The Early Modern Japanese State and Ainu Vaccinations: Redefining the Body Politic 1799- 1868 Author(S): Brett L

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The Early Modern Japanese State and Ainu Vaccinations: Redefining the Body Politic 1799- 1868 Author(s): Brett L. Walker Source: Past & Present, No. 163 (May, 1999), pp. 121-160 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/651171 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 03:41

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http://www.jstor.org THE EARLYMODERN JAPANESE STATEAND AINU VACCINATIONS: REDEFININGTHE BODY POLITIC 1799-1868*

In 1799, the Tokugawashogunate undertook an ambitiousadmin- istrative initiative that led to the confiscation of Matsumae domain, the northernmostterritory in the early modernJapanese polity, and ushered in the first period of direct rule in Ezo.l Direct rule in Ezo witnessed the introductionof a variety of new policies, includingforms of state-sponsoredmedicine which cul- minated in an 1857 project to vaccinate the Japaneseand Ainu inhabitantsof these northernlands. State-sponsoredmedicine in Ezo, as part of a more broadly cast assimilationistagenda, transformed the relationshipof Ainu to the Japanesestate, reshaping native Ainu conceptions of personal health and weakening their political autonomy. In short, under the direct rule of the Tokugawa shogunate, Ainu came to be viewed by policymakers as the wards of an increasingly modern Japanese government, and this process illustrates the role of disease and medicine in crafting the ethnic and culturalboundaries of Japan. The Tokugawatake-over of Ezo at the beginning of the nineteenth century marked a clear departurefrom the previous two hundred years of local Matsumae administrationin the north. Under Tokugawa rule Ezo was gradually transformed from

* I am gratefulfor the thoughtfuladvice I receivedon this projectfrom Harold Bolitho,Andrew Goble, Jeffrey Hanes, David Howell, Ann Bowman Jannetta, William Johnston,James Mohr, Ronald Toby, ConradTotman and AnneWalthall In Japan, I receivedhelpful comments from Inoue Katsuoand AkizukiToshiyuki. Tsuchiya Tatsuhidehelped decipherwhat turned out to be several difficult,hand-written manuscripts.I am indebtedto the Fulbrightprogramme, which generouslyfunded this research.Finally, this project could not havebeen completed without the support of my wife and partner,Yuka Hara. 1In the seventeenthand eighteenthcenturies, Ezo as a geographicalterm referred to an areathat encompasses present-day Hokkaido, southern Sakhalin, Kunashiri and Etorofu;however, the term was frequentlybroadened to includethe entire Kuril archipelago,as well as northernSakhalin and points beyond. On the geographicaland ethniccomplexities of the termEzo, see KaihoMineo, Ezo no rekishi:kita no hitobito to Nihon [The Historyof Ezo: The Peoplesof the North and Japan](Tokyo, 1996), 29-72. 122 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER163 a semi-autonomous 'foreign land', inhabited by the ethnically distinct 'barbarian'Ainu, to a land incorporatedinto the early modern Japanese state. As this incorporationadvanced, Ainu were forced to adopt many distinctly Japanese customs. This process of assimilationoccurred despite an interimperiod of local Matsumaeadministration and the abatementof the Russianthreat in the north, suggesting that the early Japanesecolonization of Ezo was not solely a reaction to Western encroachment.2It is to this initial early modern Japaneseinterest in Ezo that we must now turn our attention.

EARLYMODERN JAPANESE POLICY IN EZO In a jointly signed statement, officialsconnected to what became the Hakodate magistracyin 1802 spelled out the new priorities of the Tokugawaregime in Ezo. The goals outlinedby the magistracy were underscoredby an administrativeenthusiasm which manifesteditself in a variety of innovative policy changes in the earlynineteenth century, setting the initialcourse for the Japanese move into the northernregion.3 The magistracypointed out that, because the regional governmentof Matsumaedomain had been myopically interested in securing profits at trading posts, rather than properlyadministering benevolent government, the Russian empire had encroachedupon Ezo. It noted that the successful expansionof the llussian empire had not been achieved by rapid conquest; instead, Russianshad graduallymoved into the region by extending 'benevolence' to Ainu. The magistracycautioned that the Russianpolicy had proved so successfulthat 'some twenty islands'off the easterncoast of 'our country' were alreadysubor-

2 There remainsa great deal of debate concerningwhen and how Ezo, or the presentisland of Hokkaido,was colonized by the Japanese.For a detailedbibliography of most availablescholarship and a basicoutline of the positionsthat historianshave takenon this issue, see EmoriSusumu et al., 'Chihoshikenkyu no genjo:Hokkaido' [CurrentResearch in LocalHistory: Hokkaido], pts 1-2, Nihon rekishi(1995). 3 See JohnJ. Stephan,'Ezo underthe TokugawaBakufu, 1799-1821: An Aspect of Japan'sFrontier History' (Univ. of LondonPh.D. thesis, 1969),7-10. Stephanis, however,a historianwho believesthat, following the abatementof the Russianthreat in the north, the Tokugawashogunate basically lost interestin colonizingEzo and returnedadministration to Matsumaedomain (234-6). EZO IN THE TOKUGAWAPERIOD

m WAJINCHI(the 'Japaneseland' ) sARAFU1 O 100 t _____H W miles |

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This map contains only the geographicallocations mentioned in this article. Unfortunately,not enoughdetailed information remains to retracethe exact routes of KuwataRyusai and FukaseYoshun. This mapis basedon geographicdescriptions containedin 'Hokkaido',i-ii, in Kadokawa Nihon ehimei daijiten, ed. TakeuchiRizo (Tokyo)1978). PAST AND 124 PRESENT NUMBER163 dinate to the Russian empire. It further cautionedthat were Russians even startingto extend their influenceinto the The heartof Ezo.4 magistracythen opened a new era in the Japanese tion of coloniza- Ezo, declaringthat the Tokugawashogunate the had to defend northernregion from foreign encroachment. same However, at the time, it recognized the logistical difficulties in Tokugawa extending hegemony in the north. 'Because the four coasts of Ezo's main island [Hokkaido]are extremely vast', the magistracy observed, 'it is impossible to guard the entire island'. It recom- mended, therefore, that the Tokugawa regime defend Ezo by 'caring'for the Ainu. Drawing on centuries of political Confucian-based discourse,the Hakodatemagistracy concluded that benevolent with governmentthe 'Ainu will be satisfiedin their hearts with the [early modern Japanese] state and not be tempted to fleeEzo for foreign lands'.5 The new Tokugawapolicy, which aimed to oversee Ezochi, or 'barbarianlands', and deal with the demographic Ainu, decline of the differed sharplyfrom earlierlocal Matsumaerule. Tokunai,a Mogami Tokugawaofficial, wrote of Matsumaeadministration inEzo that domain edicts went so far as to forbid Ainu from wearingstraw sandalsand Japanese-stylestraw hats, even in snowand the rain. Matsumaepolicy, he suggested,sought izethe to dramat- culturaland ethnic distinctivenesswhich divided peoples, the two in turn using this distinctivenessto demarcate inthe north. boundaries Moreover,he remarked,domain officials were indif- ferentto the effects of smallpox, leaving afflicted Ainu to fend forthemselves and simply 'die in front of others'.6 This policy contributedto the spread of smallpox-referred to by Ainu as PayokaKamuy, or the Punishing God by permittinginfected Ainuto introduce the contagionto new villages as the 'ephemer- allyhealthy carrier'fled with thledisease.7 By contrast, the Tokugawa shogunate offered relief for the poverty-strickenby providing food and shelter, as well as by 4Habuto Masayasu,Kyu-mei ko-ki [The Veritable Hokkaido Record] (1807), in Shinsen shi [The Newly EditedHistory of Hokkaido],ed. (Osaka,1991), v, 325. HokkaidoCho, 7 vols. 5Ibid., 326-7. 6Mogami Tokunai, Ezokoku fu-zoku ninjo no ofEzo] sata [Noteson the Customsand People (1790),in Nihon shominseikatsu shiryo- shusei ofthe Daily [CollectedSources on the History Lives of CommonJapanese People], ed. Takakura (Tokyo,1968-84), iv, 460. Shin'ichiro,30 vols. 7On this type of scenario,see Alfred W. Biological Crosby,Ecological Imperialism: The Expansionof Europe, 900-1900 (Cambridge,1986), 201. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 125 pledging to dispatch physiciansto provide medical treatmentfor ailing Ainu and Waiin (the term used to identify the ethnic Japaneseinhabitants of Ezo). The shogunateplaced the new Ezo policy within the Confucian framework of benevolent government, declaringthat Ainu should be taught the 'way of the five virtues', as well as Japanese script and customs. Moreover, it ordered that state-sponsoredmedicine be carried out as part of this broader assimilationist policy. Tokugawa policymakers, indeed, placed state-sponsoredmedicine in the same context as other forms of cultural assimilation,believing that it could con- tribute to making the Ainu more 'Japanese'.Inaugurating a long- term colonial policy in Ezo, the magistracynoted that if these policies were implemented, 'in one hundredyears the whole area of Ezo will come to be like our country'.8 Up to this point, most Japanese had considered Ezo to be foreign lands inhabitedby strange, 'hairy barbarians'-outside both Matsumae and Tokugawa domestic concerns. Two centuries before the Tokugawa take-over, MatsumaeYoshihiro had received a black-sealed order, stamped by the cipher of shogunTokugawa Ieyasu himself in 1604, investingthe Matsumae family with exclusive rights to trade with the Ainu. In about the mid-seventeenth century, Matsumae demarcated its 'domain', what contemporariescalled Matsumae-chi(lit., Matsumaeland), Ningen-chi ( lit., human land), or sometimes Waiin-chi (lit., Japaneseland), in the area south of the outpost at Sekinaion the OshimaPeninsula.9 The rest of Ezo, known as Esochi, was what David L. Howell refers to as a 'semi-independent foreign entity'.10 Ezo's relationshipto early modernJapan is nicely illustrated by the Wakansansai sue [An IllustratedJapanese-Chinese Encyclopaedia],a widely read encyclopaedicwork compiled by Terashima Ryoan in 1713. It listed two categories of foreign lands, in essence those of sinner'and 'outer' barbarians.Countries such as Holland, England and even that of the mythical 'fish

