John H. Hann Collection at University of Florida / Copyright 2003 John H. Hann

CORRESPONDENCE FROM THE GOVERNORSHIP OF ANTONIO DE BENAVIDES ON THE

COMMON THREAD OF RELATIONS WITH THE ENGLISH

#-1 Antonio de Benavides to the King, St. Augustine, April 21, 1722. About sending an envoy to

Carolina on observing the suspension of arms celebrated in Europe.

#-2a Antonio de Benavides to the King, St. Augustine, February 6, 1724. About the excesses of St.

Augustine’s pastor, Don Pedro de Asebedo (sic).

#-2b Diego Peña to Governor Antonio de Benavides, San Marcos de Apalache, August 6, 1723. On

intelligence on developments on the Chattahoochee and at St. Marks about the English campaign

to exterminate the Yamasee and other topics.

#-3a Antonio de Benavides to the Count of Salazar, Florida, October 15, 1728. Asks to be relieved

from his post for reasons of health.

#-3b Antonio de Benavides to the King, September 30, 1722, St. Augustine. About his distraining the

goods of a Cuban ship owner to pay damages for Spaniards’ taking of English ships as prizes after

the suspension of arms had taken effect and about St. Augustine’s pastor’s interest in those goods.

ON SENDING AN ENVOY TO CAROLINA ON OBSERVING THE SUSPENSION OF ARMS CELEBRATED IN EUROPE

Antonio de Benavides to king, St. Augustine of Florida, April 21, 1722. 7 pp. with cover sheet and 3 pp. of

enclosures. AGI, 58-1-39 (Hoffman’s table does not provide a Santo Domingo conversion for this

number), SC.

Sire

Y. M. by his Royal dispatch of the twenty-fifth of March of the past year of seventeen hundred and twenty- one ordered me that, by means of the good correspondence that I have had since the suspension of arms with the English of Carolina and that which Y. M. had ordered that in the court of London efficacious official letters (? oficios) should be passed so that the orders may be repeated that were given in virtue of the treaty for the suspension of arms between Y. M.’s crown and the one of England so that these vassals would not be molested by the English of Carolina nor by the Indians who are aligned with them and so that the vexations may cease that from (de) e (?) V / p. 2 they have received and so that they may live with the tranquility that the love of Y. M. desires for them Pasaseio (?) Likewise (asimismo) also here my letters

(ofisios) with the governor of Carolina predisposing him (Preuiniendole) so that he might cause the suspension of arms treaty to be observed punctually. The which, Sire, I put into execution, immediately dispatching for this purpose the accountant Don Francisco Menéndes, accompanied by three officers of this garrison to go from this Plassa with an order for celebrating a firm agreement with the governor of that colony, directed toward (hasia), so that on the part of the English of Carolina, they might cease to incite the spirits of the Indians so that by this medium those fellows and these farmers may live without the losses that the ones and the others have experienced at the hands of these heathens. And that this concord was equally important for the tranquility of the two nations for whose purpose (? Proposi-sic) and others that are evident from the copy of the letter that the abovementioned Don Francisco Menéndes / p. 3 brought

[and] which I am sending to the hands of Y. M. on this occasion. The governor and parliament of Carolina responded about not having received any order whatever from the King of Great Britain. But that, notwithstanding finding themselves without it, they would seek to maintain complete good correspondence with this government during the suspension of arms. During the which time, as soon as the said accountant

Don Francisco Menéndes arrived at Carolina, he had news that the English had constructed a wooden fort

Indians (yguajas) were settled for many years, who, because of the siege that this nation established on this

Plaza, they withdrew to it, in which they [still] live today. And the abovementioned Don Francisco, on seeing the novelty enjel said (dicho) [words blotted out] same (? mismas) of Y. M. / p. 4 rre, presented to the governor and parliament the motive and order that they had had for it and that from such a resolution there could possibly result some disturbances (? inquietudes) that unavoidably would need to be calmed down as soon as war broke out between that and this government. Especially with the Indians, a remonstrance was needed (devia rrepresentasion) that they had an order from the King of Great Britain in order to guarantee (afiansar) =his dominions with fortifications and settlements in the best form that he considered to be appropriate. The said accountant asked this of them and with various pretexts they refused it by saying that the order that he brought was not sufficient and not express. I on that point whatever (? alguno) concerning this subject, from which I infer, sire, that with the arrival of the governor who is newly come to that colony, not only will they complete the provisioning of the said fort but also they will put people on all the islands belonging to the jurisdiction of this government. Carolina will be made / p. 5 impregnable and they will reduce this presidio further (aun) to greater passivity (?) (conpasive (?)), a state that is seen today because, from the fickleness of the Indians one can expect that they will return to their partiality and, moreso, with them lacking, as they do lack, arms and munitions, which are the goods most to their liking. By this means and by the measures (Providensias) that with every effort and shortly, which they remain waiting for from England according to the reports that the accountant Don Francisco Menéndes gave me, they will succeed in time of war in invading this fort, which is the sole end at which they are aiming in all of their operations because of its great importance for the preservation of their colony and of

New England. And the profit that they would have from the capture of the ships of Y. M. that come out of the [Bahama] Channel in a spot that is very close to this port / p. 6 From it (aella) in informing and giving account to Y. M., I am fulfilling my duty for the Royal service and satisfying my obligation and I am explaining the serious loss and setback that can possibly result in these provinces with time. In the understanding of this Y. M. will order what is most pleasing to him and for his service. May God preserve his Catholic Royal Person for many years as Christendom requires. St. Augustine of Florida, April twenty- first of seventeen hundred and twenty-two.

