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Debate with the International Socialist Organization

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Debate with the International Socialist Organization Issue #1 – November 2010 Incidentally, I didn‘t realize it then but this is a Debate with the sort of individualized version of an old orthodox Marxist view, that capitalism creates new International Socialist revolutionary potentials in the working class – this is the source of Marx‘s view that capitalism Organization Continued creates and trains its own gravediggers: the proletariat. I figured working in nonprofit By Tom Wetzel organizations that focus on social justice would give me certain skills, let me make the world a he piece below is part of a debate that was somewhat better place on the clock, and keep the prompted by Eric Kerl‘s article evils of capitalism fresh on my mind all the time T ―Contemporary anarchism‖ in the July- so I wouldn‘t sell out. I guess I thought I should August issue of International Socialist Review. look for jobs that would help me in what I took In the September-October issue of the ISO‘s to be my calling, digging a grave for capitalism. Workers Solidarity journal the debate was continued with three short Alliance/Alianza Solidaridad pieces, by myself (a longer version first appeared All of that did happen, sort of – so I guess you Obrera (USA/Canada) in ideas & action on July 3rd), Sebastian Lamb could say my plan worked – though technically 339 Lafayette Street, Suite 202 of the New Socialist Group in Canada, and Eric since we haven‘t had the revolution it‘s not clear New York, NY 10012 USA Kerl. The piece below is a rejoinder to Eric what is and isn‘t useful to the revolution. [email protected] Kerl‘s response. (Continued on page 6) 1. Marxism, Leninism, Syndicalism To read Where We Stand and more about the WSA: Kerl and the ISO want to frame the debate in Liberating Thought: workersolidarity.org such a way that those of us who disagree with the ISO from the libertarian socialist left are seen Toward an Independent media, and by extension the as ―against Marxism.‖ But ISO‘s ―anarchism country, barely noticed. versus Marxism‖ theme is a false way of framing Mass Media the disagreement. Workers Solidarity Alliance is (Continued on page 8) not an ―anti-Marxist‖ organization. A number of By Steven Fake our members find value in various aspects of Marxism as I do. he present effectiveness of the United The Tactical Utility States propaganda system may well be Our beef with the ISO is over their Leninism. T without historical parallel. Its ability to of VIOLENCE, shape public perceptions of events and issues (Continued on page 2) and to garner support for ideologies that Part 2 undergird the political and economic structures of society has been amply documented. Working in Nonprofit By Mike Kolhoff The Tea Party phenomenon is driven to a After the Great Uprising Organizations substantial degree by a consensus among media across the political spectrum to devote lthough the great uprising By David Mueler considerable coverage to it, far outside of what is warranted simply on the basis of its size. Yet far of 1877 failed to achieve larger protest movements on the political left are A working class Working For The Revolution? routinely ignored. emancipation, it did demonstrate the potential of armed workers to don‘t remember when this was, sometime challenge the power of the The effect of this disproportionate coverage is to around 2000 or 2001. I remember deciding capitalist state. The seriousness set the agenda for discussion in the country, and telling my partner something along the with which the capitalists took this I even, to some extent, on the radical left. As the lines of ―we all have to have jobs in this society. threat can be seen today in the form anti-war movement can attest, it is difficult to Well, I want to get jobs that will develop abilities overstate the demoralizing impact of attending that might be more useful for the revolution.‖ massive demonstrations, only to find that the (Continued on page 9) November 2010 Ideas & Action Page - 2 - About From a libertarian socialist point of view, In October 1917 the Congress of Worker ideas & action is the publication of Workers the ―self-emancipation of the working class‖ and Soldier Soviets agreed to take power Solidarity Alliance, an anti-capitalist, anti- can‘t happen unless the working class builds and disband the unelected ―provisional authoritarian organization of activists who believe organized mass movements that they government‖ of Alexander Kerensky. This that working people can build a new society and a control, such as labor organizations. This is was a decision supported by the majority of better world based on the principles of solidarity and self-management. For a much more in-depth look at the fundamental basis of syndicalism as a the Left in Russia — syndicalists, the our politics and ideas, please read ―Where We revolutionary strategy. Kerl doesn‘t talk majority of the Menshevik Party (moderate Stand.