8 Habuto,Kyumei ko-ki,326-7. 9 KaihoMineo, Bakuhanseikokka to Hokkaido [The EarlyModern Japanese State and Hokkaido](Tokyo, 1978), 11-18. 10David L. Howell, 'Ainu Ethnicityand the Boundariesof the Early Modern JapaneseState', Past and Present, no. 142 (Feb. 1994), 69-74. For more on the Tokugawa-periodhistory of Ezo, see TessaMorris-Suzuki, 'The Frontiersof Japanese Identity', in Stein T0nnesonand Hans Antlov (eds.), Asian Forms of the Nation (Richmond,1996); also her 'Creatingthe Frontier:Border, Identity and Historyin Japan'sFar North', East Asian Hist., vii (1994). See also my Ecology and Culture in the ffapaneseConquest of Ainu Lands, 1590-1800 (Berkeley,forthcoming). 126 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER163 people' were listed under 'outer-barbarianpeoples'. By contrast, Ezo, Tartary,the Ryukyu Kingdom, Chinaand Koreawere listed under 'people of foreign countries'. The document noted that both groups were outside Tokugawahegemony, but that 'people of foreign countries'enjoyed the status of something like 'inner- barbarians'in the Chinese diplomaticorder.ll However, following the Tokugawatake-over, the status of Ezo in relation to Japan metamorphosed. In 1802, the shogunate placed the administrationof Ezo directly in the hands of the Hakodatemagistracy and officialsquickly projectedthis authority north-eastwardinto the islandsof the North Pacific. Some of the initial Tokugawa directives, relayed through the magistracy, included prohibitingKunashiri and Etorofu Ainu from crossing over to Uruppu, the next island in the Iluril archipelago,effec- tively placing the new border of the Japanese administrative sphere between Etorofu and Uruppu.l2 Similarly,edicts prohib- ited Ainu and Uilta on southern Sakhalinfrom directly trading with continentalnorth-east Asian peoples, and all foreign trading on Sakhalinwas regulated at the Shiranushiadministrative post where Tokugawaofficials conducted tributary audiences with the traders.l3 But simply demarcatingborders was not enough to integrateEzo into the Japanesebody politic. The 1857 vaccinationproject the crowning achievementof fifty years of nineteenth-centuryTokugawa and Matsumaestate- sponsoredmedicine in Ezol4 sought to transformthe place of ll EmoriSusumu, 'Ezochi o meguruhoppo no koryu'[Ainu Lands and Interaction in the North],in MaruyamaYosei (ed.), Nihon no kinsei:joho to ko-tsu[Early Modern Japan:Information and Traffic], 18 vols. (Tokyo, 1991-4), vi, 371-5. On the Tokugawadiplomatic order, see Ronald P. Toby, State and Diplomacy in Early Modernffapan: Asia in the Developmentof the TokugawaBakufu (Stanford,1992). For 'inner' and 'outer' zones in the Chinesediplomatic order, see Lien-shengYang, 'HistoricalNotes on the ChineseWorld Order', in John King Fairbank(ed.), The Chinese WorldOrder: TraditionalChina's ForeignRelations (Cambridge, 1968), 20-2; Morris-Suzuki,'Frontiers of JapaneseIdentity'. 12 KaihoMineo, 'Hoppo koeki to chuseiEzo shakai'[Northern Trade and Medieval Ezo Society],in AminoYoshihiko (ed.), Nihonkai to hokhokubunka [The Seaof Japan and NorthernJapaneseCulture], 2 vols. (Tokyo, 1990),i, 284. 13 AkizukiToshiyuki, Nichiro kankei to saharin to: bakumatsuMeiji shonenno ryo-do mondai [Russo-JapaneseRelations and SakhalinIsland: Territorial Disputes of the Late Tokugawaand EarlyMeiji Years] (Tokyo, 1994),47-50. 14 This articleuses the term 'state'loosely. Although historians continue to argue over the degreeto whichthe Tokugawashogunate achieved 'statehood', it cannotbe deniedthat some sort of state structureemerged in the early seventeenthcentury. MarkRevina, for example,uses the term'compound-state' to describethe Tokugawa polity:Mark Revina, 'State-Building and Political Economy in Early-ModernJapan', 1 Asian Studies, liv (1995), 1000, 1017;also his Land and Lordshipin Early Modern (cont. oulp. 127) JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 127 the Ainu, even at the level of the individualAinu body, in relation to the early modernJapanese polity. The 1857 vaccinationproject occurredafter an interim of restoredMatsumae jurisdiction from 1821 to 1854, but as edicts from the second period of Matsumae rule suggest, no radical change in Ainu-related medical policy was undertaken.l5 Documents from Yoichi, for example, in western Hokkaido, indicate that in 1824 Ainu were told to report to the administrativepost if infected with disease,l6suggesting that the initial Tokugawainterest in Ezo extended throughthe interim of local Matsumaeadministration. Evidence of a consistentmed- ical policy in Ezo is important, because it reveals that Japanese interest in the north was not solely a product of Western encroachment,but the outcome of centuriesof trade and cultural interaction in Ainu lands. Matsumae domain, as well as the shogunate in the second period of Tokugawa rule (1854-68), followed the initial course set by the Hakodate magistracy in 1802, althoughmerchants sometimes funded medical care within their fisheries. Pressure from Russian encroachmentforced the Tokugawaregime to continue strengtheningits presence in Ezo. In this sense, as William Johnston has argued for the Japanese government's tuberculosis policy in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Tokugawa shogunate appears to have offered medical treatmentwhen 'health hazardsalso endangered state interests'.17 Obviously,Russian encroachment into a sparsely populated, disease-riddenand poorly fortifiedEzo was construed by policymakers as a threat to both the local Matsumae and Tokugawagovernments. In the politicalcontext of the nineteenthcentury, then, through providing medical treatment, specificallyJennerian vaccinations, the shogunate sought to incorporate Ezo into the cultural and political borders of Japan. Interestingly, the Tokugawa regime was not alone in using medicine to extend its hegemony over

(n.14 cont. 2 apan (Stanford,1998). See also Luke Roberts,Mercantilism in a apanese Domain: The MerchantOrigins of EconomicNationalism in 18'^-CenturyTosa (Cambridge, 1998). 15 TakakuraShin'ichiro, Ainu seisaku shi [A History of Ainu Policy] (Tokyo, 1972),210-13. 16 HokkaidoUniv. Lib., Resource Collectionfor Northern Studies (hereafter RCNS), 'Yoichi choshi shiryo sosho yoshu' [The CollectedHistorical Sources of YoichiTown], 'Yoichiunjoka omusha toriatsukai nenju gyoji) [AnnualEvents and OmushaRecords of the YoichiAdministrative Post], 1824. 17 WilliamJohnston, The Modern Epidemic: A History of Tuberculosisin 3rapan (Cambridge,1995), 15. 128 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER163 frontierregions or contestedpeoples. Within the context of state- building in Europe, for example, Michel Foucault has argued that the 'health and physical well-being of the population in general' emerged as one of the essential objectives of modern Europeangovernments.l8 He has submitted that state-sponsored medicine transforms the 'physical and moral relations of the individual and the society', making medicine one method by which the state extends its hegemony over the citizenry.l9 Similarly,when the shogunateordered that Ainu receive medical treatment and later Jennerian vaccinationsat the hands of shogunate-employedphysicians, it was the first time that Ainu were treated, at least by Tokugawa policymakers,as the equals of ethnic Japanese.With state-sponsoredmedicine, the physical and moral relationshipof Ainu to Japanesechanged. Ainu were no longer simply 'barbarians',distinct from ethnic Japanese. Rather, they were a people who Japanesepolicymakers sought to include within the bordersof early modernJapan. In a process that continued into the Meiji era (1868-1912), the Tokugawa regime began redefiningwhat Ainu were expected to understand as a 'healthy life'. Similarprocesses occurred in other East Asian contexts. In the case of modern China, for example, Ann Anagnost has argued that public medicine served to absorb Chinese people into the Communist state by changing their perceptions of a 'healthy life'. Through public medicine many Chinese became 'subject to the rule of the other', a process that revealed public medicine to be a potent social and culturalforce in the destructionof regionalsocial and culturalidentities, as well as the physical and psychologicalautonomy of the individual.20 The same might be said of state-sponsoredmedicine in Ezo, althoughthe Tokugawa regime lacked the infrastructureneces- sary to practice full-blown 'public medicine' in the manner of the People's llepublic of China.None the less, the 1857 vaccination project in Ezo sought to protect what the Hakodatemagis- tracyviewed as a newly acquiredappendage of the body politic or something to be integratedinto the nationalwhole as well as to demarcate,at the level of the individualbody, the borders 18 Michel Foucault, Pozuer/Knowledge:Selected Interviezus and Other Writings 1972-1977, ed. Colin Gordon (New York, 1972), 169-70. 19Michel Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeologyof Medical Perception, trans.A. M. Sheridan Smith (New York, 1973), 34. 20 Ann Anagnost, 'The Politicized Body', in Angela Zito and Tani E. Barlow (eds.), Body,Subject) and Pozverin China (Chicago, 1994), 139. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 129 of the Japanese state in the north. Providing medical care for Ainu was one way that the shogunatesought to politicallyconsol- idate, and publicly dramatize, the new place of Ezo in the Tokugawa domestic administrativeorder. Whether they liked it or not, in the context of state-sponsoredmedicine, for the first time Ainu were treated as being within a domestic Japanese context, as ethnic-minority'subjects' of a modernizingstate.

II EARLYMODERN JAPANESE MEDICAL POLICY IN EZO In 1811, the Hakodate magistracyrelayed a series of new edicts to Etorofu Ainu, which highlightedthe thrust of Tokugawacolo- nial policy and included new medical initiatives. Many of these edicts focused on introducingAinu to such ideological concepts as the Neo-Confucian notion of the Five Relationships, while others emphasizedthe importanceof respecting 'public authority'. Some sought to protect the Tokugawacommercial monopoly over trading in eastern Ezo. However, several edicts were also aimed at assimilating Ainu. For instance, Japanese officials explained to Ainu elders that from this point forwardthey could only take one wife, that they were to 'use the same languageas their fishery supervisors', and that old customs were to be 'revised'. In fact, Ainu were told that even their hair-styles had to conform to Japanese standards. The interest of Tokugawa policymakerswith Ainu hair-stylesis importantin the context of reculturationand assimilation,and exposes a fundamentalconcern with the place of the body in defining who was included within the Japanesepolity. As Ronald P. Toby has illustrated,in early modern Japan, hair-styles often served to distinguish ethnic Japanesefrom the surroundingbarbarian world.2l In the north, policymakerssought to break down one more culturally based barrier that separated the two peoples. Moreover, these new edicts also included information related to the new state- sponsoredmedical policy: Item 13: Physicians are available so the afflicted should quickly report to the administrative post for medical attention. Of course, it is the duty of village elders to see that other ailing people, such as the elderly without

21 See RonaldP. Toby, 'The Birth of the Hairy Barbarian:Ethnic Pejorative as CulturalBoundary-Marker' ( paper presentedat the 'Conferenceon Society and PopularCulture in Medievaland EarlyModern Japan', Princeton, 25-7 Oct. 1995). 130 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 163 relatives,the blind,as well as the disabled,report to the post so that they can be assisted.22 These announcementscame not a moment too soon. Medical historianshave estimated that between about 1600 and 1870 the Wajinand Ainu inhabitantsof Ezo sufferedthrough about twenty smallpox and measles epidemics.23 On the bases of available records, four points about these epidemicsshould be emphasized.First, except for the 1806 smallpox epidemic on Rebun and Rishiri Islands, which had probably been sparkedby an infected Russiansailor on Nikolai Rezanov's first visit to Nagasaki,24smallpox had been introducedby Waiin settlers on the Oshima Peninsula, and then spread to the Ainu through trade and fishery activity. The damp, crampedquarters of these herring fisheries provided an excellent environmentfor the dissemination of epidemic diseases.25Secondly, from the beginning of the seventeenth century onwards,epidemics in Ezo struck about once every twenty years, a frequency, as Alfred Crosbyhas argued, that could 'wipe out an entire generation'and prove particularly destructive to people under pressure from colonialism.26Thirdly, as of 1776, Japaneseand Ezo epidemics concurred.This suggests that, by about the mid-eighteenthcen- tury, Ezo epidemics were integratedinto broader, 'nation-wide' disease trends. For instance, a 1776 measles epidemic in Ezo also erupted on the Japanese mainland.27From this point forward, indeed, epidemicconcurrence was the rule ratherthan the exception. Finally, in Ezo the frequency of smallpox epidemics increasedas the nineteenth century advanced.Matsuki Akitomo has recordedsmallpox epidemics in different regions throughout