dn Antonio de Benauides

/ p. 7 (cover page)

Florida April 27 1722

The Gov.r Dn Anto de Benauides

Says that in conformity with the despatch in the reserved fashion that he received with the date of the 25th (?) of March of 1720 in which he was ordered what he was going to have to carry out (egeactar (?)) concerning the hostilities that the English of Carolina have done (egeactan) with those residents and the notes that had been exchanged in London at the order of H. M. so that the treaty for the suspension of arms celebrated between the two Crowns would be observed and so that the orders might be reiterated (? se repictiesen) that had been given concerning it. He explained the efforts that had been carried out in this matter with the governor of Carolina, a copy of which he is remitting. And he explains that the said

English have built various fortifications and settlements in territories belonging to H. M. with the purpose of surprising the ships that come out of the [Bahama] Channel in the vicinity of the port belonging to it so that the appropriate measures may be taken. / p. 8

[Enclosure]

[In the margin.] Copy of the letter that he sent to the governor of Carolina concerning what should be observed pertaining to the suspension of arms.

St. Augustine of Florida, February eleventh of seventeen hundred and twenty-two. On finding myself with an order from the King of Spain, my master and lord in order to guarantee between this and that government [some individuals] a reciprocal correspondence with respect to the hostilities that have been carried out between the one and the other parties through the medium of the Indians, I have resolved that the accountant don Francisco Menéndes Márques should travel to that town with the officers who are accompanying him from the garrison of this plaza to confer with your excellency and those lords of the parliament for a firm accord so that by this means the disputes between their Indians may cease and these and those farmers may be free from the losses that they have experienced at the hands of the heathens. This concord is equally important for the tranquility of the two nations. But if some particular out of those that up to now on the part of that government, some individuals have been walking about in those provinces inciting the Indians, forgetful of what don Francisco Menéndes Márques has worked out and during the

4 JOHN H. HANN COLLECTION AT UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA / COPYRIGHT 2003 JOHN H. HANN time of the suspension of arms or general peace agreements [that have been celebrated in Europe] they will endeavor (intentaran) to wage hostilities (? hos ti lisar) in the jurisdiction of this [word blotted out] they can consider / p. 9 as very sure that the corresponding vengeance will be taken without the greatest satisfaction being sufficient for having consented to it, with Your Excellency and the lords of the parliament being certain that, with respect to what pertains to my part, that I will keep the Indians subject as they are since the day that I received the order from the King my master for the suspension of arms. I will take the necessary measures and lookout zealously for the permanence of this great benefit with my remaining persuaded. For this I see that he will execute equally this reciprocal convenience for the universal consolation of those inhabitants and these inhabitants, which is the sole foundation for a tranquil peace. And from the P.uo (?) of this and of what remains agreed on [by you] with the abovementioned don

Francisco Menéndes Márques your excellency will deign (se sirvira) to give me notice so that, in accord with it I may give an account to the King, my master. May Our Lord preserve your excellency for many years as I desire. Your greatest servant, don Antonio de Venauides kisses the hand of your excellency. A copy of this was taken in the office under my charge, I certify. Juan Solana, notary for the public and for the government.

It agrees with the original letter that his lordship is sending with the accountant don Francisco Menéndes

Márques so that it may be observed with this. And to that government that which in it ia Presado to whom it has been returned. And at his command / p. 10 I am giving the present [certification] in Florida on the ninth (?) of February of seventeen hundred and twenty-two, written on six (?) folded sheets (pliego) of common paper as the sealed variety does not circulate in this presidio. And in certification of it:

I make my mark in witness of it

Juan Solana

notary for the public and for the government

John H. Hann

September 18, 2003

Bureau of Archaeological Research

Governor Antonio de Benavides to the King, St. Augustine of la Florida, February 6, 1724. AGI, SD 842,

JTCC, reel 5.

Sire

Since I took possession of the government around (por) August third of seventeen hundred and eighteen, as was so much of my obligation, I have sought by every possible means the preservation and quiet of this presidio as well as of keeping it clear from all those causes that could possibly infect it

(infisionarlo) and solicit its ruin, which case has been very close (bien inmediato) if he had not blocked the path for those who have lived and were seeking to live at a loose rein from their free conduct (proseder) guided by the orders from Y. M. In this understanding I gave account in a report of the sixth of December of seventeen hundred and twenty-one with the support of autos that were accompanying it about the excesses that Don Pedro de Asebedo, pastor of this parish church, committed in this presidio. And I likewise gave notice to the bishop of la Havana so that, by the means that he considered to be most proportional, he would see to it that the aforementioned pastor and another two ecclesiastics would live in a manner befitting to their state and fulfill the obligations of their posts without the observations (rreparos) being experienced. From this resulted the abovementioned pastor’s crossing over to la Havana at the order of the visitor by which the envy (emvlasion) of some who serve in and frequent the house of the bishop have intended and have succeeded in instilling (inprisionarle) a not very good concept against me, with the inventors availing themselves / p. 2 of such an idea by way of such unsuitable means as well as in no way rational ones, nor [ones] in conformity with Christianity, with the objective of attempting it (? enprehenderle) and tarnishing my operations without taking into account that, when these are not fitted

(ajustados) to his suggestion (dictamen) as Don Pedro de Asebedo wished and as his friends must understand that, while being judge, he is not able to do anything without witnesses who are immediately injured in making some of them perjure themselves, and for which there is doubt in the truth of others, which is in substance what is going on in this presidio and which has been verified is being carried out in la

