Negotiating Positive Non-Religiosity at the Sunday Assembly

Jacqui Frost Rejecting Rejection Identities: Negotiating Positive Non-religiosity at the Sunday Assembly

1Introduction

On asunnySaturdaymorning in Mayof2015,agroup of over 80 non-religious Americans and Britons gathered in the basement of aPresbyterian church in the heart of Atlanta, Georgia. As individuals and groups of two and three trickled in, grabbing bagels and coffee and finding their seats, aband was setting up in the front of the room.At9:00a.m. sharp,the band gathered the room’sattention and soon everyone in the basement was belting out the lyrics to the themesong from the 1980s comedy Ghostbusters. Some sang,clapped, and dancedinthe aisles, while others laughed sheepishlyand followed along as best they could by read- ing the lyrics displayedonthe large overhead behind the band. The band was equipped with asaxophone, apiano, aguitar,and both lead and backup vocals, and they quicklyorchestrated a “call and response” dynamic with the audience duringthe choruses. When the band asked, “Who yougonna call?” the audience yelled back gleefully, “Ghostbusters!” Everyone was on their feetand smiling, looking around at their neighbors with knowing glances thatsignaled shared memoriesofthe movie and the ironyofsingingabout ghosts at agatheringde- voted to secular worldviews. The occasion for this secular sing-a-longwas the second annual international conference of the SundayAssembly, agrowingnetwork of “secular congrega- tions” that selectively appropriate and replicatethe Protestant church model to build community among the non-religious. Organizers and members had come from all over the United Statesand Britaintomeet one another,share questions and concerns, and celebrate their successes as agrowingorganization. Theor- ganization, which began in London in early2013,has quickly spread to over 70 local assemblies across the globe,though primarilywithin Britain and Amer- ica. Local assemblies meet on Sundays,sing songsand listentospeakers,and they focus theirgatheringsonbuilding community and pursuing amore mean- ingful life.¹ They seek out ways to volunteer and engagewith their local com-

 See the organization’swebsite for moredetailed information on the organization’svision and mission at www.sundayassembly.com

OpenAccess. ©2017 Jacqui Frost, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110458657-010 Brought to you by | Sacred Heart University Authenticated Download Date | 1/11/18 4:17 PM 172 Jacqui Frost munitiesand they organize small group activities among assemblymembers, in- cludinggame nights, potlucks,and movie outings. In this chapter,Idraw on data Ihavecollected from 21 months of ethno- graphic observations and interviews with alocal SundayAssemblychapter in aMidwestern Americancity²,aswell as observations from the largerorganization’sannual conferencein2015,todetail the ways in which this organization is attemptingtocollectivelyconstruct a positive non-religious community.The organization is intentionallydrawing on aspects of religious ritual and practice that facilitatecommunity building and meaning making,while at the same time selectively rejecting the aspects that are not amenable to anon-religious worldview.While Iargue that the non-religious individuals who populate the assemblies are attemptingtomovebeyond rejection identitiesand anti-religious activism, this does not mean thatthey agree on what it is that they should affirm. JesseSmith (this volume) developed the concept of “communal secularity” to describe the ways that SundayAssemblyisboth like and unlike organized religion in importantways. In this chapter,Idetail how this tension between being both like and unlike religion is negotiated in everydaydecisions and interactions among SundayAssemblers.Both within and among local SundayAssembly chapters, debates and conflicts abound regardingwhere the organization should draw boundaries in regards to the inclusion of spiritualityand ritual, as well as how much they should exclude explicit anti-religious rhetoric and activism that is prevalentinother non-religious organizations. More specifically, three major themeshaveemergedthat highlight this boundary-making process: (1) the explicit goal to be “radicallyinclusive” of all individual beliefs while simultaneous- ly maintaining anon-religious and non-theistic orientation as an organization, (2)the attempt to cultivatea“secular spirituality” and acollective transcendence that is devoid of supernatural rhetoric or beliefs, and (3) the selective appropriation of the institutional form of aProtestant church that attemptstoeschew the hierarchyand dogma found in manyProtestant religions while attemptingto replicatetheir ritualized,emotionallyengaged communality.

 The city has been anonymized to protect participant identifications.

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2AShift in Non-religious Identities

Non-religious identities³,includingatheism and agnosticism, have often been seen as identities that are built on the rejectionofreligion and, indeed, many of the prominent organizations and figures of modernatheism in the West have fueled this image(LeDrew 2015;Kettell 2014). From the anti-religious rhetoric of the New Atheists to the imageofembattled nonbelievers fighting against religious discrimination promoted by manynationaland local non-religious organizations,non-religion is indeed a “rejection identity” for manyindividuals (Cimino and Smith 2007;Smith 2011, 2013). However,asthis population has ex- panded and evolved, thereisagrowingsense that an identity based on the rejection of religion and the politicization of nonbelief is insufficient for building a “positive” non-religious community.The rapid growth of “secular congrega- tions” that focus on community,inclusiveness, and meaning making instead of criticism and polarization is evidence of alargertrend in which non-religious individuals are attemptingtomovebeyond religious rejection to construct more “positive” non-religious identitiesand practices (Cimino and Smith 2014; Lee 2014,2015). While Iamnot the first to highlight the increasinglydiverse individual and collective identitiesbeing constructed among the growingnon-religious population (see Cotter 2015;LeDrew 2013;Lee 2014,2015;Smith 2011, 2013,and Shook in this volume), there is still much work to be done in this area. As Smith (2011, 232) explains, the non-religious do not step into a “ready-made” identity with a “specific and definable set of roles or behaviors.” Without the ready-made identities, rituals, and communities thatthe religious so often have available to them, the non-religious are forced to getcreative in their search for new ways to engage with their communities and make meaningout of their beliefs and experiences. By describingthe ways that one non-religious community is navigating this process, this chapter builds on previous research that “recognizes the non-religious” as arich and diverse population full of complexity that is characterized not just

