April 2008/N°3 The Heiligendamm Dialogue Process:

Joining forces to meet the challenges of the world economy

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Alongside climate policy and Africa policy, the tend the second summit, and was to be agenda of last summer’s G8 Summit in Heiligen- invited to attend several years after the Iron Cur- damm was defined by another, third issue: To- tain had been lifted. gether with their counterparts from , , Since then, these annual consultations have be- , , and , the G8 heads of come firmly established as part of the international state and government resolved to deepen their political agenda. But they have always also been cooperation and to conduct, for the two years to subject to the changing demands of international come, a joint-issue-oriented dialogue, which has politics and world economic development. The since become established as the Heiligendamm “fireside chats” that Helmut Schmidt was so fond Dialogue. It essence, the dialogue amounts to an of have now evolved into a high-level political attempt to build new structures for cooperation event - and events of this magnitude will of course on informal global governance. Changes in the inevitably also draw criticism. Along with a good world economy had already played a crucial role in number of nongovernmental organizations, the establishment of the G8, and they will con- Helmut Schmidt himself is today one of their most tinue to figure prominently in the Heiligendamm prominent critics. He sees the summits as too big Process. and inefficient. “Nowadays all the whole thing The impacts of the mid-1970s oil crisis, in conjunc- amounts to is a big media spectacle,” the former tion with the collapse of the Bretton Woods Sys- chancellor noted in an interview with a major tem that preceded it, affected no less German daily. There is little doubt that the frame- than it did all of the other Western industrialized work has grown bigger and the style more profes- countries. As a former economics and finance sional, and today we can still say that these minister, Helmut Schmidt, at that time German summits provide the heads of state and govern- federal chancellor, was particularly aware that ment a unique forum for their consultations. In clear-cut limits were set to national action when it addition to the economic issues always under con- came to an international crisis of this scope. The sideration there, the agendas of the G8 summits world economic crisis in the late 1920s, with its have been increasingly adjusted to include political devastating economic and subsequent political and global challenges as well. This can ultimately implications, had showed only too clearly what be seen as a reflection of the public expectations consequences may result from lack of interna- placed in the meetings of the G8 heads of state tional coordination. For Helmut Schmidt and his and government. This is why the important topics French colleague, President Valéry Giscard dealt with at recent summits have included issues d’Estaing, the only way to overcome the crisis was like the fight against international terrorism, cli- to work closely together with the other affected mate change, and measures to combat infectious industrialized countries. In 1975 the two therefore diseases like AIDS. invited their counterparts from , the UK, Ja- Today the world economy is again in a state of pan, and the to Rambouillet for the transition. The breakneck pace of economic first world economic summit. was to at- Fact Sheet N°3/2008 FES Berlin April 2008 growth in the emerging economies, above all in tional and substantive terms, the most promising China and India, has entailed new challenges - approach would be to what is known as outreach, including challenges for global political govern- i.e. the participation of guests countries invited by ance. International organizations like the World G8 heads of state and government. Bank, the IMF, or the OECD are clear about these challenges and intend to take steps to better inte- 2 The enlargement debate grate the major emerging economies. These are The form finally found for this outreach was given challenges that the G8 countries too have faced its special political significance and dynamic and continue to face. through an initiative launched by then British Prime Minister Tony Blair shortly before the Rus- 1 Challenges for the German G8 presidency sian G8 summit in 2006. In an interview with the While the host head of state or government plays Financial Times in the summer of 2006, he had an important role in defining the agenda of a G8 proposed enlarging the G8 to include the major summit, it would be somewhat short-sighted to emerging economies Brazil, China, India, Mexico, assume that the host has a completely free hand and South Africa; indeed as early 2005, at a press in setting the agenda. Both the general interna- conference on the occasion of the end of the UK tional political situation and unanticipated crises presidency, Blair had declared that he would find it may influence or sometimes even dominate a “difficult to imagine” holding future G8 summits summit agenda. If a summit is to be relevant, it in which they did not participate. must give due consideration to current political This raised an important political question for the and economic issues. German presidency in the events leading up to the China, India, Brazil, Mexico, and South Africa, the Heiligendamm summit in Germany: As G8 presi- major emerging economies, had already been dent, the chancellor was expected to develop a invited to attend the G8 summits in Gleneagles in proposal concerning the relations between the G8 2005 and St. Petersburg in 2006. The G8 had in and the major emerging economies. She could this way signaled to the world public that it per- assume here that an enlargement of the kind pro- ceived the economic importance of these coun- posed by Prime Minister Blair was not particularly tries and intended to respond accordingly. realistic. It was e.g. unclear whether the five emerging economies, which differ substantially in A look at gross world product (GWP) figures will terms of their historical, economic, and political serve to illustrate the progress these countries givens, would be interested in the first place in have made in closing the gap on the leading in- joining the G8. At the same time, it was also clear dustrialized countries: if measured in terms of pur- that there would be no consensus on this issue chasing power parity, the G8 in 1995 accounted within the G8. It must be considered that such an for 50% of GWP, the figure had declined to 43% enlargement of the G8 would give rise to a num- in 2006, while in the same period the share of the ber of fundamental questions that could - not emerging economies rose from 20% to 27%. least - affect the summit’s ability to reach deci- Even now we are justified in asking where, in view sions. of the looming recession in the US, the world economy would be without the stabilizing de- 3 The structured, issue-oriented dialogue be- mand originating in these countries. Their growing tween the G8 and the major emerging influence is also making itself felt more and more economies- a constructive attempt to in international politics, and it is as good as incon- strengthen international cooperation ceivable that an effective follow-up arrangement for the Kyoto Protocol could be found without an In mid-October 2006 the German cabinet, headed active integration of the major emerging econo- by Chancellor Merkel, adopted the program for mies into a new agreement, one with binding ob- the German G8 presidency, with its two central ligations. focuses, “Growth and responsibility in the world economy” and “Growth and responsibility in Af- It is against this background that ideas were de- rica.” One of the key political proposals contained veloped on the preparatory work for the German in the part of the program devoted to the world G8 presidency - including a proposal on how the economy was to place the dialogue with the G8 might best shape its relations with the major emerging economies on a new footing. emerging economies in the context of future G8 summits. The concern here was what, in organiza-

