn Kabar (†1324) ascribes to Sāwīrus the twenty-six works listed hereafter: 1. On the Oneness [of God]; 2. On the Union [of God and man]; 3. The Splendid [Book]: On Answering the Jews and Mu‘tazilites; 4. The Elo- quent [Book] on the same issue; 5. An Answer to Sa‘īd Ibn Baṭrīq, the Melkite Patriarch, known as Ibn al-Farrāš, the author of a History8; 6. The Explanation and Detailed Statement in Answer to Nestorius and his Fol- lowers; 7. A Letter on Religion, which he wrote to the writer Abū al-Yumn Quzmān Ibn Mīnā; 8. Stringing together of Jewels and Pearls, in answer to the doctrine of fate and divine decree; 9. The Councils; 10. Medicine for Grief, Healing for Sorrow, and the Reformation of Morals; 11. The Syn- ods; 12. Explanation of the Orthodox Faith; 13. A Letter on the State of Children of Believers and Unbelievers, and How the Soul May Stand at the

6 Cf. Atiya et al., History of the Patriarchs, II.2, p. 164-165 (English version) and p. 109-110 (Arabic text). 7 The frequent occurrence of īḍāḥ “clarification”, uwaḍḍiḥ “I explain, I clarify”, added to the equally reiterated appeal to the anonymous yā ḥabīb “oh beloved” might suggest that there was a privileged master-disciple academic relationship between the two. 8 Also known as Eutychius of Alexandria (877-940). 424 tedros abraha

Judgement; 14. On Reasoning, namely, the Lamp of the Intellect9; 15. The Trip; 16. The Victory; 17. The Order of Priesthood, namely, Information on Ranks in the Church; 18. On the Difference[s] between the Sects; 19. On Judgements; 20. Clarification on the Union [of God and man] and the Doctrine of the Incarnation of the Lord (Glory to him!); 21. Commen- tary on the Holy ; 22. Answers to Questions of Ibn Jārūd; 23. Explanation of the Principles of Religion, the Arrangement of the Ser- vice, the Incense, the Sign of the Cross, and the Family Relationships of the Lady [Mary]; 24. The Book of the Abbreviated Explanation on the Faith; 25. The Book of Proverbs and Symbols; 26. The Book of Instruc- tions on Confession of Sins10.

The item n°17, Tartīb al-kahanūt [The Order of Priesthood], is an interesting liturgical-canonical text, displaying technical terms (Christian as well as of Islamic background) and themes employed in the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ. It is in line with the same allegorical exegesis of the Bible, as the following token examples try to illustrate. Christ went to the river Jordan to be baptized at the hands of , queuing among the crowds like any other sinner, “in order to hide the secret of his divinity from ”11. Satan was a member of the ten heavenly angelic choirs, “in fact he was the of beauty who used to present the praises [that creatures offered] to the Lord”12. The Tartīb al-kahanūt offers the same allegorical interpretation, lavishly employed in the fourth chapter of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ for the Paschal Lamb of the Book of Exo- dus, associated to the Eucharistic sacrifice under the title: “On the Pass- over and the Lamb and the Transformation of Bread and Wine [into the Eucharistic Body and Blood]”13. In the Tartīb al-kahanūt too, a whole chapter is dedicated to the differences in dogmas and in Christian prac- tices, between the Jacobites and the Melchites (from a Jacobite, biased perspective)14. Several aspects of the Tartīb al-kahanūt would play in favour of a high, rather than a lower date for its composition. Beside the Arabic language and style which at times look like a production of a mind that thought in Coptic and wrote in Arabic, the following items call for a close attention: details of the progressive admission of the catechu- mens into the various parts of the church’s building before their baptism

9 Edition and English translation: Ebied – Young, Lamp of the Intellect. 10 Cf. Abū al-Barākat, The Lamp, p. 306-307. Cf. also, Riedel, Katalog, p. 654 and transl. p. 686f.; GCAL, II, p. 438-445. 11 Assfalg, Ordnung, p. 17 (the English translations from Arabic here, and in the quotations from the Tartīb al-kahanūt hereafter, are mine). 12 Assfalg, Ordnung, p. 42. 13 Assfalg, Ordnung, p. 57. 14 Assfalg, Ordnung, p. 50-59. SĀWĪRUS IBN AL-MUQAFFA‘ IN GƎ’ƎZ LITERATURE 425 in Easter night15. During the Eucharistic celebration, the Patriarch is required to pronounce the profession of faith and make the newly ( ّلقن ordained repeat it (the Arabic verb describing the procedure is after him, in the language that the latter knows16. Such a provision would suggest that at that time Arabic was not yet the exclusive language of the Coptic Church. In the chapter on the subdeacons, the text reads: “And it is his duty, in his service which is peculiar to him, to extract the readings suitable to all seasons, choosing what is convenient at that time in the church”17. It might be an indication that at the time lectionaries were not easily available18.

There is still a long way to go in order to establish the real entity of the Sawirian works translated into Gə’əz. None of the “histories of Ethi- opic literature” written so far has offered a full census of Gə’əz versions of texts ascribed to Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘. One plausible reason for the missing identification of those works is that a manuscript or a book can appear under a title that does not match the original. Retrieval of the Sawirian Corpus remains one of the areas of Gə’əz versions translated from Coptic-Arabic that needs to be attained. Thus, the list of titles and of written witnesses of Sawirian literature in Gə’əz hereafter, does not have the claim of being exhaustive nor “impeccable”19. An eventual dis- covery of more Sawirian texts in Gə’əz that can complete the present survey will be most welcome.