22'Etorofu to omusha moshiwatashi sho' [Written Declarations for an Omusha on }itorofu Island] (1811), cited in Takakura, Ainu seisakushi, 172-4. 23 Takahashi Shinkichi, Eso to-baishiko- [A Historical Essay on Smallpox and Syphilis in Ezo] (Tokyo, 1937), 2-11; Matsuki Akitomo, Hokkaido-no ishi [A Medical History of Hokkaido] (Hirosaki, 1970), 124-31; Takashita Taizo, 'Kinsei Ezochi no shippei shi' [A History of Disease in Early Modern Ainu Lands], in Sapporo Ishigaku Kenkyukai (ed.), Esochi no iryo-[Medical Care in Ainu Lands] (Sapporo, 1988). 24 Hokkaido Univ. Lib., RCNS, Yamazaki Hanzo, 'Soya tsumeai Yamazaki Hanzo nisshi' [The Official Diary of Yamazaki Hanzo in Soya], 1804-8. 25 David L. Howell, Capitalismfroen Within: Economy)Society, and the State in a ffapaneseFishery (Berkeley, 1995), 39. 26 Crosby, EcologicalImperialism, 38. 27 Matsumae Hironaga, Fukuyamahifu [Secret Government in Fukuyama] (1780), in Shinsen Hokkaido shi, ed. Hokkaido Cho, v, 77. Reference to this epidemic also appears in Fujikawa Yu, Nihon shippei shi [A History of Disease in Japan] (Tokyo, 1969), 88. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 131 Ezo for roughly twelve years between 1800 and 1862.28The greaterfrequency of epidemicssupports Ann BowmanJannetta's assertion that smallpox was on the rise in Japan in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, a result presumablyof increasing commercialcontact between burgeoning urban areas and the countryside.29Moreover, the greaterfrequency of smallpox epidemicsin Ezo furtherbolstered the Hakodatemagistracy's claim that something needed to be done about smallpox and the other diseases which were decimatingthe Ainu. In a project that was conceived, initiated, funded and carried out under the auspices of the Tokugawa shogunate, physicians were ordered to treat both Japanese and Ainu living in Ezo. Initially, the Hakodatemagistracy dispatched physicians to Soya in the north and severallocations in easternEzo. These physicians were paid by the Hakodate magistracy.30 Medical historians estimate that there were ten physicians in Ezo by l799,3l but there were probablyseveral more by the earlynineteenth century, as physicians from Nanbu and Tsugaru domains accompanied their soldiers to Hokkaido. Following Tokugawa orders, most administrativeposts stationed a physician nearby to handle the variousmedical problemsof both Wajinand Ainu. In Shiranuka, for instance, it was standardpolicy that sick Ainu immediately report to the administrativepost, where bedding was furnished and medical care was available.32 Similarly,in 1829, during the second period of Matsumaerule, lengthy instructions were presented to Wajin and Ainu in the Nemuro region. These not only included orders to forward all available information on sightings of foreign vessels, but also ordered Ainu and Wajin to report to administrativeposts for medical attention when ill. Policymakers made it clear that

28 Smallpox epidemics, with varying levels of intensity, occurred in 1800, 1805, 1806, 1809, 1817, 1818, 1819, 1823, 1844, 1845, 1855, 1857 and 1862: see Matsuki, Hokkaido-no ishi, 125-31. 29 Ann Bowman Jannetta, Epidemics and Mortality in Early Modern ffapan (Princeton, 1987), 89. 30 The regions in eastern Ezo were Shiranuka, Kusuri (Kushiro), Kobumui, Senhoshi, Nokogiribetsu, Annebetsu, Notsuke, Akkeshi and Shamani: see Habuto, Kyumei ko-ki,342. 31 Hokkaido Iryo Shinbunsha (ed. ), Hokkaidono iryo-shi [A History of Medical Care in Hokkaido] (Sapporo, 1976), 4. 32 Hokkaido Univ. Lib., RCNS, Kimura Kenji, 'Shiranukaunjoya kijosho' [Written Regulations for the ShiranukaAdministrative Post], in 'Kimura Shikyo hikki' [Notes of Kimura Shikyo], 1798. 132 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER163 both Wajin and Ainu were to be treated equally by physicians dispatchedby the Tokugawashogunate.33 Local officialsor merchants usually communicatedMatsumae and Tokugawainstruc- tions, includinginformation related to medicaltreatment, to Ainu headmen, doing so through the culturalwindow provided by the omushaceremony (Ainu, umusa,lit., 'a greeting'), which Japanese officials construedto be a local form of tributaryaudience.34 The Hakodate magistracyalso paid all prescriptionexpenses, as physiciansreported the costs for medicines at the end of each year. In the early 1820s, for example, Akkeshi fishery managers recordedproviding medical attention to twenty-six afflictedAinu. Medicines dispensed included 224 prescriptions of 'ointment', 73 of 'decoction', 227 of pills, 154 of lily-root medication, 4 of medicinal powder and several doses of eye medication.35In the 1850s, the Hakodatemagistracy received an order from one administrativepost for moxibustiontreatment, eye medication,a package of 'powderedmedicine' and five pieces of plaster.36 However, physiciansdid not confine their activities to distrib- uting medication; some evidence suggests that they even performed surgeryon afflictedAinu. Before being taken prisoneron Etorofu in 1811, the Russian, Vasilii Golovnin, met an Ainu named Toion, who he described as 'chief of the hairy Kuriles'. During his short stay on Etorofu, Golovnin observed that Ainu there suffered from a highly debilitatingdisease that he suspected was scurvy. He also wrote that althoughAinu regardedJapanese 'with looks of terror', when it came to medical treatment, 'Japanesehad constantly shewn (sic) the utmost care for their health, and had sent a physicianto attend them'. Golovninnoted that one Ainu had been 'afflictedwith a swelling in his hands and cramp in his feet'. He had become disabled, his calves 'drawn upwardsand backwardstowards his thighs'. Golovninwrote that his '[v]eins were immediatelyopened by the Japanesesurgeons

33 Ibid., Kudo Kodenji, 'Nemoro nenju gyoji' [Annual Events in Nemuro], 1829. 34 Howell, 'Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State', 81-3; also my 'Reappraising the Sakoku Paradigm: The Ezo Trade and the Extension of Tokugawa Political Space into Hokkaido', yl Asian Hist., xxx (1996), 11-17. 35 Robert G. Flershem and Yoshiko N. Flershem, Ecochi basho ukeoinin Yamada Bun'emon-ke no katsuyaku to sono rekishitekihaikei [The Activities and Historical Background of Yamada Bun'emon: Contract-Fishery Merchant in Ainu Lands] (Sapporo, 1994), 30-1. 36 Hokkaido Univ. Lib., RCNS, Mukoyama Gendayu, 'Heishin jotetsu' [Surplus Writings of 1856], 3 vols., 1855-6. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 133 in both his feet, and some time after in his hands'. However, 'for want of suitable expressions', Golovnin failed to discover in any detail how the operationwas carriedout.37 It was, one suspects, a physicianinfluenced by Dutch Learning who performed the surgery on Toion, because traditionalNeo- Confucianmedical culture rejectedsurgery and even in the early nineteenth century Neo-Confucianthought continued to domin- ate medical culture in Japan.38Neo-Confucian medicine stressed a 'physiological'or 'holistic'approach to medicaltreatment, striv- ing to recreatenatural balances within the body, which was 'seen as a microcosm of the universe'.39Surgery was viewed as an unnecessaryintrusion into this microcosm. Not enough specific information on physicians in the Kurils remains to determine who could have carried out this rather sophisticatedoperation, but some enticing titbits do survive. Kubota Kentatsu, for example, served on Etorofu in the early nineteenth century and, at about the same time, the Hakodate magistracy dispatched ShimoyamaTeisai, Tateno Zuigen, NakamuraJutaku and Kato Bunshu to Kunashiri. It is even known that Tateno was in the vicinity of Etorofu when Japanese troops took Golovnin into custody. There are, however, no records linking any of these men to the surgery.40What is clear is that Tokugawa-employed physiciansdid not confine their work to distributingmedication. Physiciansmight have consideredtheir tenure in Ezo an oppor- tunity to experimentwith more controversialmedical techniques. The Ainu were, after all, barbariansin what were slowly evolving into colonial lands, and, as such, suitable subjects for such experimentation. Althoughthe shogunatedispatched most of the physicianswho served in Ezochifrom Edo, the Tokugawacapital, the Hakodate magistracy was recruiting town doctors from Hakodate and Matsumaein the early nineteenthcentury. Doctors such as Miura Gentoku, who served as a physician for the magistracyin 1812,

37 CaptainVasilii Golownin [Golovnin], Memoirs of a Captivity in ffapan, duringthe Years 1811, 1812, and 1813: With Observationson the Co2xetryand the People, 3 vols. (London,1824), i, 26, 34. 38 y. Fujikawa,ffapanese Medicine, trans. John Ruhrah(New York, 1934), 35; DonaldKeene, Theffapanese Discovery of Europe, 1720-1830 (Stanford,1969), 20-2. 39 MargaretM. Lock, East Asian Medicine in Urban 3tapan: Varieties of Medical Experience(Berkeley, 1980), 29-30; PaulU. Unschuld,Medicine in China: A History of Ideas (Berkeley,1985). 40 ShimadaYasuhisa, Ezochi ika jinmeijii [A Dictionaryof ProminentPhysicians in AinuLands] (Sapporo, 1981), 29-30, 51, 62, 68. 134 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER163 signed an employment certificate with Hakodate officials that specifiedconditions concerning salary, restrictions while in office, the use of horses, and informationrelated to the distributionof medical supplies. In the case of Miura, the magistracypaid him a rice stipend, as well as a daily allowancein silver. In terms of restrictions, Kishuya Kihei, of the magistracy,cautioned Miura not to conduct trade of any kind with Ainu. At the fisheries, administrativeposts suppliedmoney for a horse that Miurawould ride between his fishery in western Ezo and Hakodate. The certificatespecified that the shogunatewould buy 'the medicines used for treating Ainu'. Moreover, as a kind of characterrefer- ence, the certificatenoted that Miurapractised Zen Buddhismat the Koryo Temple in Hakodate, which would submit upon request a certificatethat said as much. The document was then signed by both Miura and Kishuya.4l Thus, despite the lack of recordsdescribing the initialactivities of physiciansin Ezo, some assumptionscan be made about their work. On a basic level, they were part of a broader state- sponsored colonial enterprise aimed at integratingparts of Ezo in to the early modernJapanese order. The shogunatedispatched physiciansas part of its larger programmedesigned to assimilate Ainu, an undertakingwhich included everything from teaching Neo-Confucianvirtues to pressuringAinu elders to 'revise' their customs. Many of these reculturationpolicies from regulations concerning new hair-styles to medical care expose a funda- mental interest in transformingthe individualAinu body into one that was more 'Japanese'.On a more practicallevel, physicians were involved in delivering a wide array of services, extending from medical care to checking on castawayswho had wound up on the shores of Ezo.42The medical services they offered ranged from providing blankets through moxibustion and eye care to surgery.The objectwas to stabilizethe Ainu demographicdecline and, in the face of foreign encroachment,to fortify the Japanese state in the north. However, one of the most pressingtasks facing these physicians initially was providing medical attention for

41 MukoyamaGendayu, Heishin jotetsu [see n. 36]: HokkaidoUniv. Lib., RCNS; Takakura,Ainu seisakushi, 192-3. 42 RanaldMacDonald, Ranald MacDonald: The Narrative of his Early Life on the Columbiaunder the Hudson'sBay Company'sPegime: Of his Experiencesin the Pacific Whale Fishery: And of his Great Ad7)entureto ffapan, With a Sketch of his Later Life on the WesternFrontier, 1824-1899, ed. WilliamS. Lewis and NaojimaMurakami (Portland,1990), 179-80. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 135 Japanese soldiers who had been dispatched to Ezo under Tokugawaorder to defend the region from the threat of Russian take-over.