Havana, encouraging and agitating that they be employed in this one for some subjects who have gone to that city from here, for which they have retracted what they have sworn to here. They have achieved this either because of the pliability of such subjects or because of the efficacious force or industry of those who

6 JOHN H. HANN COLLECTION AT UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA / COPYRIGHT 2003 JOHN H. HANN have suggested them. And in this fashion they have achieved everything that they have wanted. And there has resulted from it that which Y. M., persuaded by the autos that the bishop remitted, recognizes that I calumniated the aforementioned pastor (? qura) without a motive for it. It has left me well mortified as a result and, all the moreso, on seeing that the bishop has given assent to that which the malice of the fanatics has plotted (trasado) in disdain for the truth and for the just good opinion that my operations are achieving in the royal judgment (consepto) of Y. M. And these parts, because of forgetting (rrecosirse) all my ambition for the greater success of the royal service, treating me with disdain (? desdorasion) in that which

I am incapable of committing. For to the one most forgetful of God they made an impression and the monstrosities that on account of general misery (plaga general) they are experiencing in la Havana, attributing it solely to this cause and for the punishment that our offenses deserve, all of which the divine providence permits in that city and jurisdiction in the way of vexations, torments, fires, robberies, deaths and false witnesses intervening (jugando) at each step and without reason [with] the sword of censure. And because of this the republics are seen to be set on fire in disputes (pleitos). And from here, not in just one but rather in many scandals, / p. 3 ignoring the more prudent means and manner for governing this presidio.

For because of [my] being just, they say that I am cruel. If I am merciful (piadoso) they have contempt for the orders, ridiculing with abhorrence everything that is good. And in understanding of that which Y. M. is pleased to order in the same royal decree of the thirteenth of May of the past year of seventeen hundred and twenty-three concerning the doctrineros of the order of St. Francis of this province about the manner and form in which they are supposed to provide the Indian doctrinas with provisions that there are in the vicinity of this Presidio, which are thirteen distinct missions, I will dedicate myself, as it pertains to my primary obligation precisely, without going beyond the royal intention of Y. M., although I fear that it may result, according to these reports that the religious of St. Francis mentioned will not admit it, nor even less that they will subject themselves to the collation form of pastorship. And that if they should want to introduce such a novelty with them, they will return to their convents of la Havana and the rest from the hinterland [as well]. This is all that occurs to me for now to anticipate to Y. M. In the meantime he will clear the way (dar paso) for the faculty and commission that the aforementioned pastor, Don Pedro de

Asebedo has from the aforementioned bishop. Concerning this I will go on giving Y. M. an account in accord with what comes up concerning this subject, hoping firmly that the love, zeal, and the lack of self

7 JOHN H. HANN COLLECTION AT UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA / COPYRIGHT 2003 JOHN H. HANN interest in which I have kept myself in the royal service of Y. M. for more than thirty years during which I have served, so that they will procure for me the patronage of Y. M. notwithstanding (apesar)1 the ones that were poorly viewed (mal hallados) with my justified conduct, which they seek, with a depraved intention to strip me of the credit for. May God preserve the royal person of Y. M. for many years as Christendom requires and this faithful servant needs. St. Augustine of Florida, February 6 of 1724.

dn Antonio de Benauides

Florida, February 6, of 1724 No 3

Received in September of 1724 and sent to the secretariat on October 3rd with a paper from the señor dn

Antto Sopeña so that he might route it.

The Govordn Anto de Benavides...(sic) (summary omitted) by Jeannette Thurber Connor

Note

About the particular of the ecclesiastics in Florida, a decision has been taken and dispatches issued and in the matter of the pastorships, he is being made aware that, lately, the Procurator General of the order of St. Francis of that province of Santa Elena issued a memorial (hizo Ynstancia) so that the cited dispatch of 13 of May of [1]723 might be ordered to be recalled, in which it was ordered that the missionary religious who find themselves in la Florida receive Canonical Collation from the bishop of Cuba for the administration of the sacraments to the Indians in conformity with the laws of the Royal Patronato. The latter, having been seen by the Council on 3 of the present month of October, it was agreed upon that concerning the memorial (representazion) of the said procurator, the abovementioned bishop should be informed along with this governor.

Council on 11 of October 1724

They are awaiting the requested reports (initialled).

My note

1The word apesar no longer exists in Spanish but it has survived in modern Portuguese. This suggests that the word was possibly peculiar to the Galician dialect of Spanish from which Portuguese evolved.

John H. Hann

September 25, 2003

Bureau of Archaeological Research

St. Marks of Apalachee and the Chattahoochee in August of 1723

Introduction

This piece is of particular interest for its recording of the explicit decision attributed to the English of Carolina to wipe out even the name of the Yamasee and their inciting their allies among the Creeks to assist them to that end, holding out the prospect of a substantial reward for every Yamasee scalp brought in.

Of particular interest is a cloudy passage at the beginning of page 2 that runs as follows: “And that the intention that they have is to wipe out entirely the word Yamas and their Apalachee descendants and viajas.....”

Also of particular interest is the mention just below the above passage of a warrior named Cusapa having captured a Yamasee woman in San Luis.

ST. MARKS AND THE CHATTAHOOCHEE IN AUGUST OF 1723

Peña, Diego to Governor Antonio de Benavides, San Marcos de Apalache, August 6, 1723. JTCC, reel 5.

Señor Governor and Captain General. I am giving your lordship an account of what is happening another letter in these provinces, although in the preceding one that I wrote to your lordship

Aug. 6 of 1723 from Chilacaliche with the date of the second of the current [month], somewhat confusedly because of not knowing with detail what was correct. But at the present time there is no doubt.