3. The works of Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ in Gə’əz

In Gə’əz literary heritage, Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ is known as Abba Sawiros Zä’Ǝsmunayn. At this stage it is not possible to elaborate on the details of the history of the translation from Arabic into Gə’əz for every text presented hereafter. More needs to be done, if ever possible, to reach

15 Assfalg, Ordnung, p. 5-11 (especially, p. 8-10). 16 Assfalg, Ordnung, p. 32. 17 Assfalg, Ordnung, p. 37. 18 The authors who question the Sawirian authorship of the Tartīb al-kahanūt, e.g. Youssef, Priesthood, do not take into account the points numbered above. It is also important to mention that Aßfalg’s edition is based on a single late manuscript of the Coptic Patriarchate, namely, Theology 236 (Simaika, p. 341 = Graf, Catalogue, n° 645, p. 235-236), dated 20 September 1719. A new, improved edition (which includes manu- scripts unknown to Aßfalg, like, e.g., 19th cent. manuscript of the Monastery of Saint Macarius, Theology 26, f. 214v-290v, cf. Zanetti, Manuscrits, p. 467), a translation and a comparative analysis with the Sawirian corpus is a desideratum. 19 As a matter of fact, no serious researcher can pretend to be “impeccable”. 426 tedros abraha some conclusions on the issue. Nonetheless, for two of the major works, the Kəbrä Haymanot [Glory of the Faith] and Mäṣḥafä Baḥrəy zä-bəzuḫ śeṭu [The Book of the Pearl of Great Value], there are plausible data to maintain that the translators were Ethiopians. A well informed reader, with a first-hand knowledge of the Gə’əz versions of Sawirian texts, and above all with intellectual honesty, will realize that they are far from being a pale reflection of the Christian Arabic tradition, with no value of their own. The following description of the manuscripts, namely, the date and the numbering of the leaves, is presented as it appears in the catalogues.

3.1. Commentary of the Nicene Creed

Nägär bä’əntä Maḫbär Śälästu wäSämmäntu Mə’ət Zä’abba Sawiros amä 9 lä Ḫədar [Discourse about the assembly of the 318 (Nicene Fathers) of Abba Sawiros (to be read) on Ḫədar 9]20. Manuscript attestation: EMML 1833:7, 14th cent. (EMML, V, p. 304); BL, Or. 255:8, 15th cent. (Wright, Catalogue, p. 162-163); BnF, d’Abbadie 92, 16th cent.21 (Chaîne, p. 59 = Conti Rossini, n° 129, p. 150); BnF, d’Abbadie 155, 17th cent. (Chaîne, p. 94 = Conti Rossini, n° 128, p. 150: end of the 18th or beginning of the 19th cent.22); EMML 1399:1, 18th cent. (EMML, IV, p. 467); EMML 788:6, ca. 1946 AD (EMML, III, p. 103).

E.J. Van Donzel declares: “il paraît clairement qu’Enbaqom a connu le kitāb al-maǧāmi‘ de Sévère Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ et qu’il s’en est servi...”23.

20 For the Arabic manuscripts, editions and studies, cf. GCAL, II, p. 306-309; Aṯanāsīūs al-Maqārī, Fihris, p. 145-154. For a commentary of Nicene Creed ascribed to Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘, cf. Leroy – Grébaut, Histoire, p. 523 [59]-591 [127]. Abū al-Barākat, in the second chapter of his encyclopaedic work, The Lamp of Darkness in the Exposition of the Service, dedicates two paragraphs to the Nicene Creed, with the follow- ing titles: 1. Fī ḏikri al ’amānati al ’urṯūḏuksiya [In mention of the Orthodox Faith]; 2. Muḵtaṣar min šarḥi ‘l-’amānati li-l-Usquf Sāwīrūs bin al-Muqaffa‘ [Epitome from bishop Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘’s ‘Explanation of Faith’], cf. Villecourt, Lampe, p. 696-728; Abū al-Barākat, The Lamp, p. 49-58. Cf. also: Masri, Commentaire du Credo. In the Coptic Orthodox Church, commentaries on the Nicene Creed are not linked exclusively to Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘s. Abū al Maǧd (12th-13th cent.) has composed one that differs in style and especially in the usage of biblical sources from previous commentaries, including from the one ascribed to Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘, cf. Samir, Abu al-Majd. 21 Within a collection of a homiliary by the name Mäṣḥafä Ḫədar. 22 Noteworthy the difference between Chaîne and Conti Rossini, in the dating for the same manuscript. 23 ‘Ĕnbāqom, Amin, p. 134. SĀWĪRUS IBN AL-MUQAFFA‘ IN GƎ’ƎZ LITERATURE 427

Ǝnbaqom (approximately 1470-1560) was a Yemeni born who migrated to Ethiopia at his early age. His father was Muslim and the mother Jew- ish, later on he was christened, changing his original name, Abu al-Fatḥ, into Ǝnbaqom. He became the 11th əččäge (abbot) of the monastery of Däbrä Libanos (in Šäwa), the only foreigner to hold the post. Ǝnbaqom is remembered in the Gə’əz Synaxarion of Miyazya 21. According to E.J. Van Donzel it is the Metropolite Murqus I (in Ethiopia from 1481 to 1530)24 that has probably introduced the works of Sāwīrus Ibn al- Muqaffa‘ to Ǝnbaqom25. This is a relevant piece of information because it means that at least the name of Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ was known in Ethiopia by that time.