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Once the cabinet decision had been taken, i.e. still the political basis of the dialogue process. It is to prior to the German presidency, the projects were extend to the following four issue complexes: presented to the other G8 partners by the German • Investment, including responsible business Sherpa, State Secretary Dr. Bernd Pfaffenbach; conduct and it turned out that the other G8 members • Innovation, including protection of intellectual were quite interested in reformulating their rela- property rights tionship to the emerging economies. • Energy efficiency This was in line with the objectives envisioned by • Development policy, with a targeted focus on the German Chancellor, who wanted Heiligen- Africa. damm to send out a clear signal on strengthening The Heiligendamm Dialogue is a political discus- international cooperation. The political reasoning sion process, not a negotiating process. It is an was obvious: Pressing global problems - from the issue-oriented, structured dialogue process in stability of the world economy to international which the participants seek to develop a common climate protection - call for more and closer coop- understanding of the issue complexes named eration. One avenue open here to the G8 was to above as well as to build on the results with a view seek to further develop informal global govern- to developing a set of common political perspec- ance. tives. In international terms, Germany seemed well posi- The attending heads of state and government tioned to develop an initiative of this kind: The agreed to conduct this dialogue for a two-year German Federal Republic had, for over forty years, period, that is, to present an interim report in played a key role in shaping cooperation and inte- 2008, on the occasion of the summit in , gration in Europe, also showing itself internation- and to adopt a final report in 2009 at the summit ally to be a reliable and responsible partner. Even set to be held in Italy. after reunification, Germany had the political strength to forge on, in the face of some resis- 5 The OECD to serve as the platform for the tance, with two largely parallel processes, building Heiligendamm Process internal unity and the eastern enlargement of the EU. It must also be noted here that Germany The decisions taken by the G8 and the G5 in Heili- benefited here from a set of good bilateral rela- gendamm include elements that indicate a need tions on which Chancellor Merkel could build. to create a set of suitable implementation struc- tures. An issue-oriented, structured dialogue be- 4 The Heiligendamm Process - The decision tween G8 and G5 not only requires expert work taken by the 13 heads of state and govern- to prepare for and process the results, it also calls ment. for a continuous process of political steering. Viewed against the background, it was clear to To prepare for the Heiligendamm summit, parallel the German government that it would be better talks were held, for the first time headed by a not to have a “German” G8 office in Berlin orga- German Sherpa, between G8 and G5; the talks nizing the Heiligendamm Dialogue when the were concluded in Heiligendamm. Thus far the G8 German presidency came to an end. This would Sherpas had as a rule met on their own, and there not have been consistent with the practices cus- seemed to be no good reason to break with the tomary among the G8 - indeed, it would have tradition in the lead-up to Heiligendamm. In this been tantamount to a de facto prolongation of connection the German presidency negotiated, the German G8 presidency. Nor was simply hand- with the personal representatives of the heads of ing on the project to subsequent G8 presidencies state and government of Brazil, China, India, Mex- seen as a real option, since this would have mas- ico, and South Africa, a joint declaration on the sively prejudiced their attempts to set priorities of Heiligendamm Dialogue. their own. In the final summit document, “Growth and Re- The solution finally found was to ask an interna- sponsibility in the World Economy,” the heads of tional organization to provide a platform for the state and government of the G8 countries offer Heiligendamm Dialogue, and accordingly the deci- Brazil, China, India, Mexico, and South Africa - sions reached at the Heiligendamm summit in- which now refer to themselves as the G5 - an is- cluded a request for support from the OECD. As sue-oriented political dialogue, which is to serve as early as in mid-July 2007 the OECD member coun-

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The dialogue process is directed by a steering committee made up of high-ranking government representatives (Sherpas) from all of the countries involved in the dialogue. Four working groups were set up, mirroring the four pillars of the dia- logue. Both these working groups and the steer- ing committee will receive organizational and analytical support from the so-called Heiligen- damm Dialogue Process Support Unit. With the Heiligendamm Dialogue, both the G8 and the G5 are breaking new ground. The dia- logue is first and foremost a processes conceived to contribute to strengthening mutual confidence and improving mutual understanding. It would be wrong, plainly and simply, to underestimate these aspects of the dialogue. The dialogue is further- more a first step on the road to exploring com- monalities shared by the various partners and to seeking, on this basis, to develop a set of common political perspectives for the four pillars of the dia- logue. But it is also important not to place any overly am- bitious political expectations in the dialogue: It can already be seen as a major success that the dia- logue partners have come together and reached agreement on a joint program. Developments in the world financial markets and the world econ- omy show that international cooperation is more necessary today than it ever has been. The task of the dialogue partners will now be to demonstrate that the Heiligendamm Process can provide a con- tribution to informal global governance. räêáÅÜ= _ÉåíÉêÄìëÅÜ= áë= ÜÉ~Ç= çÑ= íÜÉ= eÉáäáÖÉåÇ~ãã= aá~äçÖìÉ= mêçÅÉëë= pìééçêí= råáí= ~í= lb`aK= aìêáåÖ= íÜÉ= dÉêã~å= dU= éêÉëáÇÉåÅóI= ÜÉ= ï~ë= ëçìëJëÜÉêé~= Ñçê=íÜÉ=eÉáäáÖÉåÇ~ãã=pìããáíK= gìäá~åÉ= pÉáÑÉêí= áë= ~= éçäáÅó= ~Çîáëçê= ~í= íÜÉ= eÉáäáÖÉåJ Ç~ãã=pìééçêí=råáíK=

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