III MEDICALEXCHANGE AND COLONIALBOUNDARIES Following the appearanceof Russians in the North Pacific, the shogunateexercised its prerogativeas a national government- defending the realm, indeed, was the duty of the Barbarian SubduingGeneralissimo, or Seii taishogun and ordereddomain troops to border regions in Ezo, including Soya in northern Hokkaido,parts of southernSakhalin, and Kunashiriand Etorofu in the Kuril archipelago.43The seven domains of Hirosaki, Morioka,Akita, Sendai, Matsumae,Shonai and Aizu contributed to the Tokugawa-ledforce in Ezo.44While their soldierswintered in the cold, sub-arctic outposts of Ezo, hundreds were 'killed in action' by a disease that was referred to as seitai gakan, or 'blue legs, infected gum', by contemporaryobservers. Matsuki Akitomo has convincinglyargued that the disease was scurvy, a highly debilitatingcondition caused by a lack of Vitamin C. In 1804, by order of the shogunate, about 60 soldiers from Nanbu and Tsugaru wintered on Etorofu. Of the 30 Tsugaru soldiers, 11 (37 per cent) died of scurvy. In 1808, of the Z50 Tsugaru soldiers known to have wintered in Ezo, 119 (48 per cent) died from scurvy and other diseases. Moreover, startingin 1807 and lasting for a period of five years, 68 Nanbu and about 60 Sendai soldiers died of scurvy in the Kunashiriand Etorofu area, while 50 soldiersfrom Aizu domaindied of the same disease in Soya.45That same year, 72 out of about 100 Tsugaru soldiers that SaitoIkatsutoshi brought to Sharidied of scurvy.46The move into Ezo, away from the temperate, arablelands of the Japanese mainland, posed a new medical threat to Japanesesoldiers, one of the most formidableobstacles to the defence of the north. In

43 On the Russianpush into Ezo, see GeorgeAlexander Lensen, The RussianPush tosard ffapan: Russo-7apaneseRelations, 1697-1875 (Princeton,1959); John J. Stephan, The Kuril Islands: Russo-7apaneseFrontier in the Pacific (Oxford,1974). 44Kikuchi Isao, Bakuhan taisei to Ezochi [The EarlyModern Japanese State and AinuLands] (Tokyo, 1984), 104-5. 45 Matsuki,Hokkaido- no ishi, 113-14. 46SaitoKatsutoshi, Matsumae tsumeai nikki [An OfficialMatsumae Diary], ed. TakakuraShin'ichiro (Shari, 1973), 36-41. 136 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER 163 particular,these changes in climate meant that there were less vegetablesavailable to soldiers, makingthem more susceptibleto nutrition-relatedafflictions such as scurvy. In the tenth month of 1811, because of the large number of Tsugaruand Nanbu domain troops (about a thousandin all) that wintered in the Shamaniarea, the Hakodatemagistracy ordered that three physicians should be constantly available to provide for their medical needs. In the event that one of the physicians became unable to perform his duties, he was to be replaced immediately.Moreover, after four or five years, if the physician performedhis duties admirably,'he should be fittinglypraised'.47 However, these physicians could do little to stem the tide of deaths caused by scurvy and other diseases. In the wake of scurvy-relatedlosses, in 1814 the magistracy sent an urgent request to Edo, asking that troops stationedin the borderregions be withdrawnto more hospitableareas. The shogunate assented, but the continued Russian presence neces- sitated that domain soldiers winter near Matsumae,in southern Hokkaido.Following the relocation,however, soldierscontinued to perish in large numbers. In the mid-nineteenth century, for instance, seventy Akita soldiers stationed in Mashike died of scurvy.48Early speculationon the causes of seitai gakan ranged from the interesting to the absurd, but Japanesepolicymakers quickly realized that the Tokugawa regime faced new medical issues directly linked to the defence of Ezo. Upon consulting a varietyof Chinese medical texts, the Edo physicianNiira Kanso speculatedthat the extremely cold weather of Ezo caused the disease.Niira had arrivedin Hakodatein 1803. Both a physician andpoet, he became interested in the diseases of Ezo when a poem in the Ezochi haikai kasen [Great Poets of Ainu Lands], editedby the Hakodatemagistrate Habuto Masayasu,caught his attention.The poem reflectedthe rejoicingthat a soldierfelt after havingmade it through an Ezo winter without dying of scurvy. Inthe end, Niira confirmedhis originalposition that cold weather causedthe diseaseand that the visible symptomsresembled ruibe, athinly sliced, partiallyfrozen, raw salmon. He later prescribed

47 HabutoMasayasu, Kyumei ko-kifuroku [Appendix to the VeritableRecord] (1807), inShinsen Hokkaido shi, ed. HokkaidoCho, v, 618. 48 Ibid., 113-14; MatsukiAkitomo, 'Meiji-zen Hokkaido shippei shi' [A Historyof Diseasein Pre-MeijiHokkaido], Nihon ishigakuzasshi, xvii (1971), 105-6. JAPANESE STATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 137 a 'rhinoceroshorn elixir' to combat the affliction.49Meanwhile, YamazakiHanzo, a physician from Tsugaru domain, correctly speculated that a shortage of vegetables caused the disease; he prescribedraw radishfor soldiers wintering in Ezo. Later, in the mid-nineteenthcentury, he also suggested that a decoction made from camphor oil and sake be rubbed over the entire body to cure the disease.50 The exchange of medical technology also took place in the north, a by-product of the new Tokugawapolicy in Ezo. In fact, the 1857 vaccination project would not be the first time that Jennerianvaccinations were said to have been performedin Ezo. Medical historiansremain hotly divided over the availableevid- ence, but Nakagawa Goroji may have performed the first Jennerian vaccination in Japan in 1824, although his activities were restricted to the region near Matsumae and he probably never vaccinatedAinu. Moreover,Nakagawa undertook his medical activities without Tokugawaapproval, or direct disapproval for that matter, and thus his activities need to be viewed as separatefrom the 1857 vaccinationproject. But his vaccinations, real or imagined, were linked to the Tokugawa colonizationof Ezo, a result of the Japanesedefence of contestednational bound- ariesin the Kuril archipelago.Like Nagasaki,where Dutch physician Otto Johann Mohnike would introduce the first 'official' cowpox lymph to Japan in 1849, Ezo also stood as a gateway to the outside world. For this reason, as Akizuki Toshiyuki has argued, the vaccinations undertaken by Nakagawa should be viewed within the context of continuedRusso-Japanese relations in the North Pacific, as well as the colonizationof Ezo.5l In 1807, following the unsuccessful bid to open trade with Japan by Adam Laxman, CaptainsGavriil Davydov and Nikolai Khvostov, without orders from St Petersburg, attacked the Tokugawa outpost on Etorofu. During the attack they managed to seize two Japanese. One was a young supervisor named NakagawaGoroji. Following five years of captivity at outposts in Siberia,Russian authoritiesfinally returnedhim to Matsumaein

49 Hokkaido Univ. Lib., RCNS, Niira Kanso, 'Ezo mondo' [Questions and Answers on Ezo], 1808; Matsuki, Hokkaido-no ishi, 113, 116; also his 'Meiji-zen Hokkaido shippei shi', 105, 108. 5?Matsuki, Hokkaido-noishi, 116; also his 'Meiji-zen Hokkaido shippei shi', 106. 51 Akizuki Toshiyuki, 'Ezochi to Roshia: hokuhen ishigaku no haikei to shite no nichiro kankei' [Ainu Lands and Russia: Northern Medicine in Russo-Japanese Relations], Nihon ishigakuzasshi, xlii (1996), 163-8. 138 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER 163 1812, where Tokugawaofficials, as was requiredunder the mari- time prohibitions,detained him for detailed questioning. Before returningto Japan, Nakagawahad observed Jennerian vaccinations being performed by a Russian physician and had even managed to smuggle a book, in Russian of course, on the Jenneriantechnique.52 Little is known of his activities following repatriation,but he appears to have worked as a minor official under both Matsumae domain and the Hakodate magistracy. Then, in the twelfth month of 1818, records indicatethat he was promoted to the position of kozukai,a minor Tokugawaofficial. Similarly,in the fourth month of 1822, he worked as a clerk in Hakodate after the magistracytransferred the administrationof Ezo back to Matsumaedomain.53 In terms of his medical activities, documents suggest that Nakagawa vaccinated a Japanese woman in Ezo in 1824. Moreover,at about the same time, he instructedseveral Japanese, including ShiratoriYuzo, on the Jenneriantechnique. Shiratori, originallya physicianfrom Hakodate,crossed over to the Japanese mainlandto study medicineunder SaitoYotatsu of Akita domain. With the support of Saito, Shiratoriused the Jenneriantechnique that he learned from Nakagawa, first vaccinatingresidents near the Akita castle town, then laterincreasing his activities,vaccinating people throughoutnorth-eastern Japan. Shiratori passed along the informationthat Nakagawahad learnedfrom Russian physicians, teaching the Jenneriantechnique to others, such as Usui Teian.54 The controversyover whether Nakagawaperformed Jennerian oranother type of vaccinationconcerns how he obtaineda cowpox lymphor scab. To start with, historiansare certain that he did not bring a cowpox lymph back from Siberia. Nowhere in his writings does he mention having obtained either lymphs or cowpoxscabs. Plus, the vaccinein eitherform would have become ineffectivebetween the time that he was repatriated(1812) and thetime that he performedhis first vaccination(1824). According to existing documents, Nakagawa extracted a lymph from the vesiclesof a smallpox-infectedhuman, implantedthe lymph in a 52 For writings by NakagawaGoroji, see Hokkaido-iji bunkashiryo- shu-sei [A Collectionof HistoricalSources on HokkaidoMedical Culture], ed. MatsukiAkitomo, 2vols. (Tokyo, 1990),i, 7-212. 53 Ibid., 1-6; Matsuki,Hokkaido- no ishi,43-5. 54 Hokkaido-iji bunkashiryo shu-sei, ed. Matsuki,i, 275-82; also his Hokkaidono ishi,53. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 139 cow and later extracted a cowpox lymph from a vesicle in the cow.55 Medicalhistorians disagree as to whether a cowpox lymph could be manufacturedthis way. Most agree, in fact, that it could not. On the other hand, it is equally problematicalsimply to dismiss the intriguingevidence that both Nakagawaand Shiratori vaccinatedpeople in northern Honshu and southern Hokkaido. It is possible, for instance, that Nakagawamight have acquired a cowpox lymph from one of the many foreign vessels that frequentedthe coasts of Ezo at this time, but wisely decided not to inform local magistracyofficials. Nakagawa also served as a conduit for Russian medical texts coming into Ezo. While in Siberia he obtained a Russian translation of the treatiseby EdwardJenner on the cowpox technique. During his interrogation in Hakodate, the Dutch Learning scholar, Baba Sadayoshi,arrived from Nagasakito look over the rare text. Baba had learned from the Dutch at Deshima that Jennerianvaccinations were commonplacein other parts of the world, such as Holland. Through the efforts of the magistracy he managedto obtaina copy of the work which he latertranslated. In the short introductionto his translation,Baba noted the frus- tration of having to wait for years for this work to arrive in Nagasaki,the portal to the West, when all of the time it had been in Ezo.56 Babarealized the importanceof the work and asked if he could borrow the manuscriptfor the night. He then spent the entire night franticallycopying the Russianscript. He had studied some Russian, but, because the book was a medical text and required an accurate translation,he decided to postpone translatingthe entire work until his Russian was better. In the meantime, he had other opportunitiesto obtain the materialnecessary to perform Jennerian vaccinations. In 1818, for example, he was in Urakawawhen an English merchant ship unexpectedly arrived. He met with the English captain, who had brought with him several slides containingdried samples of a cowpox lymph and a glass bottle with a raw sample of the lymph. The English captain explained how the vaccinationwas performed:he demonstrated how the lymph should be placed on a knife and then applied

55 Hokkaidoiji bunkashiryo shusei, ed. Matsuki,i, 283-6; Takahashi,'Kinsei Ezochi no shippeishi', 102. S6 HokkaidoUniv. Lib., RCNS, Baba Sadayoshi,'Tonka hiketsu' [Secretsfor PreventingSmallpox], 1820. 140 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 163 to the arm with a slight incision. He even offered Baba samples of the vaccine and a book on how to perform the vaccination. However, Baba could only decline the items in light of strict Tokugawalaws which prohibitedsuch unauthorizedexchange.57 Although not related to state-sponsoredmedicine, the medical knowledge that Nakagawa Goroji brought back from Siberia shouldbe viewed within the context of the Tokugawacolonization of Ezo. By placing soldiers and other officialsin border regions, such as Etorofu, the early modern Japanese state contested Russian claims to the southern Kuril archipelago.At these contested boundariesthree civilizationsmet and medicalinformation was exchanged at a largely unofficial level between Russians, Japaneseand Ainu.58Similar to the port town of Nagasaki and other outlets where trade was conducted with Korea and the Ryukyu Kingdom, Ezo opened on to the outside world. But it opened much wider.59 One of the central tasks given to physiciansby the Hakodate magistracyin 1799 had been to 'bring the Ainu mortality rate down'.60Up to this point, the discussionhas largely focused on the policy of dispatchingphysicians to Ezo and the exchange of medicalknowledge that resultedfrom the Russianexpansion into the Kuril archipelago.But this historical context is important. Jennerianvaccinations were part of a largermedical policy which was linked to other colonialactivities initiatedin 1799. From the beginning, Tokugawapolicymakers had sought to keep the Ainu and Wajinmortality rates down; this meant employingphysicians trained in Western medical techniques, such as surgery, still viewed with suspicionby mainstreamsociety. In 1857 the shogunate went one step further, sponsoringa project to vaccinateboth Ainu and Wajin in Ezo. VaccinatingAinu even took precedent over vaccinationsin Edo, which at this time still had not been endorsedby the Tokugawaregime.