3.2. The Book of Sawiros

Sāwīrus’ fame in the Gə’əz tradition is linked to the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros [Book of Sāwīrus], a translation of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ [The Book of Clarification]26. The Kitāb al-īḍāḥ has been published almost fully, twice, apparently from a single manuscript. The first edition carries the ساويرس بن المقفع، »كتاب الدر الثمين في ايضاح الدين«، ُطبع على نفقة :title ,‘Sāwīrus bin al-Muqaffa] مرقس جرجس، القاهرة، المكتبة الجديدة، ١٩٢٥ “The Book of the Precious Pearl. An Illustration of Religion”, published at the expense of Murqus Ǧirǧis, Cairo, 1925] (reprinted in 1971). The title “The Book of the Precious Pearl” lends to potential confusion with another book (consisting of fifteen treatises) ascribed to Sāwīrus with a similar title. Murqus Ǧirǧis does not disclose the manuscript he used but there is no doubt that he has intervened in some parts of the text to align Sāwīrus’ doctrine with the official position of the Coptic Orthodox Church of the 20th cent. He has also taken care to modify terms that would have presumably hurt the sensitivity of the Muslims. Giamberar- dini observes: “Un eccessivo fanatismo pervade pure gli scritti di Mur- qus Girgis ... nei suoi articoli ... nelle sue edizioni di opere medievali”27. Murqus Ǧirǧis’ edition has been reprinted in Cairo (without date) more than once by the publishing house Abna’ al-Bābā Kīrillos al-Sādis [The ّالدر الثمين في إيضاح الدين ّللقديس الأنبا ساويرس ,[followers of Pope Cyril VI

24 Cf. Alvarez, Prester John. For a summary of Murqus’ life, cf. Cohen, Marqos. 25 ‘Ĕnbāqom, Amin, p. 160. For a summary of Ǝnbaqom’s life, cf. Van Donzel, ‘Ǝnbaqom. 26 One of the oldest Arabic manuscripts with the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ is Paris, BnF, arabe 170, 13th cent., cf. Troupeau, Catalogue, p. 144-145. 27 Giamberardini, Orientamenti, p. 230. 428 tedros abraha

The Book“] الشهير بابن ّالمقفع اسقف الاشمونين ]مرقس جرجس[، القاهرة، ١٩٢٥ of the Precious Pearl. An Illustration of Religion” by Saint Anbā Sāwīrus, known as Ibn al-Muqaffa‘, bishop of al-Ašmūnayn (Murqus Ǧirǧis), Cairo, 1925]. It is a re-print of Murqus Ǧirǧis’ edition in pocket size format with some editorial interventions, such as the subdivision of the text in chapters and paragraphs, addition of biblical references and the omission of chapter nine which was deemed as embarrassing to the Orthodox doctrine28. On the authorship of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ, Mark ­Swanson states: “If, as the present author believes, the attribution to Sāwirus must be rejected for reasons of style and content, there is little that we can say about the actual author of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ other than that can be gathered from the book itself”29. While it is true that there is a difference in style (but not in the sequence of the theological themes) between the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ and for instance, the Kitāb al-durr al-ṯamīn fī al-īḍāḥ al-i‘tiqād al-dīn [The Book of the Precious Pearl in the Illustra- tion of the Doctrine of Faith], this criterion is too disproportionate to strip off the paternity of a book. There are countless examples of a single author writing in prose, rhyme or a combination of both (for example, Dante Alighieri’s La Vita Nuova) and tackling various topics in different styles, with a variety of addressees in mind. Moreover, it is unwise to reject Sāwīrus’ paternity of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ, as none of the prominent Coptic theologians that wrote after his epoch, has laid any claim to the books that go under the name of Sāwīrus, asserting that he, or anyone different from Sāwīrus has composed them30.

28 In fact the ninth treatise sets out to refute a claim purported by an unnamed treatise that when God wanted to create man he sent an angel to fetch some clay to him, out of which he would have formed man. The clay protested and begged the angel not to be used to shape a creature that was going to commit a variety of sins. The angel listened to this plea and refrained from taking the clay to the Creator. Seven other were again dispatched but the clay succeeded in persuading them too not to be brought to the Creator. But another angel, Murial, succeeded where the others failed and presented the clay to the Creator, Who as a prize for his obedience gave him the authority of bringing death to man, until the end of the world. At that moment the Lord changed the handsome and glorious aspect of that angel into a frightening and ghastly one, on the subject, cf. Swanson, Chap- ter Nine; Suciu, Abbaton. Awad Wadi is working on an edition of the whole text of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ based on a few manuscripts. So far he has produced: Al-Anbā Sāwīrus Bin al-Muqaffa‘ (al-qarn 10). Kitāb īḍāḥ Taṯhliṯh aqānīm Allāh wa-tawḥīdi-hā. [Al-Anbā Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (10th cent.) “Book on the Trinity of the divine Persons and on their Unity”], in Ṣadīq al-Kāhin (Cairo), 54/4 (2014), p. 36-54; 55/1 (2015), p. 27-32; 55/2 (2015), p. 29-31. 29 Swanson, CMR, 3, p. 265. 30 For a concise, yet useful survey of Coptic authors, their works and theology, cf. Giamberardini, Orientamenti. SĀWĪRUS IBN AL-MUQAFFA‘ IN GƎ’ƎZ LITERATURE 429