‖ The current online format was launched on about self-managed mass organizations as socialists), the Left Social Revolutionary May 1st, 2010. the basis for achieving worker power. If it Party (the party with the largest support The Current Editorial Committee is composed of: isn‘t the working class-based mass social among the Russian peasantry), and most Henry Barnaby (Southern California), Steve Fake movements that are to acheive the change in anarchists. Although the libertarian Left had (coordinator; Boston), Mike Harris (New York Metro society, then how can the ISO claim that criticisms of the top-down way local soviets Area), N. Ludd (Southern California), Don Smith they see this change as occurring through were often structured, they were willing to (Hartford), Tom Wetzel (Bay Area). ―mass struggle from below‖? give ―critical support‖ to this change History because they assumed they could continue to organize in workplaces, unions and soviets Although Kerl talks about the Leninist ideas & action was created in July, 1981 as an for their viewpoint. independent anarcho-syndicalist semi-annual print party‘s ―leadership‖ growing ―organically‖ magazine. After Workers Solidarity Alliance was out of working class struggles and founded in November, 1984, ideas & action became movements, he doesn‘t say anything about Therefore, it is incorrect to describe this as a the magazine of WSA (with issue #5), and continuing the need for rank and file control of mass ―coup d‘etat,‖ as Cold Warriors do. When a through the publication of issue #17 in 1997. organizations, the importance of direct social-democratic opposition walked out, the Contact democracy, or the role of the mass Bolshevik party attained a temporary organizations in a revolutionary transition. majority of the remaining delegates. They Please contact us at info (at) workersolidarity.org. Although the Bolshevik Party in the Russian used this to push through a proposal of We welcome unsolicited submissions. Please review our Editorial Policy before submitting. Our Editorial revolution did amass a large membership Lenin to give government authority to a Policy can be found at (ideasandaction.info/contact/). through recruiting rank-and-file leaders and small committee, the Council of People‘s activists in the factory committees, unions Commissars. The Central Executive Articles published by ideas & action reflect the and soldier committees, this did not prevent Committee of the Soviet Congress was to views of the author and not necessarily those of them from conceiving of ―worker power‖ as continue in session as the country‘s nominal Workers Solidarity Alliance. Published articles are approved by the editorial committee based on their their party controlling a state. parliament. information, insights or contribution to debate. 2. Leninism as Partyist But the Bolsheviks worked to pack the Central Executive Committee with dozens I have characterized the Leninist strategy as of trade union bureauracts and other officials (“Debate with ISO,” continued from page 1) partyist, that is, a a strategy of a political loyal to the Bolshevik Party…in violation of party capturing state power, and then the soviet principle of direct election. Within Why is this important? The problem is that implementing its program top-down through some months after October, the Bolshevik the writings of Lenin and the politics and the hierarchies of the state. government was treating the nominal practice of Bolshevism in the Russian parliament as a mere rubber stamp. Soon revolution provide precedents and Kerl says this is ―Cold War mythology.‖ they were ruling by decree, not even justifications for a political practice that, in That‘s a rather odd response. Why would submitting proposed laws to the nominal our view, is likely to lead to the emergence Cold War defenders of ―capitalist legislature. of a society dominated by a bureaucratic democracy,‖ as they call it, be opposed to class…with the workers continuing as a political parties ―implementing their How were ordinary workers and peasants in subordinated and exploited class. This is programs through the hierarchies of the Russia supposed to participate in the making why we reject Leninism. state‖? After all, liberals and conservatives of decisions about the future of the country who talk about our supposed ―capitalist or the running of the economy? Kerl claims that ―the heart of Marxism is democracy‖ tend to identify ―democracy‖ working-class self-emancipation.‖ He also with elections of politicians — political Top-Down Local Soviets claims that socialism is to be achieved party leaders…who then implement their through ―mass struggle from below.‖ Thus decisions through the top-down hierarchies Also, the major soviets (councils of worker far, we‘re in agreement. Revolutionary of the state. Cold Warriers don‘t propose to and soldier deputies) in St. Petersburg syndicalism is indeed a strategy to acheive a do away with the hierarchical state machine.
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