57 Ibid. 58 For moreon the exchangeof materiamedica between Ainu and Japanese in these contestedlands, see my Ecology and Culturein the ffapaneseConquest of Ainu Lands. 59 TsurutaKei, 'Kinsei Nihon no yotsu no "kuchi' ', in AranoYasunori, Ishii Masatoshiand Murai Shosuke (eds. ), Ajia no naka no Nihon shi: gaiko-to sensoJapanese Historyin an AsianContext: Foreign Relations and War],6 vols. (Tokyo, 1992-3), ii,297-9. 60 Takakura,Ainu seisakushi, 139-40. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 141 IV JENNERIANVACCINATIONS IN EZO The most important work facing physicians in Ezo had always been tackling the threat that smallpox and other communicable diseases posed to Ainu. With availablecensus information, it is possible to paint a rough picture of the overall demographic impact that epidemic diseases inflicted on the Ainu. The earliest reference to the Ainu population in Ezo put the number 'for the entire island' at about 20,000 during the 1670s.61This probably underestimatedthe total Ainu population. While this figure might have accuratelyrepresented the populationin easternEzo, much of the north, and areas in the Ishikari region, remained undevelopedand unexploredby Japanesein the late seventeenth century. Even after the painful defeat of Ainu warriors in Shakushain'sWar (1669), for example, Chief Haukase of the Ishikari region boldly warned the Japanese to keep out of his territory.62Needless to say, accuratecensus informationwas difficult to obtain in this contentiouspolitical climate. In fact, the number was probably closer to 40,000 Ainu on Sakhalin, the southern Kuril archipelago and Hokkaido.63 However, these numbers are only speculative. Later, following Tokugawa direct rule, more accuratedemographic data became available.In 1807, for example, the shogunateestimated the total population of Hokkaido Ainu at 26,256. By 1854, that number

61 Tsugaruitto- shi [A Recordof the Unificationof Tsugaru](1731), bk 10, in Shin Hokkaido-shi [A New History of Hokkaido],ed. TakakuraShin'ichiro, 9 vols. (Sapporo,1969), vii, 136;Shirayama Tomomasa, HokkaidoSinu jinko shi [APopulation Historyof HokkaidoAinu] (Sapporo,n.d.), 29. 62 Tsugaru itto-shi, in Shin Hokkaido-shi, ed. Takakura,vii, 186. In 1669, after decadesof warringwith neighbouringAinu under Chief Onibishiover access to naturalresources, Ainu loyal to Chief Shakushainattacked Wajin in Shiraoiin the east, andnear Yoichi in the west. In theseinitial attacks, about 273 Wajinwere killed. The Tokugawashogunate quickly dispatchedliege vassal MatsumaeYasuhiro to 'subduethe barbarians'.Following some bloody fighting near Kunnui, a peacesettle- ment was reachedbetween Shakushainand Matsumaecommanders in the east; however, during a feast to celebratethe end of the fighting,Shakushain and his leadinggenerals were treacherously cut downby Japanesesoldiers. For an explanation of these events, see OkuyamaRyo, Ainu suibo-shi [A Historyof the Collapseof the Ainu] (Sapporo,1966), 65-85. For a lengthydiscussion of the events leadingup to Shakushain'sWar, and the broadersocial and politicalimplications, see my Ecology and Culturein the ffapaneseConquest of Ainu Lands. 63 Takakura,Ainu seisakushi, 289. 142 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER 163 had fallen to 15,171, a 43 per cent decline in forty-seven years.64 In the nineteenth century, smallpox was the most prevalentepi- demic disease in Ezo and it probablycontributed significantly to this demographicdecline. Despite the efforts of physicians,then, the Ainu population was contractingat an astonishingpace. If physicianswere to implement the plan of administeringcare for Ainu and 'bringthe death rate down', more effective ways needed to be explored. It was this desperate situation in Ezo which necessitatedundertaking Jennerian vaccinations. Following a second period of Matsumaerule in Ezo between 1821 and 1854, the Tokugawaregime againtook charge.In 1854, magistracyofficials, MuragakiNorimasa, who later accompanied the first Japaneseembassy to the United Statesin 1860, and Hori Toshihiro, together undertooka lengthy inspection tour of Ezo. They made many observations during their travels, including commentingupon the need to promote a policy of 'agriculturiz- ation', upon the need to correct the mistreatmentof Ainu by fisherysupervisors, and upon the necessityof reducingthe impact of epidemic diseases among Ainu. Muragaki recorded in his journalhow the widespreaddislocation caused by smallpox fre- quently inconvenienced the official party. In 1857, for example, he noted that when threatened by smallpox, Ainu near Oshamanbefled into the nearbymountains, disrupting local fisheries. When the magistratesarrived, no Ainu porters remained to relay their luggage to Muroran.65Recognizing the need to addressthe problemof smallpox,upon arrivingback in Hakodate, Muragakiset in motion what would become the expensive and complicatedproject of providingJennerian vaccinations for both Wajinand Ainu in the northernregion.66

64Emori Susumu, Ainu no rekishi:Hokkaido- no hitobito (2) [A History of the Ainu: The Peoples of Hokkaido (2)] (Tokyo, 1987), 103. For similar numbers, see E. A. Hammel, 'A Glimpse into the Demography of the Ainu', Amer. Anthropologist,xc (1988), 28; Shirayama, HokkaidoAinu jinko shi, 35-6. 65 Muragaki Norimasa, MuragakiAwaji-no-kami Norimasa komunikki [The Public Diary of Muragaki Awaji-no-kami Norimasa] (1857), in Dai Nippon komonjo:bakum- atsu gaikoku kankei monjo[Ancient Documents of Greater Japan: Documents on Late Tokugawa Foreign Relations], ed. Tokyo Daigaku Shiryo Hensanjo, 45 vols. (Tokyo, 1974), appendix iv, 410, 412. 66 In light of his role in initiating the vaccination project, Masao Miyoshi's character- ization of Muragaki as a man who achieved 'scarcely anything notable' in life needs to be viewed with some skepticism: see Masao Miyoshi, As We Saw Them: The First ffapaneseEmbassy to the United States (New York, 1979), 154. For more on Muragaki, see Peter Duus, The 3tapaneseDiscovery of America: A Brief History with Documents (Boston, 1997), 150. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 143 When Muragakirequested that vaccinationsbe undertakenin Ezo, the vaccine itself had been in Japanfor less than a decade. However, as Jannettahas illustrated,once imported into Japan, the Jennerian vaccine spread at an astonishing pace. She has argued that by 1858, in fact, when a clinic was finally opened up in Edo, it could be claimed with some accuracythat the vaccine had reached virtually every province in Japan.Jannetta has describedthe introductionof vaccinationsto Japanas a 'collabor- ative effort' between the shogunate, domain governmentsand a complex network of private physicians.67At first Tokugawapol- icymakerswere reluctantto import a cowpox lymph or scab it was the prerogativeof the shogunate as national government to regulate 'dangerous'overseas contact, including the importation of certain medical technology-but ultimately Tokugawa policymakers played a key role in introducing the vaccine to Japan by sanctioningits importation,granting domains and private physiciansthe authorityto disseminatethe vaccine, and even facilitatingthe vaccinationeffort throughTokugawa administrative channels. In Edo, for example, as one Tokugawa inspector general remarkedin 1858, despite the 'graciousnature' of the vaccination programme, which was aimed at preventing epidemics among people throughoutthe 'entire country', some 'outlawbands' continued to resist being vaccinated.'What kind of gratitudeis this?' asked the frustrated official. Ultimately, the shogunate decided that on certain dates children would be requiredto report to the vaccinationclinics. Any complaintswere to be voiced at the local administrativeoffice. Childrenwho still had not been vaccinated after these dates were to be caught, their names, birth-dates, sexes and addresses recorded and submitted to IshiharaJinjuro of the shogunate.68The official's frustrationis hardly surprising considering that, in the early nineteenth century, rowdy bands of youths had become a problem in Edo, extorting money from shrines and local merchantsfor 'protection'.69With these kinds

67 Ann Bowman Jannetta, 'The Introduction of Jennerian Vaccination in Nineteenth-Century Japan', ffapan FoundationNezusletter, xxiii (1995), 8-9. 68Hokkaido Univ. Lib., RCNS, photograph of manuscript entitled 'Matsudaira Echizen-no-kami sama gyuto ofuregaki' [Official Announcement on the Cowpox Vaccine from the Honourable MatsudairaEchizen-no-kami] (n.d.), in 'Kuwata Ryusai kankei shiryo' [Sources Related to Kuwata Ryusai]. 69 Takeuchi Makoto, 'Festivals and Fights: The Law and the People of Edo', in James L. McClain, John M. Merriman and Ugawa Kaoru (eds.), Edo and Paris: Urban Llfe and the State in the Early Modern Period (Ithaca, 1994), 402. 144 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER163 of renegade bands, however, as with some Ainu, the shogunate was willing to use state channelsand variousforms of persuasion to see that they were vaccinated. Indeed, the early modern Japanese state, despite its initial reluctance, came to show a fundamentalinterest in the individualbodies of its subjects. The case of Ezo illustratesthis point, revealingthat Ainu were increasinglybeing viewed by the shogunateas part of the 'entire country'. In the first month of 1857, Muragaki reported the dismal conditionsof the Ainu to Edo. He urgentlyrecommended that physicians knowledgeable in the Jennerian technique be quickly dispatchedto Ezo to vaccinateboth Wajinand Ainu. The shogunateresponded early the next month, agreeingto dispatch hired physicians northward.70By the third month of 1857, the shogunatehad posted announcementswith town magistratesand town elders in Edo, explaining that the 'Ainu in Ezo have been dying in high numbers, and that for this reason the shogunate has ordered that they be vaccinated'. The announcementwent on to say that the shogunate hoped to dispatch six physicians, three each to western and eastern Ezo. They would be asked to enter Ezo in the summer or autumn and to perform their task 'diligently'. The shogunate ordered that town physicians who consideredthemselves qualified for the task reportto local administrative offices. Moreover, local officials, both town elders and neighbourhoodchiefs, who knew of 'industriousphysicians', were to submit their names to local administrativeoffices.7l By the fourth month of 1857, the town magistratein Edo was able to confirmthat six physiciansfrom Edo had been found and would be promptly dispatchedto Ezo.72 Kuwata Ryusai and Fukase Yoshun led the expedition to Ezo. At the time of his appointmentby the shogunate,Kuwata held a position as private physician for Tsutsui Higo-no-kami of the magistrateof lances in Edo. Born the son of a samurai named MuramatsuKiemon, he had entered a private Dutch Learning academy overseen by Tsuboi Shindo. In 1841, he became the adopted son of KuwataGenshin and shortly afterwardsa retainer of a middling Tokugawa official. He first obtained the cowpox

70 The Tokugawa shogunate agreed to dispatch physicians on Ansei 4.2.28: see Takahashi, 'Kinsei Ezochi no shippei shi', 103. 71 Hokkaido Univ. Lib., RCNS, photograph of manuscript entitled 'Oboe' [Attention] (1857), in 'Kuwata Ryusai kankei shiryo'. 72 The announcement was made on Ansei 4.4.27: see Muragaki, Muragaki Azvaii- no-kami Norimasa kom?wnikki, 426. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 145 vaccine in 1849, when he was a disciple of Ito Genboku. Kuwata was the kind of 'industriousphysician' that the shogunateneeded. In the space of about one year he was said to have vaccinated 1,028 children in Edo, cleverly luring the unsuspectingurchins into his clinic with sweets.73 On the other hand, Fukase Yoshunhad been born in Hakodate, the son of a private physician named Fukase Kosai. He had, however, travelled to the mainlandfor the purpose of studying medicine under both Takeuchi Gendo at the Juntendo and Sato Taizen of Sakuradomain. Following his studies, he became the principalat the Juntendoacademy and remainedthere until being chosen for the expedition to Ezo.74 MuragakiNorimasa received Fukase in Hakodate in the fifth month of 1857. Similarly,that same month, Muragakinoted in his journal that Kuwata Ryusai, along with his three disciples, arrived in Hakodate.7sWithin days these 'meritoriousindivid- uals' were sent on their way. Initially, the magistracyordered Kuwata, along with his disciples, to vaccinatein the region west of Oshamanbe;Fukase was to vaccinatefrom the region east of Yamakoshinaiand Muroranto Nemuro and Akkeshi, and even cross over to Kunashiriand Etorofu.76 Shortlyafterwards, however, for reasonsunknown, the magistracy reversed the arrangementand Kuwata was dispatched to eastern Ezo.77In his official orders from the magistracy,Kuwata was told that he would proceed to Yamakoshinaiand Muroran, and then to Akkeshi, Nemuro and Kunashiri, vaccinatingboth Wajin and Ainu along the way. However, the magistracycautioned that because Ainu were many and Wajin few, Ainu in eastern Ezo might resist; indeed, of the Ainu uprisings, both those of 1669 and 1789 had erupted in this region. If vaccinating in the east proved problematic,Kuwata was to submit a written statement and then proceed to western Ezo, possibly to areas 73HokkaidoUniv. Lib., RCNS, photographof manuscriptentitled 'Mizoguchi Shuzennoshokerai Kuwata Ryusai' [Kuwata Ryusai: Retainer of Mizoguchi Shuzennosho](n.d.), in 'KuwataRyusai kankei shiryo'; Shimada, E:zochi ika jinmei jii, 32; Takashita,'Kinsei Ezochi no shippeishi', 104. 74 Shimada,Ezachi ika jinmei jii; Takashita,'Kinsei Ezochi no shippeishi', 104. 75 KuwataRyusai's three discipleswere Inoue Gencho,Nishimura Bunseki and AkiyamaGentan: see Muragaki,Muragaki Azvaii-no-kami Norimasa komu nikki, 547, 564. 76 See Dai Nipponkomonjo, ed. TokyoDaigaku Shiryo Hensanjo, xvi, 252-3. 77 The changewas recordedon Ansei 4.5.23: see Muragaki,Muragaki Azuaii-no- kawniNorimasa ko-mu nikki, 573. 146 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER 163 such as Ishikari, Tomamai, Rurumoppe or Soya, and continue with the vaccinationproject. The magistracynoted that the most important considerationwas to make sure that the two parties did not overlap.78 After their arrival, one of the physicians, probably Fukase, requested permission to vaccinate by transmitting the vaccine from person to person. This is a surprisingrequest considering that transmittingthe lymph throughhuman donors was the most effective way to vaccinateat the time. It was extremely difficult to keep a cowpox lymph alive. Muragakihad noted earlierin his journalthat in connectionwith the ShojutsuShirabesho, a school of Dutch Learning established along with the magistracy in Hakodate, a Tokugawa official, ChikaraishiKatsunosuke, had given seven bottles of cowpox lymph to an unnamedphysician. He also noted about one month prior to the arrival of Kuwata and Fukase that bottles of the cowpox lymph had arrived in Hakodate.79It is difficult to know what to make of these short, but enticing, journalentries. There is a possibilitythat members of the Shojutsu Shirabeshohad independently attempted vaccinationsin Ezo about a month before the arrivalof Kuwataand Fukase. Surely members in the Shojutsu Shirabesho were acquaintedwith foreign medicine and several had received their educationsin Nagasaki, which makes it possible that some inde- pendenteffort had been attempted;however, the bottled lymphs wereprobably ineffective. For this reason, Kuwatabrought with him from Edo a child-donor carrying a live cowpox lymph in his body. Later, upon returning to Edo, in the Esochishuto kiji [News onVaccinations in Ainu Lands], Kuwatacommented upon many of the problems that he had faced during the 1857 vaccination project.80Looking back before his arrivalin Hakodate, Kuwata

78 HokkaidoUniv. Lib., RCNS,photograph of manuscriptentitled 'Moshiwatashi' [Declaration](n.d.), in 'KuwataRyusai kankei shiryo'. 79 Muragaki,Muragaki Azuaii-no-kami Norimasa ko-munikki, 427, 457, 464. 80 I have been unableto locate the originalmanuscript entitled Ezochi shuto-kiji [Newson Vaccinationsin Ainu Lands]. A partialcitation of the documentfirst appearedin SekibaFujihiko, 'Nakagawa Goroji ga shutojiseki: Ezochi ni okerushuto gairyaku'[The DistinguishedVaccination Achievements of NagakawaGoroji: A SupplementOutline of Vaccinationsin Ainu Lands],Hokkai iho-,lxv (1925), 25-6. Sincethat time, this partialcitation has appeared in SekibaFujihiko, 'Ezochi no shuto wahonpo ni sakinzu:Nakagawa Goroji' [Nakagawa Goroji: Vaccinations in Ainu LandsPreceded Vaccinations in OurCountry], Ezo o-rai,x (1933), 132-3; Takakura, Ainuseisaku shi, 342. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 147 wrote that the shogun's senior councillor, Abe Masahiro, who had shown an early interest in fortifying Japan against Western encroachment,8lhad ordered him to cross over to Ezo for the purpose of vaccinating the Ainu. At the Edo branch office of the Hakodate magistracy, Kuwata, together with Takenouchi Yasunori and Kawazu Saburotaro,had decided on his stipend, and then he and his three disciples had left for Ezo. Kuwata had also brought along four young assistants, the child carryingthe cowpox lymph and the child's parents. Including his disciples, this made eleven people in all. The expedition required one palanquin,one luggage carrier,three horses, three porters and a second smallerpalanquin for the child. Once in Hakodate,Inoue Gencho, one of the disciples, had quickly departed for Kunnui. The following day Kuwata and now a second child carrying a cowpox lymph left for Washinoki,where he eventually met up with Inoue Gencho. Inoue told Kuwata that while he was attempting to carry out vaccinations,Ainu and some Wajin had taken cover in the mountains. He had tried to explain to them the benefits of the vaccination project, but neither group had wanted anything to do with smallpox-or cowpox, for that matter.82 The fact that physicians had come to Ezo with the cowpox lymph had caused a great stir among both the merchants and their fisherysupervisors. Indeed, a carnival-likeatmosphere must have accompaniedKuwata and his disciplesas they paradedtheir ceremonialpalanquins along the rugged coastlineof easternEzo, eager to insert vaccine into the first available Ainu's arm. In responseto the panic caused by Inoue, YoshiokaShintaro, a local Tokugawa official, rushed to Washinokiand persuadedKuwata to wait there until conditionswere under control. Kuwatawaited for three days and then made his scheduled trip to Muroran. Along the way, local officials such as Ishiba Itsuki searched out frightened Ainu in the mountains, trying to explain to them the benefits of Jennerianvaccinations. Most Ainu, however, refused to return to their villages or fisheries.83 The managers who oversaw the fisheries, individuals whom

81 HaroldBolitho, 'Abe Masahiroand the New Japan',in Jeffrey P. Mass and WilliamB. Hauser(eds.), The Bakufu in 3'apaneseHistory (Stanford,1985), 175. 82 Kuwata,'Ezo shuto kiji' (1857), cited in Sekiba,'Nakagawa Goroji ga shuto jiseki:Ezochi ni okeru',25-6. 83 Ibid. 148 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER163 Kuwatadescribed as 'utterly incompetent',continually frustrated the efforts of Kuwata and his disciples. In fact, it appears that many merchantswere extremely hostile towards the physicians and the magistracyfor causingwhat they consideredto be unne- cessary disturbanceson their fisheries. In most cases they were worried about costly delays. Without the co-operation of merchant officials, who were the best acquaintedwith local Ainu, Kuwata might have had to abandoneastern Ezo.84 None the less, despite these initial difficulties, when the Tokugawashogunate had decided to allocatethe resourcesneces- sary to vaccinatein Ezo, some revealingdecisions had been made. The shogunatecould easily have limited vaccinationsto the area known as Wajinchi, where most Japanesesettled on Hokkaido, confining medical treatment and vaccinations to all ethnic Japanese.Instead, it orderedphysicians to provide medical treatment and vaccinations to both Wajin and Ainu and to do so throughout Hokkaido, as well as lKunashiri,Etorofu and ultimately southernSakhalin. State officials understood these regions, along with their native inhabitants,to be within the boundaries of their administrativeconcerns. The magistracyoutlined a plan for vaccinatingin Ezo and consciouslymapped out which bodies, regardlessof ethnicityor socialaffiliation, were within the borders of the Japanesepolity. The constructionof roads and the dev- elopment of administrative networks may have accompanied Tokugawadirect rule in Ezo, but none of these initiativestouched individualAinu quite like vaccinations.Indeed, the benevolent hand of the Japanesestate vaccinatedeach Ainu, a reminderthat thesepeople, whose identity had once been definedby Ainu forms of social affiliationand hierarchy,now shared a new experience: they were newly identified wards of the early modern Japanese state.

A POLITE METHOD OF PERSUASION In the three eastern areas of Horomoshiri,Honioi and Nemuro, Inoue Gencho realized just how obstructive Wajin, both local magistracyofficials and_merchants,could be to the vaccination project. According to Onishi Einosuke, a local observer, one

84 Ibid. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 149 incident started when a fishery supervisornamed Tetsuzo, from lKagadomain, submitted a request to Kanai Seizaburo, of the Nemuro magistracy office, asking that physicians not come to these three areas as Ainu had threatened to take shelter in the mountains if the vaccine arrived in their villages.85His request was quickly denied. 'Of course', respondedKanai, 'the Ainu are a stubbornand foolish people'; yet, becausethe Tokugawaproject to vaccinateAinu representedsuch an 'extraordinaryeffort', local fishery supervisorsand magistracyofficials should take the time to properly 'persuade' Ainu of the benefits of vaccinations.He noted that the earlier successes of Kuwata Ryusai and Inoue Gencho, in regions such as Nishibetsu, Bekkai and Menashi, all nearbyin the east, had been solely a productof 'polite persuasion' (k - -) 86 Late in 1858, after Kuwata had left Ezo, officialsdecided that Inoue Gencho, who had stayed on in eastern Ezo to finish up the project, should spend the winter in Shari.Because he had quickly vaccinatedlocal Wajinand Ainu, and prescribedmedications for the sick, he decided to spend the winter near Akkeshi instead. In the eleventh month of 1858, Inoue departedShari for Shibetsu, where he carried out vaccinationsand distributed medicine to about a hundred people. From Shibetsu, he travelled along the icy coast, arrivingin Horomoshiriin the twelfth month of 1858. While in Horomoshiri, he received an 'unofficial' letter from Kanai Seizaburo.Apparently revising his earlier commitmentto the vaccination project, Kanai explained that because Ainu in Horomoshiri, Honioi and Nemuro had refused vaccinations, Inoue should skip these three locations and proceed directly to Akkeshi. Inoue quickly requested meetings with both Tetsuzo and Kanai,.but both refused.87 It appearedon the surface that Ainu, out of their ignorance, had simply refused to be vaccinated;however, recourse to Ainu elders in Nemuro proved otherwise. As it turned out, it was the local Wajin merchantswho most feared the vaccinationproject. Upon his arrival in Horomoshiri, Nishike, an Ainu elder from Hetsukaivillage, made the case to Inoue that if Ainu were 'politely

85 OnishiEinosuke, 'Nemoro dojin shuto no gi ni tsuki moshiagesoro kakitsuke' [Noteson the DirectivesConcerning the Vaccinationof the Ainuin Nemuro](1859), in Kusuri [Kushiro],ed. MatsumotoNarumi, 5 vols. (Kushiro,1996), v, 31-8. 86 Ibid. 87 Ibid. 150 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER163 persuaded'they would quickly consent to vaccinations'with the same poise' as other Ainu in the east. Similarly,Tomikufu and Kintoki, two local Ainu elders, also pushed for more 'polite persuasion' from supervisors and hired physicians. Moreover, Inoue later received an 'unofficial'letter from two Ainu brothers, Takanusaand Ahesaaeno,and an anonymousfishery supervisor, explaining that 'it is true that Ainu in this area refuse to be vaccinated, but if persuaded once more, they would likely consent'.88 One of the reasonsthat Ainu had originallyrefused vaccinations was Waiinpressure. Onishi even implicatedthe magistracyofficial KanaiSeizaburo in a plot to obstructthe vaccinationproject. Many fisherysupervisors appear to have told Ainu to refuse vaccinations becauseit would delay the transportationof firewoodand lumber, as well as put them behindschedule in preparationsfor the coming fishingseason. Yet, despite these attemptsto misleadAinu, in the firstmonth of 1859, after meetingwith Ainu elders, Inoue vaccinated Ainu in Horomoshiri.Before his departurefor the village of Honioi, though, he received another urgent letter from Kanai, asking that he not go to the village as originallyplanned. The 'situationis severe', wrote Kanai; there was talk that Ainu were threateningto 'take cover in the mountains'.On the surface, this letterappeared to contradictthe positivegains made in discussions withAinu elders who had consentedto be vaccinated.89 It was then reportedthat fifteen Ainu women from Honioi had disappeared,including Ahesaaeno's sister. 'It being the middle of winter',observed Onishi, 'thereis no reasonthat they shouldhave quicklyleft the village'.Honioi Ainu and fisherysupervisors feared thatthey had fled from the physicians.However, on their own initiative,other Honioi Ainu began arriving at the guard post demandingto be vaccinated.Shortly afterwards, the fifteenwomen alsoarrived and everyonein Honioi and, later, even Nemuro, was successfullyvaccinated. Onishi later implicatedKanai Seizaburo in thedisappearance of the fifteen Ainu women. He accused Kanai of possibly persuadingAhesaaeno to convince his sister to run awaywith her friends to thwart the vaccinationeffort in eastern Ezo.90 Still, it did not always take village elders to bring Ainu to

88 Ibid. 89 Ibid. 9o Ibid. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 151 administrativeposts to be vaccinated;some individualAinu, who understood first-hand the destructive impact of smallpox, also took the initiative. An interesting, but clearly romanticized, account recorded by Matsuura Takeshiro illustrates how some Ainu were willing to take a chance with the foreign medical procedure. He noted that in early 1857, in the Abuta area, both Wajin and Ainu had fled into the mountains when they heard that physicians were on their way with the cowpox vaccine. However, Tomiante, a local Ainu, together with his sickly son, Rokutaro,travelled to Shizukari(near Abuta) to meet Kuwata.9l Tomiantetold Kuwatathat he wanted to be the first Ainu vaccinated. 'Of my five children', he lamented, 'four have died. Even my remaining son is now deathly sick ... This thing called a "vaccination",of which the other Ainu and fisherymanagers are so afraid, I would like to try it'. Tomiante reasoned that if he died others would know not to be vaccinated. Kuwata believed Tomiante to be so heroic that he gave him a pair of his own trousers (the pair Tomiante was wearing having no crotch!). Matsuurawas normally critical of state and merchant policy in Ezo, but he praisedthe 1857 vaccinationproject as a 'good thing', and noted that everybody felt grateful for Kuwata'seffort.92 The above accounts, particularlyOnishi's observations,illus- trate the importanceof Ainu elders in the vaccinationproject. To start with, Ainu elders demandedthat they be 'politely persuaded'. In reality, 'polite persuasion' required that physicians and magistracy officials work through local Ainu political and social hierarchies, rather than simply impose state-sponsored medicine from above. From this point forward, physiciansused Ainu ceremonial greetings such as the omushato tap into local Ainu social hierarchiesand gain consent for the procedure.Ainu elders, like their Japanesecounterparts in peasantvillages on the mainland, served as a nexus of state-society contact at the local level.93 These not being 'Japanese'communities, however, the physicians were forced to alter their approachto conform to a foreign system of inter-communityrelations. Indeed, there were several foreign systems: even in the nineteenth century, Ainu 91Matsuura Takeshiro, 'Kinsei Ezo jinbutsu shi' [A History of Individual Early Modern Ainu] (1858), in Matsuura Takeshirokiko-shu [The Complete Travel Diaries of Matsuura Takeshiro], ed. Yoshida Takezo, 3 vols. (Tokyo, 1978), iii, 169-70. 92 Ibid.

93 On village headman as 'nexus' of state-society contact, see James W. White, Ikki: Social Conflictand Political Protest i}Z Early Modernffapan (Ithaca, 1995), 300-1. 152 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER163 were anything but a homogeneousand politicallyunified people. They might have sharedsome broad culturalsimilarities, but the majorityaffiliated themselves with local chiefdoms centred near river systemsor watersheds.94Ainu from the SaruRiver in eastern Ezo, for example, identifiedthemselves as Sarunhur(lit., 'people of Saru').Just becauseSaru elders consentedto have their people vaccinated did not mean that Akkeshi elders would do so. Therefore, what success the 1857 vaccinationproject enjoyed was largely the result of compromiseand consent between state interests and local Ainu elders throughoutEzo. And most meetings with Ainu elders appear to have been successful.Although Inoue Genchoran into problemsvaccinating in easternEzo in 1858, earlierefforts in 1857 had met with more success. Upon setting out from Hakodate, for instance, Kuwata had managed to vaccinate 30 Ainu in Yufutsu. Later, in the seventh month, the numberincreased to 114. These high numbers were partially due to the efforts of Ainu elders, as well as the efforts of Suzuki Shosuke, a Tokugawa official who had been closely involved in a deadly 1845 outbreak of smallpox in the Mitsuishi-Shizunaiarea and understood the importance of the vaccinationproject.95 A look at the periodic status reports dispatched to the Hakodate magistracyreveals that despite some initial problems, the vaccination project gradually picked up steam. Kuwata was even able to report from Muroranthat, with the exception of the unexpected death of a local Wajin official, the vaccinationswere proceeding well.96 The improved results reflected state and local Ainu co-operation. Local Tokugawaadministrative channels also proved essential. In the seventh month of 1857, followinghis successfulvaccination activities in Yufutsu, Inoue prepared to continue east towards Nemuro. The Yufutsu administrationoffice made arrangements for him to receive two horses from each fishery stable in eastern Ezo. These orders were despatchedprior to his departureso that his accommodationscould be made in advance. This meant, for

94 On the five inter-chiefdomregionalities, see Kaiho Mineo, Nihon hopposhino ronri [The Logicof NorthernJapanese History] (Tokyo, 1974), 100. On Ainuriver- based communities,see Hitoshi Watanabe,The Ainu Ecosystem: Environmentand Group Structure(Tokyo, 1972),56, 69-70, 77-8. 95 Muragaki,Muragaki Awaji-no-kami Norimasa ko-munikki, 661. On the 1845 Shizunai-Mitsuishismallpox epidemic, see HokkaidoUniv. Lib., RCNS,'Hoso ikken' [SmallpoxIncident], 1845. 96 Muragaki,Muragaki Azuaji-no-kami Norimasa komunikki, 696. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 153 example, fixing the rate at local travel inns, which included three meals. Yufutsu officials explained that fishery managersshould be 'aware' that the physicianscarried the cowpox lymph.97The intended purpose of their comment was to prevent the sort of disorder among fishery managers and Ainu that Kuwata had experienced near Washinoki.Judging from the initial behaviour of Ainu and local Wajin,however, there is little reason to believe that the warningswere effective. As with childrenand the 'outlaw bands' of Edo, the shogunate was not afraid to make people consent to vaccinations. In his capacity as a Tokugawa-employedphysician, Kuwata ordered Sendai troops stationed in eastern Ezo to seek out Ainu in the mountains and forcibly bring them to the administrativepost where they were vaccinated. Once at the post, Ruwata claimed that with the help of his discipleshe was able to vaccinatebetween 200 and 300 Ainu per day.98Reports, however, remainedmixed from region to region.99 The shogunate also appears to have used the prospect of obtaining ikor, or 'treasures'acquired in trade with Wajin, as a method of luring Ainu to vaccinationcentres. At least one con- temporary painting, Hirasawa Byozan's Ezofin shuto no su [An Illustrationof Ainu Vaccinations](1857), depicts Kuwataand his disciples, flanked by several Tokugawa officials and a record- keeper, vaccinating Ainu, while surroundedby cotton and silk clothing, lacqueredcups, bowls and other containers,as well as rice, yeast and barrels of sake (Plate). The painting lends a ceremonial atmosphere to the vaccinations, with Ainu children running around a large open fire and adults chatting in small groups.l??In short, the shogunate appears to have used every means available from armed coercion to the prospect of trade to bring Ainu to designatedcentres to be vaccinated.

VI MEDICINEAND THE AINU BODYAND CULTURE With the 1857 vaccination project, Kuwata and his disciples, drawing on a medical technique born in the dairy farms of

97 HokkaidoUniv. Lib., RCNS, photographof manuscriptentitled 'Sakibure' [PreliminaryAnnouncement] (1857), in 'KuwataRyusai kankei shiryo'. 98 Kuwata,Ezochi shuto- kiji, 26. 99 See Dai Nipponkomonjo, ed. Tokyo DaigakuShiryo Hensanjo, xviii, 215. l00Hokkaido Univ. Lib., RCNS, HirasawaByozan, 'Ezojin shuto no zu' [An Illustrationof Ainu Vaccinations],1857. 154 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER163 Gloucestershire,inserted a cowpox lymph into the arms of the Ainu. What Ainu thought about during the quick and sometimes painfulprocedure can only be conjectured.However, the process undoubtedlyhad profound cultural implicationsand it needs to be viewed within the context of the Japanesecolonization of Ezo. To elaborate,Ainu believed smallpoxto be PayokaKamuy, a god that communed between temporal and metaphysicalplanes of existence, whimsicallytransforming people into tukap,or ghosts, that wandered the human world spreading more pestilence. At least from the early seventeenthcentury, Ainu diviner/physicians (uepotarakur)had attempted, with both medication and ceremony, to deal with the heavy destructioncaused by smallpox.l? But nothing helped. As early as 1715 MatsumaeNorihiro had remarkedthat when an outbreak of smallpox occurred Ainu 'priests' conjured up miracles through 'exorcisms', attempting to placate Payoka Kamuy.l02Later, MatsuuraTakeshiro noted that Ainu also pos- sessed medicines for smallpox, as well as colds, 'eye sickness', 'dizzinessfrom childbirth',mouth sores, spasmsor hysteria,chest pains, abscesses or boils, and even nosebleeds.l03On Kunashiri and Etorofu, he wrote, Ainu used plants such as eburiko(Ainu, si7rkarus or kuy karus;Fomes officinalis) and ikema(Ainu, ikema; Cynanchumcaudatum) to combat smallpox and other epidemic diseases.l04Ainu healers believed ikema to be more effective against smallpox. In fact, they considered it potent enough to drive PayokaKamuy away if it was chewed up and the juice was blown from the mouth over the victim, or even throughoutthe infected area.105 In reality, Ainu ceremonyand medicine did little to stop the deadly contagion and Ainu elders could only watch as their people died in distressing numbers, weakening their