The Mäṣḥafä Sawiros [Book of Sāwīrus] appears under other titles as well, namely: Kəbrä Haymanot [Glory of the Faith]”31 or simply Sawi- ros Zä’Ǝsmunayn. Occasionally, it appears under the erroneous title Mäṣḥafä Ḫədar; for instance in EMML 2149 (EMML, VI, p. 260), reign of Täklä Giyorgis I (1779-1800); EMML 2145, 18th cent. (EMML, VI, p. 256); EMML 1195, dated (colophon p. 268) Ṭǝrr 5, 1959 AM = Janu- ary 13, 1967 AD (EMML, IV, p. 152-153)32. It is not known when and who translated the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros into Gə’əz for the first time. Extant MSS evidence hints that it was probably translated around the end of the 17th cent., one notable exception being a manuscript of Qoma Fasilädäs Library. The few photo reproductions that I was able to see suggest that A. Wion is right in maintaining that the handwriting indi- cates that it was written around the 15th cent.33. At least eighteen manu- scripts of the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros which belong to a period that goes from the 17th cent., up to the 20th cent. are available34. It is well known that the 17th cent. is a period marked by sharp and divisive theological controversies in Christian Ethiopia which has resulted in the translation and composition of religious texts into Gə’əz and in Amharic. The trans- lation and/or the spread of the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros would fit well into the religious scenario of Ethiopia in the aftermath of the failed Catholic mis- sion (1555-1634). The book would have supplied to the local Church the arguments to counter the “opponents of the Jacobite creed”. The Gə’əz version is a paratactic translation. There are elements that would play in favor of the conclusion that the translator(s) is/are Ethiopian(s). The following are some token examples to substantiate the anatomists” is rendered“ أصحاب التشريح case. In the Second Treatise تشريح with ፈካርያን “interpreters”. The translator has apparently confused “vivisection” from “to anatomize, to dissect” with “to َش َر َح َش َرَّح to“ فتح explain”. In the Third Treatise, the translator into Gə’əz renders

31 The hypothesis according to which “Kəbrä Haymanot [Glory of the Faith], seems to be a title given to it by either the scribe of this manuscript (i.e. EMML 1195) or by whoever commissioned its copying. Glory of the Faith is more descriptive than the title of the Mäṣḥafä ḫədar or Mäṣḥafä Sawiros” (Getatchew Haile, Mäṣḥafä ḫədar, p. 7), is not right. This error could have been avoided by reading the introductory lines of the manuscripts containing the Kəbrä Haymanot. The expression kəbrä haymanot “glory of the faith” corresponds to the Arabic šaraf al-maḏhab al-masīḥī “dignity/worth of the Christian faith” found in several passages of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ. 32 My critical edition of the first three treatises of the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros with an anno- tated translation is under print. 33 Wion, Qoma, p. 287. 34 For a list of these manuscripts, cf. Tedros Abraha, Mäṣḥafä Sawiros, p. 629. 430 tedros abraha open”, literally, even though the entry is followed by the term “sword”. became a technical فتح It is well known that with the expansion of Islam term for “liberation, conquest” of the “idol worshipping” peoples. In the pagan temples” is rendered with ጣዖታት“ البرابي ,Eleventh Treatise -a wide ,بربى idols”. An Egyptian Copt would have easily recognized“ spread term in Coptic literature35. Furthermore, even though, to this day, the translator of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ into gə’əz remains anonymous, the interpolation in the tenth treatise which is not present in any Arabic wit- ness of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ, is much telling about the identity of the trans- lator: “As for the Ethiopians, they are Jacobites with us since the begin- ning, before these [the Syrians and the Armenians]”. This is an overtly ad hoc addition of the translator into gə’əz that can be interpreted as a nemesis, vis-à-vis the attitude of the Coptic Church which used a pseudo- Nicene canon36 to impose its hegemony on Abyssinian Christians, and to relegate them to the last place during decision making synods. That the attribution to Dioscorus of the interpolation is a blatant forgery is clear from the fact that the translator into gə’əz represents Dioscorus I (head of the Seat of Alexandria from 444 to 451) as a Jacobite, that is, as a follower of Jacob Baradeus (500-578), the Syrian bishop of Edessa.

3.3. The Book of the Pearl of Great Value

The book has been rendered into Gə’əz anonymously as መጽሐፈ : ባሕርይ : ዘብዙኅ : ሤጡ Mäṣḥafä Baḥrəy zä-bəzuḫ śeṭu [The Book of the Pearl of Great Value]37. As far as I could see from catalogues and from further enquiries, it appears that unlike the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros/Kəbrä Haymanot (another name for Kitāb al-īḍāḥ) which has been extensively copied and circulated, the manuscript evidence of the Mäṣḥafä Baḥrəy zä-bəzuḫ śeṭu indicates that it has not enjoyed the same level of pro­ minence and popularity38. In fact, the Book of the Precious Pearl in the Illustration of Faith does not feature among the Sawirian books

35 .is a loanword from the Coptic ϱπε “temple”, cf. Vycichl, Dictionnaire, p. 176 بربا ብርባ “temple of idol” appears in Dillmann, Lexicon, col. 1403: ብርባ : ዘ : ቤተ : ጣዖት “bərba, meaning, the house of the idol”; Leslau, Dictionary, p. 102. 36 For the pseudo Nicene canon, cf. the section “on the Patriarchs”, namely, chapter 4:42, in Tzadua, Fetha Nagast, p. 18. 37 It is worth reminding that Gə’əz literature has a ritual for the anointing of the sick, known as Mäṣḥafä Baḥrəy. It is counted among the compositions of aṣe Zär’a Ya‘əqob and it was compiled in 1442 AD. 38 For a general introduction to the book, the edition and annotated translation of the first chapter, cf. Tedros Abraha, Precious Pearl. SĀWĪRUS IBN AL-MUQAFFA‘ IN GƎ’ƎZ LITERATURE 431

