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Within the Empire; an Essay on Imperial Federation

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Within the Empire; an Essay on Imperial Federation ffiihranj KINGSTON. ONTARIO Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/withinempireessaOOmacf T n ^riTHitf THE £ M P I K B • — " We are anxious above all things to conserve, to unify, to strength- " en the Empire of the Queen, because it is to the trade that is carried " on within the empire that we look for the vital force of the Com- " merce of this country. Lord Salisbury. : \ WITHIN THE EMPIRE; AN ESSAY ON IMPERIAL FEDERATION —BY- THOMAS MACFARLANE, F.R.S.C. OTTAWA James Hope & Co., 1891. \%c\ i~5o\ %. • Mi TO LIEUT.-COL. C. E. HOWARD VINCENT, C.B., M.P., Etc., A MEMBER OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE IMPERIAL FEDERATION LEAGUE AND FOUNDER OF THE \ UNITED EMPIRE TRADE LEAGUE, THIS ESSAY IS, BY PERMISSION, MOST RESPECFULLY DEDICATED, IN THE HOPE THAT ITS CONTENTS MAY ASSIST IN THE ADOPTION, BY BOTH LEAGUES, OF ONE AND THE SAME PLAN FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A UNITED BRITISH EMPIRE. 231484 COlsTTEIN-TS Page. Introduction 5 Chapter. I. The Necessity for Action 7 II. Nationalities and Nations 13 III. A Retrospect and its Lesson 19 IV. The Colonial Conference 26 V. An Imperial Treasury 36 VI. A British Commercial Union 45 VII. Fair Protection vs. Foul Trade 54 VIII. A Parliament of Parliaments 62 IX. A Federal Executive ; England's Hegemony 71 X. An Anglo-Saxon Commonwealth ; Conclusion 80 INTRODUCTION. Federation or Separation ? Which of long can the United Kingdom be ex- these fates is in store for that wonder- pected to protect, at her own expense, ful aggregate of states or nations called the shipping and coasts of all the Bri- the British Empire ? This is a question tish Colonies and dependencies ? Plow which has probably presented itself to long will these British possessions be many minds during the last few years. content to have their foreign affairs As regards Separation it is enough to controlled by a Parliament in which say that it is opposed to the patriotic they have no representation ? The sentiment of the vast majority of Bri- answer to these queries can scarcely be tish subjects throughout the Empire. different in substance from the follow- Moreover it is impossible of accom- ing:—Only until an arrangement can plishment, for the consent of all the au- be made more advantageous for all thorities interested is necessary to such concerned. This conclusion brings us a change. On the other hand many to face the enquiry as to whether such believe that the question of Imperial an advantageous re-arrangement can be Federation will force itself upon us for found in Imperial Federation. settlement at no very distant date. Five years have elapsed since I read But before an ordinary citizen of Great a paper before the Montreal Branch of or Greater Britain will bestir himself to the Imperial Federation League in face this problem he will naturally ask: Canada entitled, "A United Empire." Cannot we remain as we are ? Is not In writing this and a good many other the present form of Britain's connec- articles, which have since appeared in tion with her various possessions satis- the columns of Imperial Federation, factory, and inherently permanent ? and other journals, it seemed to me as Not a few of the people interested if the advantages to be derived from a and some individuals in high position, consolidation of the Empire increased, are inclined to answer these questions and the difficulties in the way of such affirmatively. Voices to this effect a consummation decreased with every were heard not long ago in the Domin- renewed consideration of the subject. ion House of Commons, and even at I have since become a firm believer in one of the meetings called to organize the practicability of a closer British the Imperial Federation League some Union, and have endeavoured in this were present who objected to declaring essay to recast the articles above re- that "the political relations between ferred to, incorporate them with new " Great Britain and her colonies must matter and place them before my fel- " inevitably lead to federation or disin- low countrymen in the hope of induc- " tegration." ing in them a like faith. It is not my Nevertheless, it is possible to main- object to provide an original scheme for tain that the relations in question are the reconstruction of the British Em- not satisfactory. This will become pire, for many of the suggestions here evident to any one who seriously asks embodied have long been before the himself the following questions :—How public. But I have tried to imitate the 6 example of Watt with the steam machinery of Government. The Long engine, and to so combine these as to Parliament had shortened the King by produce a plan which may ultimately a head ; Cromwell had shortened the result in the construction of a political Long Parliament to a rump, and finally machine, capable of working well