 Terminological debates abound in the nascent studyofnon-religious identity,soinorder to be clear and consistent,IdrawonLoisLee’s(2015) definition of non-religion as “anyphenom- enon – position, perspective,orpractice – that is primarilyunderstood in relation to religion but which is not itself consideredtobereligious” (32). Iwill use “non-religion” as an umbrella term to denote awide variety of identities and beliefs,including atheism and agnosticism, but also less clearlydefined differentiations from religious belief and practice.While manyofmypartic- ipants use the terms secular/ism, atheist/ism, and non-religion/ous interchangeably,Ifollow Lee’s(2015) lead and keep these terms distinct,using “secular” to denoteareligious phenomena and “non-religious” to denotephenomena builtinrelation to religion.

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3The Sunday Assembly: Changing the World with Joy and Jon Bon Jovi

The SundayAssemblyisthe perfect example of the recent movetomake non-religious communities more positive.The organization in manywaysreplicates the Protestant church model; they just simplydosowith no referencetoadeity or the supernatural. In fact,they avoid discussions about bothreligion and non-religion, striving to be “radicallyinclusive” and welcoming to people with avariety of beliefs and worldviews. The organization attempts to be non-hierarchical, and while there are ahandful of paid organizers who run the international organization that manages the various local assemblies, individual chapters have no equivalent to apastor or aleader.All the organizingatthe local level is volunteer based, and speakers,who come from bothinside and outside of the assemblies, rotateeach month. Despiteits radical inclusivity,however,the SundayAssembly is explicitlynon-religious and amajority of its organizers and active members identify as atheist,agnostic, or non-religious. The SundayAssemblywas foundedbytwo British comedians in 2013,Sand- erson Jones and Pippa Evans. As Pippa detailed duringher introductory com- ments at the SundayAssembly Everywhereconference in Mayof2015,the two met afew years prioronaroad trip to acomedygig in Bath. They connected on the idea of achurch-like environment wherenon-religious individuals could sing songsand listen to inspirational talks together, offer emotional and social support for fellow non-religious individuals, and collectively construct non-religious rituals and practices that might produce adeeper sense of meaning among the non-religious. They initiallyset out to organize such acommunity in London and weremet with asurprising amount of success. They began to put together a “Make Your Own AssemblyKit” online, making it widelyavailable in order to seeifthey could build anetwork of assemblies across Britain and beyond. Since then, the number of assemblies has exploded to over 70 individual assemblies across the globe, from Hamburg, Germany, to Sydney,Australia, to Cleveland,Ohio. The SundayAssembly motto is “Live Better,Help Often, Wonder More,” and this is reflected in what the local assemblies center theirservices and activities around. To “Live Better,” they sing songstogether, form small groups based on interests like watchingTed Talks and playing games,and they have asection

Brought to you by | Sacred Heart University Authenticated Download Date | 1/11/18 4:17 PM Rejecting RejectionIdentities 175 in their service called “One Thing IDoKnow,” which is aspace for members from the community to share an experiencethat taught them an important les- son. To “Help Often” they put on monthlyvolunteering activities and advocate for helping each other out by starting phone trees and cookingfood for people who are sick or going through ahard time. To “Wonder More” they bring in speakers who impart knowledge about atopic, much like aTed Talk, and apor- tion of their services are devoted to non-religious inspirational readings.They have amoment of silence in their services as well, asking those who came to reflect on the thingsthey learned and how they might applythem to theirlives going forward. The organization is explicitlyapolitical and avoids inserting itself into any political or social debates that might hinder the chances of collaborating with religiously-affiliatedgroups or individuals;while the organization and its activities are explicitlynon-religious, the SundayAssemblycharter states thatthe organization is open to anyone who wants to join, regardless of beliefs. As such, the talks, readings,and music are,for the most part,freeofany anti-religious or pro-atheist rhetoric. Instead, the assemblies focus on topics like science,personal empowerment,healthylifestyle choices, and community betterment. The organization’srapid expansion has even caught the attention of the media, and manyhavedubbed SundayAssembly “the first atheist mega-church” (e.g. Walshe 2013;Winston 2013). While there are ahandful of assemblies in other Western European countries like Germany, Denmark, and Hungary,a large majority of assemblies are located in the United States and the United King- dom. The goal of the organization is to be apositive community environment for non-religious individuals and amajor piece of thatpositivity stems from the collective singing of pop songsthat the SundayAssembly is becomingknown for. As Sanderson jokinglyquipped at the conference, the SundayAssemblyisat- temptingto“changethe world with joy and JonBon Jovi.”

4Dataand Method

Ihavebeen involved in ongoing participant observation with alocal SundayAs- semblyinthe Midwestern United Statessince March of 2013 (Midwest Assembly, hereafter). Istartedattendingtheir organizingmeetingsbefore they held their first assembly, so Ihavebeen able to observe the founding and evolution of this local chapter and its interactions with the founding assemblyand other local chapters over time.I’ve gone to almost all of their monthlyassemblies, I attend amajority of their organizing meetings, and Ihaveaccess to theircorre- spondence with other assemblies. In addition,Ihave interviewed 15 of the Mid-

Brought to you by | Sacred Heart University Authenticated Download Date | 1/11/18 4:17 PM 176 Jacqui Frost west Assembly’sorganizers and active members, talking with them about their reasons for joining,their non-religious identities, and theirvisions for Sunday Assembly’sfuture. I’ve gone to acouple potlucks and afew volunteer activities they have put on as well. Finally, as mentioned above, Iattendedathree day conference in May2015 whereImet numerous organizers from other chapters in the United Statesand the United Kingdom, spoke to and listened to the found- ers speak about the organization and its goals, and sat in on workshops and organizational meetingswhere members debated and discussed the organization’s charter,motto, and the structure and content of the monthlyassemblies. Data for this chapter come primarilyfrom my interactions and interviews with members of the Midwest Assembly, though Idodrawonmyobservations from the conferenceaswell. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and coded for common themes; observations, both at the Midwest Assemblyand at the conference, weretranscribed into field notes and analyzed alongside the interviews. Demographic data on SundayAssemblymembership is not yetavailable, but the averageSundayAssembly participant Ihaveencountered is awhite, middle- class, professional in their 30s or 40s. The main limitation of this data is that the conclusions Idrawinthis chapter are primarily based on my in-depth ethnographywith one chapter of amuch larger, international organization. Thus, my data is inevitablyinfluenced by the specific cultural context of the Midwestern United States. However,the three days Ispent observing the conference, wherenumerous otherchapters wererepresented and the views and goals of the largerorganization werede- tailed in depth over the course of the conference, offered achance to corroborate the data collected from the Midwest Assemblywith observations from the larger organization. Further,while the conclusions Idrawinthis chapter are represen- tative of the SundayAssemblyasitisnow,itisanew organization that is quickly growingand evolving.Its goals and vision are constantlybeing debated, and re- gionaland nationaldifferencesare likelytoinfluencethe trajectory of individual assemblies and the organization as awhole. With these caveats in mind, however,this chapter is meant to highlight some of the boundarymakingand identity construction processes at workinthis new non-religious organization and the ways in which they are similar to and distinct from the ways non-religious identity in the United States has been understood in the past.

5The Sunday AssemblyinContext

While the combination of religious rituals and non-religious messagesembodied in the SundayAssemblyisinteresting in and of itself, it is even more so consid-

Brought to you by | Sacred Heart University Authenticated Download Date | 1/11/18 4:17 PM Rejecting RejectionIdentities 177 ering the prominenceofthe highlypoliticized, anti-religious rhetoric espoused by non-religious organizations and their leaders over the lastdecade. In both the U.S. and the U.K., the recent rise in visibility of atheism in the public sphere is due in large part to the popularity of New Atheism, apolitical movement cen- tered around acritique of religion and the promotion of arationalistic, scientific worldview (Bullivant 2012; Cragun 2015;Kettell 2014; LeDrew 2015). New Atheism has become adominant ideological forcedriving atheist activism and non-religious organizing comingout of these twocountries,and prominent atheist and secular activist groups like the Freedom From Religion Foundation and AmericanAtheists in the United States and the Richard Dawkins Foundation in the United Kingdom promoteaminority discourse and identity politics that emphasize the politicization of atheistidentity and the need to battle religion’s hegemonyinpublic and political spheres (Cimino and Smith 2007;Smith 2013a; LeDrew 2015). The often polarizing and negative messagecultivated by the New Atheist movement has produced alarge population of atheists who describe and enact their atheistidentity as one built on religious critique (e.g. Kettell 2015;Le- Drew 2015). Similarly, Smith (2011) found thatatheism was a “rejection identity” for amajority of the atheists he interviewed, an identity built in direct opposition to religious beliefs and institutions.Consequently, he drawsonthe ideaofthe “not self” to describe how atheists, lacking aready-made atheist identity to con- form to, instead frame their identity as “biographical and rejection-based; a product of interaction, and an achieved identity to be sure, but one constructed out of negation and rejection, rather than filling culturallydefined social roles” (Smith 2011, 232). ForSmith’sparticipants, atheism was often away to describe what they did not believeinoragree with, as opposed to amarker of specific values, beliefs, or practices that they affirmed. However,asthe number of non-religious individuals continues to grow,researchers are finding that non-religious individuals do not always understand their identity as rejection-based. Lee(2014,467)asserts that non-religion can also signal “substantive nonreligious and spiritual cultures more commonly than scholars and even respondents themselvesappreciate” and that “we cannot thereforeassume that theiruse indicates disaffiliation or non-identification rather than affiliation and identification.” Lee(2014,477) finds thatnon-religion can be used to describe “an array of concrete spiritual and nonreligious affiliations,” and argues thatsocial science research to date has been too heavily focused on atheismand non-religion as anegative,asopposed to apositive,affirmation (see also Baker and Smith 2015;Pasquale 2009). Similarly,LeDrew (2013b,465)argues that “we should understand atheism not in terms of losing beliefs,but rather,interms of the development of otherkinds of beliefs.”