­registered in the History of the Patriarchs, nor in Abū al-Barakāt’s list mentioned above. G. Graf opines that the association of the Book of the Precious Pearl with Sāwīrus Ibn al Muqaffa‘ is due to an affinity with the style and with the biblical and patristic quotations used in the Book of the Councils by the same author39. On the other hand, I have noticed a considerable difference in several aspects, between this work and Kitāb al-īḍāḥ [Book of Clarification] ascribed to the same author. Sāwīrus Ibn al Muqaffa‘ is either hinted at or declared as the composer of the Book of the Precious Pearl in the description of some of the Ara- bic manuscripts. The book is explicitly attributed to Ibn al-Muqaffa‘, in Copt. Patr. 273:1 (Theol. 111), undated; Copt. Patr. 373:1 (Theol. 341), AD 1754; Copt. Patr. 449:7 (Theol. 252), undated40; Copt. Patr. 341 (Theol. 236)41; Cairo 645, a. 171942, ff. 34r-127r, the Kitāb al-Bayān [Book of Explanation], consisting of 14 chapters plus one on the Trinity, is located between the Book of the Councils and the Book of the Priestly Ordination ascribed to Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘. The Gə’əz version is contained in three catalogued manuscripts43: BL Or. 787 “apparently” of the 17th cent.44; EMML 119045, dated 1959 AM (= 1966/67 AD); Cerulli Etiopici 846, መጽሐፈ : ዕንቍ : ክቡር Mäṣḥafä Ǝnqw kəbur [Book of the Precious Pearl], 19th cent. The colophon (ff. 150vb-151va) registers that the translator of this work from Arabic is abba Wäldä Säma‘ət47, who was at first pilgrim in , and

39 Cf. GCAL, II, p. 314. For a position similar to Graf’s, cf. the part on the “Book of the Precious Pearl”, in Swanson, CMR, 2, p. 508-509. 40 The manuscripts are briefly introduced respectively in Simaika, p. 114, 163, 200. 41 Simaika, p. 145. 42 Graf, Catalogue, p. 235. 43 I have been recently informed that, more manuscripts, in not yet published cata- logues of the Mäṣḥafä Ǝnqw kəbur, do exist. They are: EMML 6791, EMML 7412, as well as UNESCO 10.54 and UNESCO 10.74 which belong to the Dima Giyorgis Church in Goǧǧam (Ethiopia). The last two manuscripts are very briefly described in an unpublished list prepared by the Ethiopian Ministry of Education, Department of Fine Arts and Cul- ture, Addis Ababa, April 1970. 44 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, p. 262-264. In his list of books in manuscript as well as in print, Aklilä BƎrhan Wäldä Qirqos registers: Sawiros zä-Ǝsmunayn; Mäṣḥafä Sawiros; Mäṣḥafä Sawiros kal‘ə. Yä-Gəbṣənna yä-Ityoṗṗəyan andənnät yäminnaggär, cf. Aklilä BƎrhan Wäldä, Märha Ləbbuna, p. 62, 64, 65. While the first two texts can be identified with the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ, the third: “Second Book of Sawiros which deals with the unity of Egypt and Ethiopia” is yet to be explored. The Book of the Precious Pearl is missing in this list. 45 Cf. EMML, IV, p. 139-140. 46 Cf. Raineri, Cerulli Etiopici, p. 24. 47 The first treatise though, ends (in f. 7vb) with a prayer the scribe addresses to the Holy Trinity imploring forgiveness and calls himself Wäldä Gäbrə’el ኦሥሉስ : ቅዱስ : ሥረዩ : ኃጢአትየ : ለገብርክሙ : ወልደ : ገብርኤል ፨ 432 tedros abraha

­subsequently guest in the monastery of S. Paul “the Hermit” in Egypt. The last manuscript differs from the first two. Cerulli Etiopici 8 is a shorter recension of the Book of the Precious Pearl. None of these man- uscripts nor the catalogues provide any hint about the author and there is no reference to G. Graf or to P. Maiberger48.

3.4. The Ten Questions

The Gə’əz version of the ዐሠርቱ : ተስእሎታት ‘aśśärtu täs’əlotat [Ten Questions] or Questions of a Disciple to his Master, is a translation from a still unpublished Arabic catechetical text which in its turn is an abridge- 49 العشرة مسائل الذي سأل :ment of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ . It goes under the title Al-‘ašara masā’il allaḏī sā’ala ‘an-hum ba‘ḍu عنهم ُبعض التلاميذ من ّمعلمه ‘l-talāmīḏi min mu‘allimi-hi [The Ten Questions that Some of the Disci- ples asked their Master]. The semantic, thematic and methodological affinities between the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ and the Ten Questions are plain50. Unfortunately, Cerulli’s theory that the Ten Questions are an original Gə’əz composition, written to deal with the Catholic missionaries in the 17th cent. is not right51. A critical edition and translation of the text in both languages is underway. There is also a similar text, translated from Arabic, the Mäṣḥafä Räd’ə wä-Mämhər [Book of the Disciple and the Teacher], which features twenty-two questions rather than ten. It remains yet to explore whether there is a particular relationship between the two, though the latter text is found in at least six manuscripts, namely, Cerulli Etiopici 156, 19th cent. (Raineri, Cerulli Etiopici, p. 114); EMML 20:2, early 20th cent. (EMML, I, p. 23); Gunda Gunde 153, 161, 176; and Marṭulä 652.