It is to know, after having remained (as I have already reported to your lordship) in the said village of

Chilacaliche,1 on the fourth day of the present [month], an Indian arrived from the places of up above

(novedades) that there was. This fellow, after having arrived at about one in the morning, told how from the Talipuzes there had come down to the province of Caveta a portion of troop people who were composed [of people] from seven place and of Apiscas with considerable other armament, allies of our neighbors of Carolina, bringing four Englishmen commanding them, for the purpose of not leaving alive any Yamasee at all, whether male or female and so that they might take their scalp, with the result that they have already begun to carry it out. For in Palachicolo they have killed two Christian Yamasee, one named

Francisco, sons of a Christian Indian named Ygnacio. In Ocone, a woman. In Infala (probably meant to be

Eufaula. See Swanton 1922:262) another woman, removing their scalps and delivering them to the abovementioned Englishmen. And that the intention that they have is to wipe out entirely the word Yamas

(Yamasee) and their Apalachee descendants and viajas (?)2 giving a considerable reward for each scalp from these nations mentioned, as your lordship is informed already about what the governor of Carolina gave to the Warrior Cusapa (Tascaya Cusapa) for a Yamasee woman (? por Yamasa) whom he captured in

San Luis. For it was in the following fashion. There came into the possession (? Lo pararon) of the aforesaid Cusapa [who] is as tall or moreso than the little Diego (Diego el chiquito) whom I know very well. And they went on throwing clothing of all sorts around him until it reached around him to the shoulders. And afterward they gave him a barrel of firewater, a musket, the ammunition that he wanted.

And they gave a good gift (regalo) to the ones who went with him. With the result that, when the

Talipuzes saw that, and as they are the children of greediness, and along with the influence over them of the said governor of Carolina, they came and summoned the province of Talipuses and Apiscas, conferring over the case with the province of the Uchises, the latter of whom were greatly resistant; There condescended to their suggestion (dictamen), among them, the one of Caveta, Chavagale, the common people (la pleve) of Casista, Ocumulque, Osuche; of the Yuches, he does not know. The rest of the towns have not wished to admit it. They say only that they do not want war with these nations alluded to. And he considers it as very certain that they will now come, coming down to the town of Tamasle3 and the one of

Chilacaliche. After the aforesaid had reported these developments to me, Chilacaliche said to me, that he was not going to abandon the village; that he was well aware that he would have to die and that thus (assi) now that God had brought me to a like extremity, that he should accompany him. To this, that yes, that I

When he returned within half an hour and told me that he was waiting for me; that he was going or was coming to San Marcos to befriend (favorecer) the Spaniards. However, I believe that he will not come because of what I will say. As soon as he said this to me, influenced by others, he said to me that I should give him the clothing that I had left. Then at once I replied to this that I would not. That already between him and the one of Tamasle, they had carried off half and with impudence he replied to me that it should be given to him and that if it was not, they would take it from me on the trail. To this I responded to him that, in that eventuality, they would carry it off at their risk. Nonetheless, I gave him another portion of blankets

(congas), telling him that I had not brought it only for him, with the condition (con calidad) because of the resolution seen, he obliged me to be on guard with the arms. In conclusion, Sire, when daylight arrived, the place was already depopulated and abandoned completely, leaving us alone. He and his family, his brother and others of his relatives embarked, saying that they were coming to this fort, and the rest of the families by land. That I managed to catch up with them three leagues from the place on account of (? por) more than one hundred persons, little ones and big ones. And they took the trail of Lactama. Those of the place of Tamasle were embarked at those same hours. I believe that they will come to Lactama or to this garrison. Sire, already with respect to the Indians there is no longer any reason to pay attention to them

(hazer caso). I am speaking with reference to the provinces of upriver. I am not speaking of these ones, because the fear makes them still have loyalty, nothing else. I also advise your lordship that the English have influenced the Indians, telling them that the Spaniard cannot maintain them and make settlements and maintain a garrison. For they have already seen that they placed the Presidio at St. Joseph and that they were not able to maintain it. That they place one at Pansacola, which was lost and that, whatever they want, they do. That clothing and the rest belonging to Spaniards are not worth anything. That this [? place] they are saying for many years, they are going to settle. Neither does the Spaniard have any power nor any forces. With the result that with this production the said Englishmen are assuring their evil intentions. I am giving account to your lordship that the French have also been proceeding in war. That they have finished one or two villages of Apalaches who are attached to la Movila and a portion of Chicksaws. As a result of it, what must be discussed is that, which the foreigner intends is to remain [here] alone. And I must say, because it is certain [that] the English are going to settle in these regions or on the old village-site (Chicasa)

French do not settle, as they also have the same thing in view, and if not, I will be a witness at the time. I am also advising your lordship that my trip to this Presidio will take place about ten or twelve days from now for the reason that the beasts are very worn out. And I will wait until they regain a little of their strength. For today I am obliged to move things forward (? a adelantarme) so that I may write to your lordship shortly and they will rest a little (y que ces (?)-tearan un poco) (sic). I am bringing the clothing that was left over after having given [some] to the villages, Tamasle and Chilacaliche and the rest to give it to these villages, Lactama and Guacara. I have sent to call the cacique of Lactama and he has not come, in order to see it, with the three villages, he may wish to maintain himself in the said Lacma. This is as much as occurs to me and the new developments around here. The only thing that I must say to your lordship is that your lordship should speak with his guardian angel in accord with what these two trips have resulted in. May God our Lord preserve your lordship in health for many long years and give him the patience to bear up under so many concerns. San Marcos, August sixth of seventeen hundred and twenty-three. His least subject kisses the hand of your lordship.

Diego Peña

I also advise your lordship how fifteen days ago a Frenchman and two Chacata women disappeared from close to the place of Chilacaliche. It is reported they have killed them. Everything is proceeding in very bad shape. The urgency (prisa) leaves no time for saying more. - It agrees...(notary’s certificate omitted) [thus in English by Jeannette Thurber Connor /]

[It is followed immediately by a letter of Governor Antonio de Benavides to the king, dated August 18,

1723, the translation of which I shall place in a separate entry under his name].

John H. Hann

September 29, 2003

Bureau of Archaeological Research

Notes

1Chilacaliche’s village was located at this time just above the confluence of the Flint and

Chattahoochee to form the Apalachicola River of today. In other sources his name is more commonly rendered as “Chilacasliche.”

2There appears to be no such word as viajas or biajas in modern Spanish. Conceivably, it was meant to be the name of a people. It is also not clear what Peña meant here in his reference to “their

Apalachee descendants.” It could be interpreted variously as referring to Yamasee living in Apalachee or by a stretch of the imagination as suggesting that the Apalachee themselves were related to the Yamasee.

3Tamasle was a Yamasee town in the vicinity of the St. Marks fort (Hann 1988:292).

General Archive of the Indies, Seville, Spain. Secretariat of N[ew] S[pain], Secular. Audiencia of Santo

Domingo, province of Florida. Letters and dispatches from the governor of that province, years of

1721 to 1727. Stand no. 58, Box no. 1, Bundle no. 29, JTCC, reel 5. SD 342

Governor Antonio de Benavides to the Count of Salazar, Florida, October 15, 1728.

Most Excellent Señor

With great pleasure I have received two letters from Don Francisco de Ocanpo not only because of the happy reports that he communicates to me about Y. Ex.’s continued health but also because of the good choice that H.M. has made of V. Ex. as chamberlain of the corps of the señor Don Fernando, Prince of

Asturias. I am not flattering (? no linsongeo) Y. Ex. But, the felicitation of this favor he must give to the

King as I do not doubt all the court will publish it thus and I as the greatest servant of your excellency.

When your most excellent señor was awaiting the relief that for so long a time he has sought from the mercy of the King, God has wished to give me the mortification that my cares should be prolonged and increased and the vexation with which I live in this Presidio because of the decline in my health that I suffer [which is] great; that the fatigue and heavy weight of the Presidio makes it impossible for me, to which there is added the weak ability of my talents for governing it. For the expressions are lacking to me in order to explain to your excellency the supreme grief that our misfortune causes for me without it

13 JOHN H. HANN COLLECTION AT UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA / COPYRIGHT 2003 JOHN H. HANN sufficing to remedy it what I have explained to H.M. and to the viceroy of New Spain, that he must consider the recommendation that the means should be provided for the remedying of that which I have proposed since they are all directed to the vitality of religion and the benefit of the King. And as to that which pertains to the / heathen Indians, it is a people of an incomparable fickleness without the possibility of achieving concerning them the holy objective of their reduction, because today they are allied with us and on the morrow, with the English with whom they are more pleased to live because of the liberty they grant them and without their having any suggestion at all [from them], which is what they desire the most, and to get drunk, and the goods in the way of clothing and other baubles (bujerias) that the English of

Carolina particularly give to them that please them the most. For this reason and because of their depraved influences, they have already made impossible the holy ministry of the missions, with which today there are only preserved with us solely those Indians among whom the grace of the holy gospel has worked efficaciously. But with their fickleness being as great as it is, because of the long experience that has been had with them, it is to be expected that the fear of their enemies, the heathens, and the English will win out, particularly with our not having troops enough to support them. Because this settlement is reduced solely to the scant number belonging to the Presidio which is in a very deteriorated state today and also the most exposed it has been, not only because it is possible to attack it with smaller forces but also because, on various occasions the English of Carolina have manifested an inclination to take it. The closeness of their colony greatly facilitates that intent as does their encouraging of the spirits of the heathen Indians to wage hostilities against this presidio, as they have done on various occasions and on the 12th day of March (mco ) of this year when a detachment of 300 Englishmen and 100 Indians presented themselves at dawn at a distance of an artillery shot from this fort, about which he will inform your Excellency with practical knowledge and about this countryside and its circumstances through the ensign Don Juan de la Balle, a good Viscayan and an honest man, who is going over to that court solely for the purpose of giving this letter to your Excellency and another for Don Francisco de Ocanpo along with a memorial for the King, requesting of the Royal Mercifulness of H.M. and of the support and charity of your Excellency the lifting of the immense / p. 3 weight from me of this presidio as soon as possible because of what I have mentioned to Your Excellency and to serve God better unencumbered by so many concerns, which is solely, most excellent señor, that to which all my ambition is directed and reduced, from which so pious a work your

14 JOHN H. HANN COLLECTION AT UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA / COPYRIGHT 2003 JOHN H. HANN excellency will experience spiritual rewards. May Our Lord protect your excellency for many years as I desire. St. Augustine of Florida, October 15 of 1728.

Most Excellent Señor, the not soliciting on this occasion from the piety of the King permission to withdraw myself from the confused labyrinth of the government of human life is because of finding myself pledged for more than two thousand pesos. And it is necessary to pay them because after [having] withdrawn from service in accord with the intent that I have for some time, I would not be able to carry it out except over a long period of time. In consideration of this, may your excellency be pleased, as I am beseeching him by the Most Holy virgin, to pull me out of here for any whatever other region that the King may be pleased to. For I no longer have the health to stay on in this region, as don Juan de la Balle will inform Your Excellency more at length, being able to speak with Your Excellency and to assure his also with entire confidence. You may believe him in everything whatever that he may inform Your Excellency concerning this country.

Most Excellent señor

Your greatest and most beloved servant kisses the hands of Your Excellency.

dn Antonio de Benauides

Most Excellent Sr. Count de Zalasar

Florida 15 of October of 1728

To the C[ou]nt of Salazar

R[eceiv]ed on four of April of 1729 by the hand of the señor secretary Dn Franco Diaz Roman

The Govor D.n Antto de Benauides.

John H. Hann

November 13, 2003

Bureau of Archaeological Research

GOVERNOR ANTONIO DE BENAVIDES TO THE KING, St. Augustine of Florida, September 30,

1722. Typed copy from reel 5 of the Jeannette Thurber Connor Collection. No signature is visible

at the end of this letter identifying the letter’s author. If this copy had one, it was lopped during

the process of my xeroxing this copy from the microfilm as there is no space at all on this copy’s

last page below its last line, which is flush with the bottom of the page on this page, as are the last

lines of the other three pages.

General Archive of the Indies, Seville, Spain. Secretariat of N[ew] S[pain], Secular. Audiencia of Santo

Domingo, Province of Florida. Letters and despaches from the Governor of that province, years of 1721 to

1727. Stand No. 56, Box No. 1, Bundle No. 29.

Document No. 40, 2 folios, 11 15/16” x 8½” duplicated.

Sire

After having proceeded to distrain the goods that the shipowner (armador) Juan Fernándes de Gustillos, a resident of the city of la Havana, has in this presidio in order to give satisfaction with their value to the

English men investigated in the four prizes that the Captain Don Ricardo Olland introduced into this port in accord with that which, by Royal decree of the twenty-fifth of February of seventeen hundred and twenty- one Y.M. orders me that all the vessels and effects that may have been taken from the English by the privateers (armadores) of this jurisdiction after the time limit set in the treaty for the suspension of arms should be restored to their owners, for which seizures (embargos) and execution of the royal orders of Y.M. the interim pastor and vicar of this parish, Don Pedro Lodares Cota, who alleged ecclesiastical immunity as well as because of the evidence (testimonio) of the certification from the notary, it is evident what occurred at the time of visiting a warehouse filled with firewater and a store that is next to the house of the said Juan Fernández in which the aforesaid vicar and curate, Don Pedro Lodares Cota, lives. That he underwent a great deal of suffering from his action, taking into consideration his being a priest and because of his hot temper and the experiences that I have from the ill considered and prejudicial attempts that it is possible for the one to have who would place under interdict so that I should withdraw with the royal

16 JOHN H. HANN COLLECTION AT UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA / COPYRIGHT 2003 JOHN H. HANN officials until / p. 2 it is decided what is to be carried out concerning this particular matter, as you have done it (? como lo hisse), obligning his attorney for the aforementioned Juan Fernándes that he reveal the possessions that are to be found in the aforesaid tavern and store because of its being evident that the one and the other belong to the aforementioned

outfitter Juan Fernándes and to other individuals in order by the curate an interested party this means to avoid the scandals that the aforesaid priest- with reference to the goods curate was offering in defense of the aforementioned goods on appearing as a party with an interest in them. For according to royal orders from Y. M., it is prohibited to the clerics and priests that they may not be factors for agents (encomenderos) or other persons or to trade

(tratar) or contract in any sort of merchandise in which there are included the aforementioned curate don

Pedro Lodares Cota, as is evident also from another certification and from the rest that accompanies it on this subject and in the scandals and disturbances that he has caused in this presidio from a censure that he

imposed on me and help in order to hinder (impedir) the That he prevented some religious religious doctrineros in a blessing of a church of Our Lady from the blessing of the church of de la Lecha (of the Milk), a parish of Chiluque Indians, on Our Lady de la Lecha (sic), a parish the day of which, many disturbances could have occurred of Chiluque Indians from my having given the guard corp (dado yo la guardia), which, in order to hinder (que para envarasar) the installation (la colocasioni) of this lady, the said curate had requested from me. And notwithstanding the knowledge that he had of what could possibly occur with the religious and the Indians, I gave him the help on the first and third instance, making him aware of the evil consequences that could arise [from the sight ?] of it on the part of so many recently converted Indians, with the disconsolation already having come to my attention that they were experiencing because of their wanting to hinder (inpedir) their fiesta. He ordered suspension of the guard. From this the said curate evilly (mal) supposed that he had not wanted to give him the help. And because of me the notary of the ecclesiastical court was suspended, with the one and the other being very much opposed (? mui al contrario), as is established also [from another] certification. By way of the

latter Y. M. will see the false denunciation (delasion) of Recourse was had to a notary punished

Manuel de Quiñones, a person whom the abovementioned for incest with his own daughter curate had availed himself of as his notary, against whom he had launched a criminal case, a Case (sic) in this Presidio because of having been incestuous with one of his own daughters. With his statement that the aforementioned Manuel de Quiñones made, the said curate passed on (Passo) to excommunicate me (descomulgarme) on becoming aware of such enormous sins and for having caught him in perjury. But, sire, it does not surprise me so much (no me admira tanto) for the anxieties (inquietudes) and scandals that this priest has caused in this republic and in the places of

Indians as [it

does] with respect to its being evident to me that he signed Indecent rogatory [letters] with his own fist (puño) some dispatches or rogatory letters so indecent and depraved, which I am also sending to the hands of Y.M. on this occasion so that, with them in view along with the rest of the copies that accompany it, Y. M. may order what is most

[appropriate] to his royal pleasure

and service. To this, the influences are to be added with which He prevented the passing of three religious the aforementioned curate was soliciting that three religious to Apalache for that administration (? p.a should not pass over to the province of Apalache, whom their aqlla adm.on ) prelate nominated for the administration of those villages of heathen and Christian Indians who are maintaining themselves there, causing supreme sorrow that for so sacred a ministry he should wish so pious a work to disappear. But with the aforementioned religious being aware of the ill-considered intentions of the said curate, they followed through on the obedience [assignment] that they had from their Superior for [going] to Apalache, in which [assignment] they find themselves engaged today. The verification of this is evident from another certification from a religious doctrinero, who found himself present [there] at the time that the aforementioned curate instigated

(insitava) the three / p. 4 religious. And if, by way of giving fulfillment to the royal orders and to serve

Y.M. with the zeal (selo) and disinterest that is well known to all, my reputation is going to suffer the false accusations with the ecclesiastical judges along with the secular judges wielding at each step and without

[any] reason the sword of the censure. Not only will they see themselves despised (? ultrajados) but also they will not be feared by their subjects. In this the Royal person of Y.M. whom I represent (even though

[I am] unworthy) will not merely be injured lightly. This, sire, is the state in which this poor Presidio finds itself, terrified with the excommunications and with even the Indian villages scandalized, injuring all this commune, who, in consideration of so irregular a conduct such as that of the abovementioned curate, don

Pedro Lodares Cota, they are astonished (admirados) on seeing the prudence with which he has proceeded in all of this without having given any more motive for it than that which I have mentioned to Y. M., the inappropriate aspects of which I have brought to Y. M.’s attention in my preceding reports (consultas).

They give me motive for not being able to execute the Royal orders, because, for the one who executes it in this district, unjust persecution will result from it of persons of all estates. And they are more of an occasion for giving vent to Passions and vengeances and to aid (aiudar) for following them with partiality to relatives and friends without admitting the remedy of Justice nor the support and defense of this wretched soldiery and savings for the Royal treasury of Y. M. And because of seeing that a governor does not walk with them to the side (? parte) where they pursue it (? lo persiguen) and if he omits to fulfill (? lo hase deja de cumplir) the obligation that he has and Y. M. punishes him as something very just, for all of this I beseech Y.M. that he deign to place this government in the hands of the one [who is] most pleasing to

Y. M. and most serviceable and to grant me leave from it so that I may pass over to place myself at the

Royal Feet of Y. M., whose Catholic Royal Person may God preserve for many years as Christendom requires. St. Augustine of Florida. September 30 of 1722. [No signature is visible. If there was one, it would have been lopped off, as there is no space at all (on this xeroxed page) below its last line.]

John H. Hann

November 12, 2003

Bureau of Archaeological Research

IDENTIFICATION OF AND STATE OF FLORIDA’S DOCTRINAS 1728

Governor Dionisio Suárez de la Vega to the King, Havana, August 27, 1728. AGI, SD 865, JTCC, reel 6.

(Typescript, but with a multitude of handwritten corrections in ink correcting the typist’s changes in spelling, omissions,etc.)

In the royal dispatch of 5 of July of the year just passed, Y. M. deigned to order me to inform him with reliable reports about the state of the doctrinas or missions of the province of Florida, the number of people of which each one is composed, whether it is already settled (poblada) and being taught, how many

Indians have been brought together at those villages, and the form of churches, what sort of structures

(fabrica de ellos), and that (la) of their settlements. Above all, that I should bring to the superior understanding of Y. M. [so that (?)] after I have been informed in accord with the terms laid out in the aforesaid royal dispatch about the news that he has considered most suitable for the general run of those regions. They are that, up to the year of [1]703, the English of Carolina and Indians allied to them made the first entrance into the provinces of Apalache, Thimucua, and Guale, the Indians in them lived quietly, subject to settlements which many of the heathen ones frequented to give obedience. But after having become destroyed, for this motive, the provinces alluded to [are destroyed] with all their settlements, with many Indians dead and prisoners, not only among the converted ones but also among the heathen ones and with the most having rebelled from the obedience and having banded together (abanderizados) with the

English as soon as they experienced the liberty with which they allowed them to live and not regulated as

Catholic Christians. The few who, at the time wished to remain under the protection of the arms of Y. M., took up territory in the areas that appeared to them to be safe from the hostile incursion of the aforementioned. They established their lodgings and dwellings with the name of villages in which they are served by the doctrineros or religious to whom they were entrusted with the spiritual nourishment, love, and zeal.

After the destruction of the provinces alluded to and their villages, the war continued between the converted Indians and the heathen ones / p. 2 with the English nation encouraging these by way of the settlements nearby to those they have. That they have brought together a multitude of Carib Indians, granting them the liberties to which they are accustomed. And in this manner they have annihilated more than four parts of the five from which the number of the reduced ones was composed, with the latter ones

20 JOHN H. HANN COLLECTION AT UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA / COPYRIGHT 2003 JOHN H. HANN remaining in eight of the said settlements and territories in such a way (de suerte que) that the largest and most populous one does not amount to 60 souls, counting Indian men, women, and children. And a religious is present in each of these settlements, with this becoming indispensable because of the diversity of the tongues. And thus a separate doctrinero was necessary who would be instructing them in that which pertained to their management and cultivation. And in some of the said settlements, it was necessary for two ministers to be present because of distinct nations being brought together in them.

In none of these settlements is it possible to have a tabernacle in which the most holy sacrament of the Eucharist may be kept present despite their being 9, 7, 5, and 3 leagues distant from that presidio, so great was the fear that they had of the heathens that for any whatever light motive, they would move from the territory without having permanence in any. And, accordingly, for this reason, as well as because of their churches’ not being decent, dedicated [only] for saying Mass, they agreed that for the Indian who was ill, the viaticum would be administered at the hours of celebrating [Mass].

On seeing themselves more harassed every day by the heathens, the ones reduced withdrew under the shelter of the artillery of la Florida in various dwellings that were no more distant from it than a cannon shot. Their names were Moze, Nombre de Dios in Macariz, the new Tholomato, La Costa, Palica, / p. 3

Pocotalaca and Casapuyas. The first one was composed of twenty men, eighteen women, and ten children among Yamasees, Apalachees, and Motolos (?). And among these was only one heathen man and one heathen woman. The second one was made up of eighteen men and fourteen women, eight children, all

Christians. And attached to them, four Timucuan Indians and two fayas (sic-- probably meant to be

Alafayas) with three women, likewise Christians. The third one was composed of twenty-three men and twenty-two women and twenty children, all Christians except for one of the men, who was heathen. In the fourth one, there is no fixed number because it is accustomed to have thirty or forty and at times four or six because of being people without stability, similar to those who live in the Keys. The women who live there ordinarily are seven and about twelve children, all Christians. The men for the most part are heathens and three of the women. The fifth one has six men, eight women, and six children. The sixth one has fourteen men, ten women, some of whom are heathen. It would have about four or five little children (which also is called Nombre de Dios). It would have about fifteen men and twenty women, and fourteen children, all

Christian and finally [crossed out thus] Casapuyas had fourteen men and a like number of women, of whom the most are heathens and one composed of two nations.

The province of Apalache remains reduced solely to two settlements. The one is called Hamaste1,

two league’s distant from the fort. It would have about sixty men and forty women, the most of them

heathen, and another like number of children who are being indoctrinated. And the other one San Juan de

Guacara (which was its former name). It had about ten men, six women and four children, all Christians.

And the one and the other of them rebelled on the 20th day of March of the present year.

In the state alluded to, the doctrines of the provinces subject to the jurisdiction of §t. Augustine find themselves, whose churches are composed of some houses roofed with palm with walls of the same with the exception of the one of Tholomato which / p. 4 is surrounded by boards and of the one of Hombre de Dios in Macariz, which was the best one because, with the statue of Our Lady de la Leche being located there, with the alms from the faithful, the walls of stone and lime had been raised, even though the roof was of palmstraw like the rest. And the English having entered into this village with so many other Indians on the aforementioned 20th day of March, they sacked it and set fire to it, assaulted (? asolo) the place. They robbed the Church and convent, desecrated the images, killed six Indians and wounded eight, including a lieutenant of infantry and a soldier. Others were carried off as prisoners with those that withdrew without having made a greater change (novedad). For that reason, that governor blew up the church with gun powder, with the Indians who remained withdrawing within the enclosure of the presidio for the shelter of the presidio after having likewise destroyed the villages of Tholomato and la Costa and Pocotalaca. That is the state to which the provinces alluded to have been reduced. And [additionallv] only the fort of

Apalache, which I assisted immediately when I had news of the uprising with provisions and the defense equipment needed for four months and for the Indians who sought shelter in it. And according to the reports that a vessel brought that arrived at this port on the 17th day of the present [month] some Indians are returning to obedience, saying that the English tricked them, and of remaining. I am getting a vessel ready with provisions for Apalache for the time that the aforemention [vessel ?]2 should depart from la Florida. I infer that it was in knowledge (en inteleg3 ) of the commander of the fort cited having given notice to that governor about the Indians of that district (comarca) also having withdrawn. This is as much as / p. 5 occurs to me to place before the high understanding of Y.M. so that he may decide what is most

[conducive] to the Royal service. May Our Lord preserve the C[atholic] R[oyal] P[erson] of Y.M. for many years as Christendom requires. Havana, 27 of August of 1728.

Dionisio Suarez de la Vega

Havana (to H. M.) August 27, 1728 [On the backside: written in longhand]. Rec[eived] in Nov[emb]er with vasel (?) of Sr. Patiño.--- The governor, ordered by disp[atch] of 5 of July of last year, informs diffusely about the state in which the doctrinas of Florida exist, the number of people of which each is composed, the form in which their settlements exist, churches and their type of building, so that, in the knowledge of this, H.M. may decide what he considers to be appropriate.

Council, on the 16th of Nov [em] ber of 1723--- Send it on to the Fiscal (initialled). ---The fiscal has seen this from the Gov[ern] or of la Havana. ---giving account (in fulfillment of a Royal decree that was sent to him, of July [1]727 so that he may inform himself secretly with full clarity and justification about the state of the doctrtnas. (Initialled).

Note; Let them bring another letter from the Bishop (Obpo ?), in which he also informs about this subject.

Notes

1Hamaste is rendered usually as Tamasle. Tamasle appeared in 1739 as the name of a Yamasee village located in the vicinity of the fort at St. Marks in Apalachee (see Hann, Apalachee...... 1988:292).

2“Forementioned” is followed by vessel (embarcacion) but embarcacion was crossed out.

John H. Hann

October 13, 2003

Bureau of Archaeological Research