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Indeed, Smith (2013b, Chapter 10) agrees that not all atheismisrejection- based, and argues that the continued developmentand growth of organized atheismwilllikelylead to awider variety of orientations to religion and identity. In line with these new empirical and theoretical developments, in their studyof new non-religious communities in America,includingthe SundayAssembly, Ci- mino and Smith (2014) describewhat they call a “new new atheism” in which nonbelievers are attemptingtobuild apositive identity around theirnon-religion in an attempt to movepast rejectionidentities. Like the secular death practices (MacMurray,Chapter 13) and non-religious weddings (Hoesly, Chapter 12)described in this volume, manyofCimino and Smith’sinterviewees wereseeking out non-theistic rituals and rites of passage, non-religious alternativestotraditional religion, and even “secular spirituality.” However,scholars like Kettell (2014), LeDrew (2015), and Baggsand Voas (2009) would warn against positing these trends as especially “new,” and their historical treatments of non-religious organizing in Britain and the United States reveal thatthe seemingly disparate identities espoused by the New Athe- ists and SundayAssembly are products of along history of tension within the Western non-religious community.These scholars identify amajor fault line within Western non-religion that was formed in manywaysatits inception and continues to divide the movement today. LeDrew (2015) defines the two sides of this divide as “scientific” and “humanistic,” adivide that dates back to the scientific revolution in the 19th century.Atthis time, LeDrew explains, two types of atheismemerged: Scientific atheists were affirmed and fueledby Darwin’stheory of evolution and began attemptingtoexpose religion as abi- product of ignorance thatisnow supersededbyscience and reason. Humanistic atheists,however,considered religion asocial phenomena; humanists were more inclined to see religion as capable of addressingsocial and emotional needs, and werethus less inclined to criticize religion and wereinstead open to compromising and workingwith religious individuals and institutions. And similar debates occurred between self-acclaimed “secularists” who clashed over the definitions of secularism and whether it signified an absenceofreligion or asubstantivecategory in its own right (Rectenwald, this volume). This divide is still salient today. Kettell (2014) details how disputes within the modernatheist movement are characterized by adivide between confrontational atheists, who utilize acombative approach to religion, and accommodationist atheists, who take amoreconciliatory stance. Kettell explains that the internal structure of the atheist movement is diverse and absent of anycentral organization or ideology; some groups embodyamore confrontationaland political approach by engaginginlegislative battlesoverchurch/stateviolations, while other groups are more geared toward acting as asubstitution for religious insti-

Brought to you by | Sacred Heart University Authenticated Download Date | 1/11/18 4:17 PM Rejecting Rejection Identities 179 tutions, providingsecular celebrants for weddingsand secular answers to larger questions of meaning and value. As Schutz (this volume) and Mastiaux (also this volume) describe, there are awide variety of non-religious organizations and reasons for joiningthem, includingsocial, political,communal, and intellectual. Similarly,Kettell (2014) identifiesfour major aims and campaigns found within this heterogeneous movement: reducing the influenceofreligion in the public sphere, criticizing religious belief and promotingatheism, improvingcivil rights and social status, and community building and group cohesion. He argues, “These disputes about identity and the use of labels alsoreflect morefundamen- tal strategic frictions within the movement about the best wayfor atheists to present themselvesand approach religious beliefs” (Kettell 2015,383). It is in this context that SundayAssemblyemerges, an undoubtedlydistinct deviation from the anti-religious,scientific atheism of the recentlyprominent New Atheism, but not entirelyunique from other accommodationist non-religious communities that have come before.⁴ In this environment wherenon-religious individuals exist on acontinuum of accommodation and confrontation, the SundayAssemblyhas been attemptingtostrike abalance between the two poles – affirm ascientific, non-theistic worldview while alsoincorporating bits and pieces of religious ritual and spiritual practice wherethey are useful. In the following sections, Idetail some of the ways the SundayAssemblybalances its goals of being both explicitlynon-religious and radicallyinclusive,ofcultivat- ing transcendence and reason, and of being like achurch while at the sametime differentenough from achurch to attract the widest rangeofnon-religious identities and beliefs possible. Iwill arguethat these boundary-making processes illustrate how the positive non-religion that SundayAssemblyisattemptingto construct is shaped by the tensions between rejection and accommodation, and while the members of SundayAssemblyare attemptingtomovebeyond rejection identities, they are constantlynegotiating what it is they should affirm.

6RejectingRejectionIdentities

That was somethingthat I’dmissed, I’dmissed that community aspect of havingaplaceto go to on aregular basis that was less about bashinggod and religious people … Because I’d been to [other non-religious groups] who were just so negative. And that was something

 Forexample, the British Humanist Association that came to prominence in the 1960s em- bracedhumanism as their rationalistic moral philosophyand focused on providingconcreteal- ternativestoreligion instead of criticizingreligion and engaging in political battles to lessen its influenceinsociety (Baggand Voas 2009).