48 Cf. Graf, Florilegien, p. 65. Maiberger, Kostbaren Perle. 49 Given the stringent austerity demanded from the laity, especially as far as fasting and abstinence (from food and marital duties) are concerned, Swanson’s statement that the author “had a somewhat condescending view of the laity”, would need an explanation, cf. Swanson, Ten Questions, p. 497. 50 In the Ten questions there are passages identical with those in the Book of the Pre- cious Pearl, e.g. the solar disk as the metaphor of the unity and trinity of God. 51 Cf. Cerulli, Scritti Teologici, p. 189-211 (Gə’əz), for the reference here, p. 189; p. 215-236 (Italian translation), for the reference here, p. 215. Cerulli’s edition is based on one manuscript of the 18th cent.(?), BnF, d’Abbadie 122 (Chaîne, p. 78 = Conti Rossini, n° 35, p. 62). 52 I thank Ted Erho for having brought to my attention the Gunda Gunde and the Marṭulä Maryam manuscripts which do not feature in printed catalogues as yet. SĀWĪRUS IBN AL-MUQAFFA‘ IN GƎ’ƎZ LITERATURE 433

3.5. Dubia et spuria

a) Dərsanä ‘Ǝśra wä’Arba‘ətu Kahnat [Homily (in honour) of the twenty four (elders)] or “an admonition to priests”53. Manuscript attestation: EMML 1833:11, 14th cent. (EMML, V, p. 305), there is an indication that it should be read on Ḫədar 24, as well as on Ḫədar 27; BL, Or. 255:13, 15th cent. (Wright, Catalogue, p. 163), to be read on Ḫədar 24; BnF, d’Abbadie 92, 16th cent.54 (Chaîne, p. 59 = Conti Rossini, n° 129, p. 150), no date is suggested here. b) EMML 2063, late 15th cent. (varia n° 4), f. 80b, (EMML, VI, p. 125) records: “The history of the wood on which Christ was crucified, supposedly told by Sāwiros of Ašmunayn. According to the story, the tree from which the wood was cut originated from the tree of life in the Garden of Eden, a branch of which was brought by an eagle and planted in Jerusalem; by means of it many people, including Makēdā for her feet, were healed. The thirty pieces of silver collected for it from every newly crowned king was the price given to Judas Iscariot for his assistance in seizing Christ”55.

c) The ancient homiliary described in EMML 1763:82 with a date in its colophon in f. 279a: “521 or 524 of the 532 year cycle (= 1336/7 or 1339/40 AD)”56, mentions a “Homily by Sawiros the Orthodox on St. Mary, for the day after her feast (bäsanita Maryam)”. If the Sāwīrus mentioned here is Sāwīrus of Ašmūnayn, it would be an indication that he was known to Ethiopia, relatively soon after his death. It is necessary to verify whether this homily belongs to other Christian writers with the name Severus, like Severus of Antioch. From the above summary information it is clear that a sizeable part of Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘’s works have been translated into Gə’əz and at least some of them have been extensively copied. They have had a wide- spread and deep influence in the theology of the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwaḥdo Church.

53 A Coptic homiliary contains a text to be read on the 24th of Hathor/Hātūr (= 24 Ḫədar) in honour of the Twenty Four Heavenly Priests. However the homily is ascribed to Cyril of Jerusalem, cf. Spiritual Homilies, p. 57-64. On the issue of authorship of this text, cf. Youssef, Recommendations. 54 Within a collection of a homiliary by the name Mäṣḥafä Ḫədar. 55 For manuscripts with the Arabic text, cf. Zanetti, Manuscrits, p. 62. The Gə’əz text has been published and translated into French, cf. Beylot, Le bois de la Croix, p. 211- 212. I thank the anonymous peer-reviewer of this paper for having reminded me about the existence of this work. With regard to the story of the wood of the Cross and the thirty denarii, cf. GCAL, I, p. 243-246. 56 Cf. EMML, V, p. 230. Cf. also BL 56:32 (Strelcyn, Catalogue, p. 91), 14th cent.? 434 tedros abraha

4. The style and the addressees of the Book of Sawiros and of the Ten Questions

The Mäṣḥafä Sawiros consists of twelve Dərsanat or treatises struc- tured as a dialogue between master and disciple. The treatises follow a stereotyped pattern which is normally structured as follows: a) Title, indicating the topic to be dealt with. b) Exordium. Each treatise begins with an introductory prayer. c) From the second treatise onwards, each treatise provides a summary of the previous one. d) Body. e) Brief anticipation of the next treatise’s content. f) Conclusive prayer. g) Epilogue. In his expositions, the author often insists on some standard formula- tions and repeats words and concepts ad satietatem, so much so that the author every now and then, airs his worry not to bore the reader with lengthy and reiterated explanations. The frequent use of rhetorical ques- tions at the beginning of, and within the various expositions of the tenets of faith, is a well-known paedagogical ploy in Greek philosophy named “maieutics”. It was intended to trigger off an active involvement of the interlocutor in the discussion. The relentless hammering with the same set of words and concepts appears to be a strategy designed to make sure that the message is absorbed by the recipient. As already stated, the trea- tises are framed as an affectionate conversation between a master and an unnamed disciple. It is the former who takes the initiative by declaring that he was going to provide answers and clarifications to questions raised by a brother who was in deep distress and crisis because of his failure to realise, for instance, how the three divine Persons could be “one” at the same time. That all of this is simply a literary device is betrayed by the fact that, right from the outset, the author states his inten- tion to address two audiences and accordingly to give two types of expla- nations: one to the ኅዳጣነ : ልቡና : ወአእምሮ “people of little conscience and knowledge”and next to the ለባውያን : ወመምህራን “to the clever and to teachers”. He keeps on, repeating that he has always in mind those two different addressees. The method is to start the refutations from arguments based on rational and logical premises as well as from empir- ical data. For instance in order to illustrate the doctrine that the Son of God is of the same substance as the Father, the author argues that this is true because a human or a bird cannot give birth to a snake but to a creature like themselves. The disciple is constantly solicited to pay SĀWĪRUS IBN AL-MUQAFFA‘ IN GƎ’ƎZ LITERATURE 435 attention to the Master’s argument which is very often introduced by rhetorical questions. ነጽር : ኦፍቁር “pay attention, oh beloved!”, is the constant refrain. The disciple is in turn invited to convey to the so-called people of little conscience and knowledge what he learnt from his Master and try to convince and win them over. The “adversaries” are sometimes called also, “Arabic speakers” ሰብአ : ልሳነ : ዓረብ.