and the Rump materially shortened the harmoniously for the common weal. constitution and essayed to govern It is not, however, to be assumed that England " without any King or House the "common weal" of all British sub- of Lords." It may at once be stated jects is to be found in unlimited exten- that this quotation does not furnish, sion of the suffrage, in placing our even in a distant degree, a text for the trade interests at the mercy of for- present essay. On the contrary, it is eigners, or in completely abolishing the my conviction that by conserving the House of Lords ; neither can it consist rights of the Crown, and properly ex- in a levelling up of all orders, classes ercising them, by making use of th<> and races in the Empire to one com- stability and statesmanship to be found mon standing. Efforts of this sort in an upper House, and by defending have ended in failure before now. the commercial interests as well as the About two hundred and fifty years ago territorial integrity of the Empire, a the Commons of England passed an compact aggregate of British Nations Act declaring that the country and its would result, well entitled to be called dominions and territories should here- an Imperial Commonwealth, and fully after be governed as a Commonwealth able to promote the material prosperity and Free State "for the good of the and highest welfare, in short, the people, and that without any King or " Commonweal" of all British subjects House of Lords." It was the fashion and all the varied races now living of that time to make short work with " within the Empire." CHAPTER I. The Necessity for Action. When the news arrived from England that these expectations have not been six years ago, of the formation of the realised, and that many loyalists in Imperial Federation League by some Canada are again beginning to experi- of the foremost statesmen and admin- ence a little of the hope deferred which istrators in the Empire, it was received " maketh the heart sick." Not only as glad tidings by many loyal hearts. have the utterances of our leaders be- In these, the hope of a United Empire come more and more indistinct, but the had been hidden away for years with- efforts of members to get the policy of out a chance of germinating. In 1885 the League defined have been discour- the favourable time seemed to have ar- aged, and it has become the fashion to rived to agitate for the Unity of the sneer at such troublesome individuals Empire, and "The Imperial Federatior as "constitution-mongers." Speaking League in Canada" was formed. The generally, it may be said that Lord founders of the League at home gave Salisbury's remark about the Fair Trad- no uncertain sound with regard to their ers applies with equal force to Imperial objects, and while acknowledging that Federation ists : "Where they are pre- their path was beset with difficulties, " cise-they are not agreed and where they were ready, whenever opportunity " they are agreed they are not precise." offered, to point these out, and discuss When we reflect that the Anti-Corn the best means of overcoming them. Law League accomplished its object in It is true that the resolutions adopted seven years, that from the start that were general and elastic, but several of object was well defined and that five the leaders gave their views quite free- years have elapsed since our move- ly regarding the political aspect of Fed- ment was inaugurated, we cannot but eration, and even discussed the best be convinced that an accelerated rate of plan of establishing a Parliament for progress would result if the Federation the Empire. It was hoped and expected faith were properly formulated, and a that, by such discussions and candid in- standard raised round which true Brit- terchanges of opinion, a plan for the ish men might rally and fight, and proposed Federation would gradually which they might ultimately carry for- be developed, satisfactory to the great ward to victory. From the following majority of the members of the League, facts it will, however, be seen that capable of being placed before the Eng- there is no hope of this at present, and lish and Colonial public as its platform that therefore individual Federationists and of being pressed upon the states- are justified in speaking out and insist- men of the Empire for consideration ing that the time has arrived for action and action. on the part of the League as a whole. It has to be admitted, unfortunately, On the 23rd of July, 1889, Lord Salis- 8 bury wrote to the President of the why, in England, such a course would Imperial Federation League, on behalf not be fitting, and there is too much of himself and colleagues in the Impe- reason to fear that the Council of the rial Government, that they would " be League "missed the occasion" when " happy to receive and to consider, they neglected to take advantage of " with all the respect due to a commun- Lord Salisbury's offer to receive and " ication from so influential a body, consider their views.
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