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that Istarted thinkingabout,this whole idea of anegative identity.Ofhavinganidentity that was formed against something else. And with SundayAssembly, now we areformed around this identity of becoming somethingelse. Eric,member of the Midwest Assembly

Like Eric, manyofthe members of the Midwest AssemblyIinterviewed have been or stillare members of other local non-religious groups and organizations.⁵ They often used their experiences with these other groups and organizations, groups Kettell (2014) would describe as more confrontational, as afoil to describe what they hoped SundayAssembly would become. Manyexpressed that they found the activist and political groups useful at first,and they supported these organizations’ effortstomaintain the separation of churchand state and fight for non-religious citizens’ rights,but they grew tired of talking about “how religion gotthem down” and wanted to “start seeing what else was out there.” Forsome,the constant rejectionofreligion and affirmation of nonbelief is simplynot something they are interestedin. Zack, ayoungermemberwho at- tends frequently, told me that he did not identify stronglywith atheismand did not “feel the need to talk about it all the time.” He joined because he liked the music and the possibility of making some new social connections. Amy, an active organizer of the Midwest Assembly, echoed Zack’ssentiments, saying, “Ihope we can move post atheism in which it’sjust accepted thatwe don’thavetomake our life’smission to provethereisnogod. We justlivesec- ularlyasifgod was never presumed in the first place.” Forothers, however,the constant critique of religion that is prevalent in the more activist non-religious groups conflicts with the waythey want to enact their non-religious identity.For Amanda, leaving Catholicism was apainful and lone- ly process, and to ask others to have that same experience before they wereready felt wrong. She explains:

Despite, youknow,really, coming intothis identity of atheism, Inever felt like it was my placetodissuade others.Just because this breakhad been so painful for me, Idid not want to inflict that on other people. If they weren’thavingthat crisis,people were living their whole liveshappilywith these beliefs,who am Itotakethem away?

 All names arepseudonyms. As this is asmall community,very little identifyinginformation is givenabout individualinterviewees in the attempts to protect participant identifications as much as possible.

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Brad, anewer memberofthe Midwest Assembly, also disliked what he sawas the requirement to reject all the comforts of spiritual beliefs if youbecome an atheist. He described himself as an agnostic, but one that stillsometimesrelied on the belief that “some force” washolding everything togetherwhen he was going through trying times. He said, “Iwant to be an atheistatsome point.A lot of people Iknow are very comfortable being atheist,but the thing I’mholding back from is thatsome atheists reallyhate Christians. Idon’twant to hate any- body. Idon’tagree with them,but I’mnot going to hate them.” Brad’sexperience with other non-religious groups led him to believethat atheists wereoverwhelm- ingly negative toward other religions and even towardother non-religious ideol- ogies like his. His hope for the SundayAssemblyisthat it can be moreopen to exceptions and alternativewaysofbeing non-religious. Overall, the members of the Midwest Assembly express adesire to move beyond rejecting religion or buildinganidentity around that rejection. Eric, like Amyabove,uses the term “post-atheism” to describe this new orientation to non-religious identity.Hesaid, “Imore consider myself apost-atheist,rather than necessarilyanatheist.Because my worldview reallyisn’tdefined by an ab- sence of god. I’mreallyonlyanatheist in the presenceofreligious people. The rest of the time, I’mjust me.” ForEric, to be an atheist means to consciouslyre- ject religion and build your identity against that.But to be post-atheist meanshe can movebeyond thatrejection and live his life in amorepositive pursuit of knowledge and meaning. The SundayAssembly is aspace thatthis new identity and community formation can take place, aspace thatisnot built on the rejection of religion, but of “becomingsomething else.” However,asIwill describein the next threesections, what this new positive identity should look like is much less clear,and the members of the SundayAssemblyengageinaconstant process of negotiation as they attempt to balance between non-religious and non-theistic worldviews and beliefs, selective accommodation of religious ritual and practice, and asense of the transcendent that is entirelythis-worldlyand devoid of the supernatural.

6.1 Negotiating Radical Inclusivity

At the beginning of every monthlyorganizingmeetingfor the Midwest Assembly, one of the five to seven organizingmembers in attendancereports the “Sunday AssemblyEverywhereNetwork News.” The SundayAssemblyhas setupan email list-serveinwhich anymemberofany local SundayAssemblychapter can email all the other members on the list-servequestions and concerns about their individual assemblyorthe organization more broadly. At each Mid-

Brought to you by | Sacred Heart University Authenticated Download Date | 1/11/18 4:17 PM 182 Jacqui Frost west Assemblyorganizingmeeting,wespend some time reviewing what has been discussed on the list-serve. During one such meeting,itwas reported that aself-identified Christian had attended aservice of the Los Angeles Sunday Assemblyand sentthe organizers awrite-up of her experience. In her write up, this woman discussed how she did not feel likeshe belonged at the SundayAs- semblybecause she had religious beliefs,but admitted that the SundayAssem- blywas not created for her and she understood whyitisanimportant space for non-religious individuals.The result was what is now an infamouslylong (over 150 emails) debate between numerous members of the SundayAssemblycom- munity regarding just how accommodating the SundayAssemblyshould be towards religious individuals and theirbeliefs. The SundayAssemblycharter,which was written by Sanderson and Pippa duringthe founding months of the organization, states, “The SundayAssembly is radicallyinclusive – everyone is welcome, regardless of theirbeliefs.This is a place of lovethat is open and accepting.”⁶ This one statement has led to quite possibly the most debate and fallout among the different SundayAssemblies and their members, and in manyways, shapes the other major themes discussed in this chapter as well. To start,manyexpress confusion over what “radical inclusivity” reallyisand looks like, causing enough of astir in the community to merit an entire workshop devoted to the topic at the conference in Atlanta. During this workshop, over 30 of the conference attendees gathered in a small room to hash out what being radicallyinclusive meant for them as a non-religious organization. While amajority of those in attendanceagreed that SundayAssemblyshould welcome anyone who is interested, as long as they did not push their beliefs on anyone, some expressed that they felt it was apara- doxtosay youare radicallyinclusive while at the same time requiringthat the ethos of the organization and its services remain non-theistic in spirit and in content.Others said they wereinsearch of a secular community and did not want to compromise their secular commitments to be inclusive of religious beliefs. One person in attendancesaid, “Iwill feel cheated if SundayAssemblybe- comes an organization that aspires to welcome the religious and the non-religious equally. Thereligious have plentyofopportunities to voice their concerns and their agenda. Non-believers do not.” While the individuals who felt this waydonot want to focus on rejectingreligious ideas, they werecon- cerned that being too accommodating of religious ideas would shut down real discussions about non-religious beliefs and values.

 See full charter at www.sundayassembly.com/story.

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These debates came up duringthe town hall meeting that was held on the second dayofthe conference as well. During this meeting,anyone at the conference who wantedcould participateindiscussions about making changes to the SundayAssemblycharter,motto, and mission statement.When it was founded, the SundayAssemblycharter stated thatitwas a “godless congregation that cel- ebrates life,” and the SundayAssemblymission was to support a “godless congregation in every town, city and villagethat wants one.” Themedia picked up on this, and began to call the SundayAssemblyan“atheistchurch.” Inoticed that manyofthe Midwest Assembly members took issue with this duringthe first few organizingmeetings, both because they felt that calling it an atheist church wastoo exclusionary of non-atheistswho might want to attend, and calling it a church risked turning off potential members who thoughtitwould be “toochurchy.” Further,manyfelt the term “godless” was needlesslyconfronta- tional and made it difficult to connect with organizations thatmight be offended by the term. Despite these reservations, the MidwestAssemblycontinued to describe themselvesasanatheist church in their press releases,and manytold me that it was the termthey usedwhen they described the organization to their friends and family.However,duringthe town hall meeting at the conference, members of other assemblies expressed similar reservations with the terms “atheist church” and “godless congregation,” and the organization ultimately voted to changetheir descriptor to “secular congregation” in order to be as inclusive as possible without losing their secular designation. This conflict between accommodation and confrontation is also present within individual assembly’sdecision making processes. Forexample, the Mid- west Assemblyrecentlybegan volunteering once amonth at ahomeless shelter that is affiliated with aCatholic charity.The organizingmembers discussed the pros and cons of partnering with the Catholic church, agreeing that while some of the more anti-religious members might protest,the cause was worth the compromise. However,afew months later,anorganizing membersuggested that the Midwest Assemblypartner with Habitat for Humanityfor another volunteering opportunity.Although Habitat is aChristian organization, the organizer said she had agood experience volunteering with them in the past and had never been talked to about religion at anyoftheir events. After some discussion, the board decided to hold off, deciding that they alreadyvolunteered with one religious organization and agreeing thatthey should seek out secular organizations to volunteer through instead. The Midwest Assemblyhas alsohad anumber of debatesabout whether or not to include references to godormagic in the songsthey sing at their gather- ings. Forexample, when the Midwest Assemblyband wantedtocover “Rainbow Connection” from TheMuppets,therewas adebate as to whether they should

Brought to you by | Sacred Heart University Authenticated Download Date | 1/11/18 4:17 PM 184 Jacqui Frost keep the words “it’sprobablymagic” in the song.The band endedupincluding the words, but manyofthe organizers expressed thatthe reference to magic made them uncomfortable. Sue, an organizer who disagreed with the word’sin- clusion, stated, “We don’tstand against anything but we do stand for something. Reality.” These examples illustrate the ways that the goal to be radicallyinclusive re- quires the SundayAssemblytoconstantlybalance between an accommodating stance toward religious and spiritual beliefs and institutions while at the same time maintaining aboundary around the non-religious identity of the organization and its members. There are disagreements about the decisions that are made and wherethe lines are drawn, but this is what manysay they like about the SundayAssembly.Bradfrom the Midwest Assembly,for example, said that “to be radicallyinclusive means to make exceptions.” He sawthese debatesabout the “gray areas” as anecessary part of building something new like the Sunday Assembly. He said, “We all have so manydifferent ideas of what this secular as- semblylooks like, which means that compromises will need to be made and some small transgressions like the word ‘magic’ in asong will have to be over- looked.”

6.2 Negotiating Secular Spirituality

The waypeople speak about how much they lovegod, Iwas like, that is how Ifeel about life. And not in asupernatural way, but in atotallymaterialisticway.Ididn’tevenhavethe words to describe those feelings that Ihad…there is not languageabout how that can hap- pen if youaren’treligious. Sanderson Jones, co-founder of Sunday Assembly

The abovequote comes from another workshop Iattended at the SundayAssem- blyconference in Atlanta, aworkshop on the topic of “secular spirituality.” A major goal of the SundayAssembly is the formation of secular rituals and tradi- tions, likethosefound in religious institutions, thatcultivateasense of connectedness, transcendence, and wonder.Indeed, to “wonder more” is one of the organizations main objectives, but this, too, has been met with resistance from members of the SundayAssemblycommunity. At the secular spirituality workshop, around 30 of the conferenceattendees, includingSanderson, attempted to collectively define “secular spirituality” and if and how SundayAssembly should try to cultivateit. Manyvoiced that they disliked the word “spirituality” and its association with supernatural beliefs, so one of the main objectivesofthe workshop was to come up with some new terminol- ogytoexpress feelingsofsecular transcendenceand connectedness. After dis-

Brought to you by | Sacred Heart University Authenticated Download Date | 1/11/18 4:17 PM Rejecting Rejection Identities 185 cussing some possiblevocabulary options, none of which really stuck, Sander- son asked that everyone join in trying to cultivate afeeling of secular spirituality right thereinthe workshop;wetried clapping together,hummingtogether, and some even “testified” to the group in away similar to what youwould find in a religious service.AsSmith (in this volume) would say, this workshop was meant to construct new ways to “sacralize the secular” and imbue secular beliefs and practices with meaning.Afterthese attempts, Sanderson gauged people’sreac- tions. While some expressed thatthey wereuncomfortable with the experience and said that it felt forced and “too much like church,” others said they could see these practices reallyworkingand would be trying them in theirown assemblies. Explicit attemptstoritualize non-theistic spiritual practices and define asecular spirituality has been less of afocus at the Midwest Assembly,and some of the members Iinterviewed expressed areal discomfort with the idea. Angela, a more peripheral member,said that she is uncomfortable with secular rituals, saying, “Idon’tattend the assemblies for spiritual or personal growth. I’menjoy- ing it as having aparty with friends, which is avery different approach than manyothers in the assembly.” Angela is concerned that more and more members of the Midwest Assemblyare comingfor spiritual growth and she is hoping that they can strike abalance between their position and hers, or she might have to stop coming. However,others at the Midwest Assembly are more open to the idea of asecular spirituality.Jeff, for example, said:

When yousee atheists in the news,it’sthem tryingtostopChristiansfromdoing something. Their stance towards people whoare not atheist is anegativestance … It’smore of an intellectual kind of abelief system, which has its purpose and maybe it’sjust an evolution of this community … But alot of people don’twant to makeanintellectual argument out of their reason for living. They want it to be moreholistic. Idon’tthink youeverget away fromthe emotional.

ForJeff, and manyother Midwest members Iinterviewed, apurelyintellectual approach to non-religious identity lacks asense of the transcendent and the emotional connectedness that they are hoping to cultivate at the SundayAssem- bly. By singingtogether, quietlyreflecting together during moments of silence, and trying out new rituals and activities that might potentiallyproduce a sense of wonder and collective effervescence, these SundayAssemblers are at- temptingtocultivateasecular spirituality that balances theirsecular commitments with their desires for amoreholistic approach to the pursuitofmeaning and happiness as non-religious individuals. Like the debates surrounding SundayAssembly’sstated goal to be radically inclusive,the attemptstocultivatenon-theistic rituals and spirituality are met

Brought to you by | Sacred Heart University Authenticated Download Date | 1/11/18 4:17 PM 186 Jacqui Frost with resistance and compromise. While some members joined the SundayAs- semblyinpursuit of these rituals, others have stayedinspite of them or left all together. Consequently, the organizers of the Midwest Assemblyare constant- ly assessing whether or not their gatheringsare too church-like or not enough like achurch.Inthe next section, Iwill describe conversations surroundingthe church-likestructure of the SundayAssembly as afinal example of the ways that the SundayAssemblyoperates as aspace of negotiation and compromise, of bothaccommodation and rejection.

6.3 Negotiating Structure: Church-Like,But Not TooMuch

The intentional replication of the Protestant church model is one of the defining features of the SundayAssembly. The organization’sprimary gathering is on a Sunday, it consists of group sing-a-longs,fellowship, moments of reflection, inspirational talks, and coffee; it lasts about two hours and people often go grab lunch or drinks afterwards.AsSmith (this volume) describes, the SundayAssem- blyisparticipatinginacongregational culture that structures the relationships and experience of its members. Not surprisingly,SundayAssemblyhas received alot of media attention for theirenthusiastic appropriation of the contemporary Protestant churchmodel, but it is in fact acommon sourceofconflict and confusion for its members. When Iasked members of the Midwest Assemblywhy they liked the idea of replicatingthe church model to build community for non-religious people, the most common answer was: “We don’tknow how else to do it.” At the same time, they talked about how they sawnothing wrongwith the church model in and of itself; they had been disappointed by the waythatthe more activist non-religious communities wereorganized and felt like the church model had alot goingfor it.For example, Eric told me, “Whynot take from the best parts of religion?The thingsthatactuallywork that are making us better people and just ditch the rest.” Similarly,Beth, an older organizer with alonghistory of church attendance, said:

Idon’tthink the church model, in and of itself, is bad. Idon’twant to throw the baby out with the bathwater.It’sbeen very successful, so to me Ithink thereisn’tanythingwrong with modelingitafter that.I’mnot even surewhat we would do if we didn’t. Ithink the SundayAssemblyhas done agood job at not havingahierarchy, like, there’sno‘minister’ person. So Ithink they’ve gotrid of the things Idon’tlikeabout the church, but Ithink that model is good, likeIsaid, Idon’tknow how else to do it.