5. The sources

In the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros, the biblical books of the Old and New Testa- ment, used mainly in an apologetic way, are the major source for the author’s argumentation. It seems that biblical quotations are mostly drawn from memory, or more simply, they look like free quotations and paraphrases. There are data ascribed to the Bible but not present in it. In the Third Treatise we read: “It is written in the book of Creation that was a Syrian person... God appeared to him while he lived in Karan in the island of Iraq”. “The number of people that left Egypt for the promised land was of sixty thousand ... they took with them their belongings and wives, their children and their [!!!] ... God did not bring them directly to the land of but to the east, till the Red Sea, namely, the desert of Qwəlzəm57”.

The Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, the Didascalia Apostolorum, Basil’s Hexameron, the Mystagogy, the Life of Saint Anthony, are some of the sources directly and indirectly used. Cyril of Alexandria is explic- itly mentioned and praised, for example, in connection with the analogy that compares the unity between divinity and humanity of the Logos to that of the body and soul58. The story of of Arimathea and ­Nicodemus at the time of John’s burial (Ioh. 19:38-42), and how Jesus opened his eyes while they were wrapping his body, and that they sub- sequently sung the Trisagion, is recounted without mentioning the source (Treatise 3)59. At one point, Sāwīrus quotes from some unspecified “wise interpreters” (Treatise 3).

57 Qwəlzəm is Clysma, ancient town a few miles north of modern-day Suez and known for its ruins. The site appears to have been inhabited by anchorites very early... the moun- tain of Antony was often called the Mountain of Clysma, for contemporary texts always indicated the name of the nearest town, cf. Amélinau, Géographie, p. 227ff. KWKDict, p. 792, writes (erroneously) that Qwəlzəm is the name of a location in Syria. 58 PG 75, col. 1292A-B, 1376C-1377C; Qər III: 52.1, p. 106. 59 For the whole account in the Gə’əz tradition, cf., for instance, MQ, p. 24. 436 tedros abraha

6. A summary of their contents

The purpose of the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros is clearly stated at the beginning of the book. Sāwīrus wanted to revert the state of religious stagnation, due to the ordinary people’s ignorance of the language in which religious books were written60. It is difficult to see a logical sequence in the trea- tises: they deal with the fundamental articles of faith, like the Trinity and the Incarnation (Treatises 1, 2), but there are also topics of a more par- aenetical character, such as “the war that wage against the believers and how believers defeat them” (Treatise 5) or “on the conso- lation of the faithful and on their patience during difficulties” (Trea- tise 12). Regulations on Church discipline, for instance, the indication of mandatory times of prayer and fasting times are also laid down at length (Treatises 7, 8), together with a theological motivation of the establish- ment of their timing. The disparate nature of the treatises together with the absence of a title corresponding exactly to the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ among the Sawirian works, suggests that the treatises once upon a time, did perhaps circulate separately. The Mäṣḥafä Sawiros is a witness to the biblical erudition of the author. As already mentioned above, the Old and the New Testament are his primary sources and the “allegorical” or spiritual interpretation is his privileged avenue to explain them. In line with the Alexandrian scholars like Clement, Origen and Cyril61, Sāwīrus adopts a synchronic or unitary reading of the whole Bible, which was seen in its entirety as corresponding­

60 The admission of the dire state of the Copts, under siege in their own country by foreign invaders, does not apparently snuff out the sense of identity and pride of the past glories and influence of the Alexandrian See. Thus, the Tenth Treatise of the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros sings lavish praises to the “Egyptian episkopoi who were teachers of faith to the episkopoi of the whole world, and all the Orthodox synods were presided by the Egyp- tians”. The statement sounds like a claim of absolute authority of the Alexandrian Church over the other Sees. The apology goes on saying: “... the faith of the Jacobites is more honoured, and it is a faith to be proud of all the more, over any other Christian religion in the world. In fact, the faith of the Jacobites is the right faith ... the Holy Dioscorus won over the ’s counsel. It was thus demonstrated that the Egyptians are always the upholders of the right faith and that they remain steadfast in it. The Syrians, the Armeni- ans entered in communion with them. The Ethiopians are from the Jacobites and have been with us since the beginning”. 61 The clear-cut distinction between the Alexandrian and the Antiochene exegesis is not as drastic as it is commonly portrayed. Both schools share an interest in the “flesh” of the biblical text, namely in the history and language of the Bible, as well as in its spir- itual messages. He who reads some of the works of the Antiochene exegetes without knowing their authors, might assign them to the Alexandrians, for example, the Cateche- sis of John Chrysostom (3:13-19) “on the might of the blood of Christ”, cf. Wenger, Jean Chrysostome, p. 174-177. SĀWĪRUS IBN AL-MUQAFFA‘ IN GƎ’ƎZ LITERATURE 437 to the One Logos. Thus, for instance, the threefold repetition of “God” in Ex. 3:6, “I am the God of your father, the God of Abraham, the God of , and the God of Jacob”, is read as a revelation of the three Per- sons of the Trinity”. The ordained ministers, the priests, are likened to the spies who returned from Canaan after having explored it with fruits from the land (Num. 13:16-27). Accordingly, priests distribute to the people the fruits of the heavenly kingdom, namely, the body and blood of Christ. The priest, like , strengthens the people and teaches them good works so that he can inherit the heavenly kingdom with the who is the likeness of son of Nun (Treatise 3). It is an exegetical approach that has profoundly shaped Ethiopian biblical and sacramental hermeneutics. Ethiopian theological and catechetical texts have drawn heavily from the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros. The metaphors used to try and delve into the mystery of the Holy Trinity, such as the analogy of the “heart, word and life”, to describe the inner relationship of the three Divine Persons, are the main gate, right at the beginning of the book. This analogy (of neo-platonic background) was not coined by Sāwīrus, but he has certainly contributed to its circulation. In order to explain the article of the Creed which professes that “the Son is of the same substance with the Father” he recurs again to an analogy, stating: “in fact, the bird generates a bird and not a snake and vice-versa, and a human conceives a human and not a snake or a bird” (Treatise 1). The detailed re-processing of the early Judeao-Christian62 concept of the “hidden descent” of the Son of God; the lifelong warfare between the Incarnate Word of God and Satan; the death on the Cross of the Son of God as the payment that rescued the victim of Satan “in justice” are token examples of Sawirian material borrowed literally by Ethiopian the- ology. The way “original sin” is transmitted each time a new life is conceived and the representation of the final showdown between Satan and humans in their death bed, are yet again some of the many Sawirian items featuring in Ethiopian theological heritage.