10lSekiba Fujihiko, Ainu ijidan [Medical Matters among the Ainu] (Tokyo, 1896), 29; Neil Munro, Ainu Creed and Cult (Westport, 1962), 99-102. 102 Matsumae Norihiro, Sho-tokugonen Matsumae Shima-no-kami sashidashi soro- kakitsuke[Notes Submitted by Matsumae Shima-no-kami in 1715] (1715), in Saisenkai shiryo-[Historical Sources of the Saisen Association] ed. TakakuraShin'ichiro (Sapporo, 1982), 135-6. 103 Matsuura Takeshiro, 'Tokachi nisshi' [Tokachi Diary] (1858), in Matsuara Takeshirokiko-shu, ed. Yoshida, iii, 346. 104 Matsuura Takeshiro, Sanko-Ezo nisshi [A Diary of Three Crossings into Ezo] (1850), ed. Yoshida Takezo, 2 vols. (Tokyo, 1971), ii, 438-9. 105 John Batchelor and Miyabe Kingo, 'Ainu Economic Plants', Trans. Asiatic Soc. apan, xxi (1893), 208. A detail from Hirasawa Byozan, Esofin shuto no zu (1857). The painting illustrates Kuwata Ryusai and two disciples vaccinating Ainu in eastern Ezo. Seated on the left is a record-keeper- three shogunal officials are seated in the background. Behind the shogunal officials are Japanese-manufactureditems that Ainu commonly referred to as ikor, or treasures. Items such as lacquered cups and bowls) textiles, rice and sake were probably used to entice Ainu to state-sponsoredvaccination centres. (Courtesyof the ResourceCollection for NorthernStudies, Hokkaido UniversityLibrary, Sapporo,3tapan) 156 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER163 capacity as a people to resist the Japanese exploitation of their fishing and hunting grounds. That Japanese physicians, with the prick of the arm, could succeedwhere Ainu medicineand ceremonyhad failed, providing a medicine so potent that it destroyed one of the most powerful gods in the Ainu pantheon,must have challengedthe very founda- tion of their cultural order, as well as their autonomy in Ezo. Indeed, as describedby WilliamH. McNeill, diseaseand medical culture had played just such a role in underminingthe political autonomyof the Aztec empire. The Spaniardswho landedon the Americancontinent in 1520 were often immune to smallpox, but the Aztecs were not. That the Spaniardssurvived the disease while the Aztecs died in appallingnumbers was construedby the Aztecs as divine approvalfor the Iberiancolonial enterprise. The Christian God was obviously more powerful than their own deities.106 Ramon A. Gutierrez has identified similar trends with the Pueblo Indians. In Pueblo society, diseases were understood to be 'witches', and thus required both herbal medications and elaborateexorcisms to be expelled from the victim. If the victim died, the Pueblo Indians believed that the ceremony had been botched. In some cases, Spanish friars underminedthe position of local medicine men by performingacts of 'medical miracles', demonstratingthemselves to be more powerfulhealers than tradi- tional Pueblo leaders. These medical miracles, whether real or imagined,weakened Pueblo religious systems and culture in the faceof missionaryactivity, facilitatingIberian settlers in present- day New Mexico.107Disease and medical culture, even when projectedthrough the lens of religion,were manipulatedto under- mine the autonomy of these peoples. Similarly,state-sponsored medicineand Jennerianvaccinations in Ezo convinced Ainu that theirown medical culture and metaphysicalorder were inferior, throwing doubt on the very foundations of their autonomy. Moreover,vaccinations and other forms of Japanese medicine helpedoutsiders usurp the powerful uepotarakur,who tradition- allyenjoyed leadershiproles in Ainu villages. Tokugawaofficials couldeasily fill, and use to their political or financialadvantage, these prestigious positions, directly influencing Ainu affairs.

106 William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York, 1979), 184. 107 Ramon A. Gutierrez, Whenffesus Came the Corn Mothers WentAway: Marriage, Sexuality,and Power in New Mexico, 1500-1846 (Stanford, 1991), 32, 56. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 157 Indeed, John Batchelorwrote of Ainu leadershipin the nineteenth century: 'Japanesehad taken away all semblanceof power from them (the Ainu) as a race, deposing their hereditarychiefs, and setting up men of their own choosing in their place'.l08 The Ezo no kyokai[The Boundary of Ezo] (1858), another work written by Kuwata Ryusai after he returned to Edo, also illustrates the colonial overtones of the vaccination project. In this short work, Kuwata put a Neo-Confucian spin on state- sponsored medicine, arguing that the Tokugawa effort was an example of the extension of administrative 'benevolence' to the 'barbarians'of Ezo. For Kuwata, state-sponsoredmedicine attempted to introduce Ainu to a more civilized and healthy at least as Japaneseconstrued the notion of 'healthy' way of life. He wrote that the customs of Ezo, particularlywhen com- pared with the 'overly extravagantlives' that many Japaneseled in Edo, were backwardand unhealthy. He noted that Ainu wore clothes woven from elm bark (Ainu, attus) and deer pelts, while their 'make-shift houses' were simplistically constructed with crude straw mats instead of doors. They were 'basicallythe same as dog houses'. It was importantthat public medicine transform Ainu habits, he argued, to make them more healthy and, con- sequently, more Japanese.l09 Europeancolonial governmentssimilarly used state-sponsored medicine and vaccinationsto bolster their claims to benevolent imperialrule over colonial subjects. As early as 1815, the Dutch had standardizedvaccinations in Java as part of their colonial enterprise in the Malay archipelago.110 Moreover, as David Arnold has observed, the East India Companyused vaccinations as 'fresh proof' of their 'humaneand benevolent' rule over their Indian subjects. Vaccinationswere 'an additional mark of the fostering care of the British government in India'.lll In India, smallpox was believed to be the goddesses Sitala (lit., 'the cool one') and Mata(lit., 'mother'), and it remainslikely that vaccina-

08John Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folklore(London, 1901), 280. l09Hokkaido Univ. Lib., RCNS,Kuwata Ryusai, Ezo no kyokai [The Boundaryof Ezo], 1858. llOPeter Boomgaard,'Smallpox and Vaccinationson Java, 1780-1860: Medical Dataas a Sourcefor DemographicHistory', in A. M. Luyendijk-Elshout(ed.), Dutch Medicine in the Malay Archipelago(Amsterdam, 1989), 124. 1ll David Arnold, Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-CenturyIndia (Berkeley,1993), 135-6. 158 PASTAND PRESENT NUMBER163 tions, having succeeded where Indian medical culture failed, at least called into question some indigenousbelief systems.1l2 Kuwata's proclamation that the 1857 vaccination project, funded and carriedout by the Tokugawashogunate, was a 'mis- sion of mercy undertakento save the Ainu', smacks of the same languageused by the Dutch and English. Even if the Tokugawa vaccination effort fell short of 'reforming' Ainu customs and forcing them to become more 'Japanese',as colonialsubjects they were under Tokugawa direct rule and eligible for the same demonstrationsof benevolentgovernment as other Japanese.The vaccinationproject, although employing Western medical technology, was articulatedthrough the Neo-Confuciannotion of moral governmentwhich stressedbenevolence toward all subjects.This meant that to be a recipient of Tokugawabenevolence was to be under the paternalisticcare of the state.ll3 For Kuwata, the Ainu and the geographicarea of Ezo easily fit within a newly conceived 'national'space. Individuallyvaccinating each inhabitant,regard- less of ethnicity, gender or age, was one way that the modernizing Tokugawastate assertedits hegemony in the north.

VII

EPILOGUE Following his first pass through western Ezo in 1857, Fukase againmet with Muragakiin Hakodate.At the meetinghe received orders to proceed through western Ezo to Soya; along the way he was to vaccinate four Ainu in Yamakoshinai,other Ainu in the upper Ishikari River region, four at Mashike, and those of the upper Teshio River region who had been missed for one reasonor anotherduring his first tour.114 Magistracyorders speci- fied that he was to 'cross over' to southern Sakhalinfrom Soya, then return to the main island and vaccinatealong the northern Okhotskcoast towardAbashiri.ll5 However, outside these orders, littleelse is known of his vaccinationactivities. In the ninth month of 1857 Kuwatareturned to Hakodate,and, by the eleventh month, he was in Edo. Muragakirecorded in his public diary that in Ezo Kuwata vaccinated 5,150 people 112 Ibid., 121-5. 113 Kuwata, Eco no kyokai. 114 See Dai Nippon komonjo,ed. Tokyo Daigaku Shiryo Hensanjo, xix, 391. 115 Muragaki, Muragaki A7vaii-no-kamiNorimasa ko-munikki, 78. JAPANESESTATE AND AINU VACCINATIONS 159 altogether. On top of his monthly stipend, he was paid a set amount per person vaccinated. Muragakicalculated that at this rate the shogunateowed Kuwata well over 321 ryo in gold. The stipend appearedhigh, however, and Muragakidecided to write to Edo.ll6 Despite some wranglingon the part of the shogunate, this appearsto have been the amount that Kuwata received, but others, such as Inoue Gencho, wound up with significantlyless. 117 Regardingthe overall success of the vaccinationproject, some regional statistics are available. In the fourth month of 1859, Nemuro officialsreported to the magistracythat 83 per cent (510 out of 611) of the men and women inhabiting that region had received vaccinations. Of those who had not been vaccinated, some were already extremely sick, others elderly, and the remaining 69 for one reason or another simply had not been vaccinated.ll8In Niikappu, also in easternEzo, 406 out of a total 424 people (95 per cent) had been vaccinated. In eastern Ezo other statistics are available: Shizunai, 437 out of 675 (68 per cent); Mitsuishi, 149 out of 226 (66 per cent); Urakawa,371 out of 467 (80 per cent); Shamani, 96 out of 183 (48 per cent); Horoizumi, 34 out of 106 (34 per cent); and Tokachi, 61 out of 1,247 (6 per cent).ll9 Of the total 16,136 Ainu known to have been living on Hokkaido in 1854, with 10,883 inhabitingthe eastern section of the island alone, vaccinationrecords are availablefor only 3,939, or 24 per cent for the entire island (36 per cent for the eastern section).l20At a local level, the vaccinationproject in Ezo was surprisingly effective, with an average of 60 per cent of the inhabitantsbeing vaccinatedin the eight regionsfor which records are available. In retrospect,vaccinations in Ezo were an expensive and time- consuming project at a period when the Tokugawa regime had neither time nor money.12lHowever, as the nineteenth century progressed and Japan lurched toward the Meiji Restoration of 1868, the Tokugawa regime understood the need to define

116 Ibid., 786-7.

117 See Dai Nippon komonjo,ed. Tokyo Daigaku Shiryo Hensanjo, xxvii, 406-9. 118 Ibid., xxiii, 172. ll9 Takakura, Ainu seisakushi, 342-3. 120 Hammel, 'A Glimpse into the Demography of the Ainu', 28. 121 The Tokugawa regime was only five years away from what Conrad Totman has coined their 'loss of primacy' in Japan: see Conrad Totman, The Collapse of the TokugazvaBakufu, 1862-1868 (Honolulu, 1980), 3-31. 160 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 163 'Japan',particularly in the north, in the face of a hostile interna- tional environment.Providing state-sponsoredmedicine was one way that the early modern Japanesestate demarcatedits realm, even at the level of the individualbody, making it clear that the physicalhealth of the inhabitantsof Ezo, whether Ainu or ethnic Japanese,were the concerns of the Tokugawaregime.

Yale University Brett L. Walker