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However,others express that the SundayAssemblyisoften too churchyfor them, and thereare frequent discussions about how to balance being too churchyand not churchy enough at the Midwest Assembly’sorganizing meetings. Luke, who has stopped participatinginthe Midwest Assemblysince Iinterviewed him, told me that he liked the idea of anon-religious church but found the Sunday Assemblytobetoo much like achurch. He said it was “too formalized” because everyone stood for the songsand bowed their heads duringthe moment of silence. Josie, another member who has since stopped attending, attributed the “churchiness” to the frequent music breaks and alack of casual interactions between the assemblyattendees. As aresult, the organizingteam has reorganized the service in attempts to cut back on the churchy aspects, while attemptingto keep enough of the SundayAssemblystructure so as not to lose the concept en- tirely. They agreed to rename the “moment of silence” to a “moment of reflection” and began displaying aquote or question to reflect upon during these moments. They also agreed that therewould be one less song duringthe service and more social time to increase interaction and to cut down on the transitionsfrom siting to standing. Like the debates about radical inclusivity and secular spirituality,the selective appropriation of the church model is rife with contradictions and exceptions that members of the SundayAssemblycontinuouslynavigate. This sentiment is exemplified in Amanda’sstatement to her fellow organizers below,inwhich she explains to them that the discussions about how to balance being like achurch and not like achurchwerenever goingtobefullyresolved, and that thatwas okay. She said:

We will always have the conversation that it is too much or not enough like church, but the whole purpose of this is to toethe line. And we will never getitright,and we have to be okaywith that.Wehavetoembrace the fact that this is the balancingact.Ihave been on both sides of the argument,and the perfect decisions aregoingtomakeupfor the ones that arenot so perfect.

7Conclusion:ConstructingPositive Non-religion

Like Amanda, who sees the SundayAssemblyaslargely abalancing act,most SundayAssemblers are open to compromising and negotiating the boundaries of what the SundayAssemblyisand willbecome. The SundayAssemblyisa space wherenon-religious individuals come to movebeyond an identity built on rejection, but who are nonetheless unsure of what that might look like in practice. By selectively drawingonaspectsofchurchorganizational structures

Brought to you by | Sacred Heart University Authenticated Download Date | 1/11/18 4:17 PM 188 Jacqui Frost and spiritual rituals that they have seen work in religious settings, the members of SundayAssemblyhope to cultivateapositive non-religion that is focused on building community,pursuing deeper meaning,and celebrating life. In this chapter,Ihave detailedthreemajor themesemerging from my field work with the SundayAssemblythat illustrate how the process of constructing positive non-religion is full of compromises and exceptions;itisaconstant negotiation between selectively accommodating religious and spiritual practices and simultaneouslymaintaining aboundary around the non-religious identity of the organization and its members.Both within the Midwest Assembly and among the members of the largerSundayAssembly organization, debates abound about the viability of radical inclusivity,the cultivation and promotion of non-theistic rituals and secular spirituality,and the selective appropriation of the contemporary Protestant church model as its organizational structure. But despite disagreements about the shape and content SundayAssembly, its unifying goal is to movebeyond anegative non-religiosity and towards “becoming something else,” something that can be positively affirmed and cultivated in practice. However,myfindingshere are onlyone piece of amuchlargernon-religious landscape. The SundayAssemblyalone is made up of over 70 chapters, and future research should explorethe ways that regional and culturaldifferences among the individual chapters influencethe types of individual and collective non-religious identities and practices thattakeshape. Researchshould also ex- plore in more depth the organizational dynamics between various non-religious groups and organizations. The organizers of the Midwest Assemblyoftendiscuss how they want to maintain agood relationship with othernon-religious and atheistgroups in the area, but thatthey are aware that they are competing with them for resources,members, and aspace in the largercommunity.Future research should build on Kettell (2014) and Bagg and Voas (2009) to explorethe ways thataccommodationist and confrontational non-religious groups interact, both on the local and national level, and the extent to which thereare conflicts over representation and resources.Further,dothese positive and negative sides of non-religion present themselvesinother times and contexts?This chapter has focused on the U.S./U.K. context,but are thereotherkinds of divisionsamong non-religious individuals in other countries and historical periods (seefor example Quack 2012)? Beyond the SundayAssembly, more research is needed that more explicitlycompares accommodationist non-religious groups like the Sun- dayAssemblywith religious organizations and groups.How do ritual practices like collective singingand moments of silence work differentlyinreligious and non-religious settings?

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In mappingthe boundary work of the nascent SundayAssembly,Iset out in this chapter to contributetothe growingliterature on the substantive beliefs and practices of non-religious individuals and the rich, complex identitiesthey are constructinginrelation to religion (e.g. Lee 2015). While non-religious identities have largely been understood as negative identitiesthat indicate a lack of beliefs and practices,the SundayAssemblyismade up of non-religious individuals who explicitlyreject rejection identities and who are workingtogethertoconstruct new communities and practices that allow them to express apositive non-religion. Andwhile the shape and content of this positive non-religion is still very much under construction, the negotiations surroundingits construction exem- plify the nuanced nature of non-religious identity and practice that researchers will need to attend to going forward.

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