7. Role of the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros in Ethiopian literary production

It is noteworthy that Ethiopian exegetes have had a good eye in spot- ting the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros as a quarry to be profitably used as a herme- neutical resource. There are passages from the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros which

62 Before Sāwīrus, Ignatius of Antioch, Ephrem “The Syrian”, Leo the Great have focused on the topic of the “hidden descent of the Word of God”. For a contemporary treatment of the topic, cf. the monograph, ‘Āzir, Iḫfā’ lāhūt. 438 tedros abraha have been taken on board in the andəmta commentaries to explain parts of the New Testament. The comment on the paschal lamb in Hebr. 11:2863 is identical with a passage in the Fourth Treatise of the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros. The comment on Hebr. 2:1564, on how sin is transmitted, derives from the Second Treatise of the same book. According to the interpretation of Matth. 13:4865, the end of the world will take place only when the number of humans reaches that of the demons expelled from heaven, a theme repeated several times in the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros and in Sawirian literature in general. The comment66 on the first temptation Matth. 4:2-4, has a in common with the Second Treatise. The same is true as far as the interpretation of the morning star of Is. 14:12 is con- cerned. Sāwīrus identifies it with Satan, a bright angel, whose radiance was stripped from him and his colour became black67. The Mäṣḥafä Sawiros is also read in several churches during liturgical assemblies, in particular during Holy Week. Finally, parts of the Mäṣḥafä Sawiros have been used by critics of the Coptic Church68 and religious nationalists who claimed emancipation of the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwaḥdo Church from Alexandria. They quoted from the introductory part of the first Homily which complains about the disappearance of the Coptic language, thus leaving the Egyptians without the means to get religious education69.

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63 YQṖM, p. 681-683. 64 YQṖM, p. 620. 65 WQ, p. 116. 66 WQ, p. 44-45. 67 All these motifs appear in the andəmtas, cf. WQ, p. 15-16. One of the sources of Sāwīrus’ angelology is Pseudo-Dionysius’, Περὶ τῆς Οὐρανίας Ἱεραρχίας (De Coelesti Hierarchia) by Pseudo-Dionysius the Aeropagite (5th cent.), cf. Denys l’Aréopagite., La Hiérarchie céleste. Nonetheless, Sāwīrus’ ideas and concepts about the angels are not far from passages of the New Testament, such as Jude 1:6 “And the angels who did not keep their own position, but left their proper dwelling, he has kept in eternal chains in deepest darkness for the judgment of the great Day”, and Jude 1:9 “But when the contended with the devil and disputed about the body of , he did not dare to bring a condemnation of slander against him, but said, ‘The Lord rebuke you!’ ”. 68 Cf. KWKDict, p. 20. 69 Cf. Conti Rossini, Vicende dell’Etiopia, p. 458. SĀWĪRUS IBN AL-MUQAFFA‘ IN GƎ’ƎZ LITERATURE 439

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Pontificia Università Urbaniana Tedros Abraha Pontificio Istituto Orientale Pontificia Università Antonianum Collegio Internazionale San Lorenzo da Brindisi CP 18382, Circonvallazione Occidentale 6850 G.R.A. 65.050, 00163 Roma, Italia [email protected] 444 tedros abraha

Abstract — The name of the Coptic scholar and prelate Sāwīrus Ibn al- Muqaffa‘ (10th/11th cent.), bishop of al-Ašmūnayn (ancient Hermopolis Magna) in Upper Egypt, has been associated with various theological works. As a matter of fact, he is credited with having introduced the employment of Arabic as a language for Christian literature in Egypt. His biography, and in particular, texts like the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ “The Book of Clarification”, traditionally ascribed to him, have been questioned by some contemporary scholars. However, old Arabic manuscripts, such as the Paris BnF arabe 170 (13th cent.), write that the author of the Kitāb al-īḍāḥ is indeed “Anba Sāwīrus, bishop of the town of al-Ašmūnayn, known as Abū al-Bišr Ibn al-Muqaffa‘”. The main focus of this paper is on the literature in Gə’əz directly or indirectly connected to Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘.