Thieves, Convicts and the Inmate Culture

142 SOCIAL PROBLEMS trieswhich make use of a unionhiring natureof the accusationand the char- hall. acteristicsof theaccused. Deprivations In the absenceof studieswhich iso- occur,even thoughnot officiallyin- late theeffect of suchfactors, our find- tended,in thecase of unskilledwork- ings cannotreadily be generalized.It ers who havebeen acquitted of assault is temptingto suggestafter an initial charges.On the otherhand, malprac- look at theresults that social class dif- tice actions-evenwhen resulting in a ferencesprovide the explanation.But judgmentagainst the doctor-are not subsequentanalysis and researchmight usuallyfollowed by negativeconse- wellreveal significant intra-class varia- quencesand sometimeshave a favor- tions,depending on thedistribution of able effecton theprofessional position otheroperative factors. A lowerclass of the defendant.These differencesin personwith a scarcespecialty and a outcomesuggest two conclusions: one, protectiveoccupational group who is theneed for more explicit clarification acquittedof a lightlyregarded offense of legal goals; two,the importanceof might benefitfrom the accusation. examiningthe attitudesand social Nevertheless,class in generalseems to structureof thecommunity outside the correlatewith the relevantfactors to courtroomif the legal processis to such an extentthat in realitythe law hitintended targets, while avoiding in- regularlyworks to thedisadvantage of nocentbystanders. Greater precision in thealready more disadvantaged classes. communicatinggoals and in apprais- of CONCLUSION ing consequences presentpractices shouldhelp to makethe legal process Legal accusationimposes a variety an increasinglyequitable and effective of consequences,depending on the instrumentof social control.

THIEVES, CONVICTS AND THE INMATE CULTURE

JOHN IRWIN and DONALD R. CRESSEY Departmentsof Anthropologyand Sociology Universityof California,Los Angelesand Santa Barbara

In therapidly-growing literature on internalconditions stimulate inmate the social organizationof correctionalbehavior of variouskinds, and there institutions,it has becomecommon to has been a glossingover of the older discuss"prison culture" and "inmate notionthat inmates may bringa cul- culture"in termssuggesting that the turewith theminto the prison.Our behaviorsystems of various types of in- aim is to suggestthat much of thein- matesstem from the conditions of im- matebehavior classified as partof the prisonmentthemselves. Use of a form prisonculture is not peculiarto the of structural-functionalanalysis in re- prisonat all. On thecontrary, it is the searchand observationof institutionsfine distinction between "prison cul- has led to emphasisof the notionthat ture"and "criminalsubculture" which seemsto makeunderstandable the fine distinctionbetween behavior * patterns We are indebtedto the following of variouscategories of inmates. personsfor suggested modifications of the A numberof recent originaldraft: Donald L. Garrity,Daniel publications Glaser, Erving Goffman,and Stanton havedefended the notion that behavior Wheeler. patternsamong inmates develop with

This content downloaded from 160.94.50.114 on Wed, 28 Aug 2013 20:41:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Thieves,Convicts and the InmateCulture 143 a minimumof influencefrom the out- accommodation."4 Like others, he side world. For example, in his gen- makes the important point that the eral discussion of total institutions, principal types of inmates-especially Goffman acknowledges that inmates the "politicians"and the "shots"-help bring a culturewith them to the insti- the officialsby exertingcontrols over tution, but he argues that upon en- the general prison body in returnfor trance to the institution they are special privileges.Similarly, he recog- strippedof this supportby processesof nizes the "rightguy" role as one built mortificationand dispossession aimed around the value systemdescribed by at managing the daily activities of a Sykes and Messinger, and points out large number of persons in a small that it is tolerated by prison officials space with a small expenditureof re- because it helps maintain the status sources.1 Similarly, Sykes and Mes- quo. Cloward hints at the existencein singernote that a centralvalue system prison of a criminal subculturewhen seems to pervade prison populations, he says that "the upper echelons of and theymaintain that "conformityto, the inmate world come to be occupied or deviation from, the inmate code by those whose past behavior best is the major basis for classifyingand symbolizes that which society rejects describingthe social relationsof pris- and who have most fully repudiated oners."2The emphasis in this code is institutionalnorms." Nevertheless,his on directives such as "don't interfere principal point is that this superior with inmate interests,""don't lose your status,like other patternsof behavior head," "don't exploit inmates," "don't among inmates, arises from the in- weaken," and "don't be a sucker."The ternalcharacter of the prison situation. authors' argument,like the argument McCleery also stressesthe unitarychar- in other of Sykes' publications is that acter of the culture of prisoners,and the origin of these values is situational; he identifiesthe internalsource of this the value systemarises out of the con- culture in statementssuch as: "The ditions of imprisonment.3 Cloward denial of validity to outside contacts stressesboth the acute sense of status protectedthe inmateculture from criti- degradation which prisoners experi- cism and assured the stabilityof the ence and the resulting patterns of social system,""A man's status in the prison life, which he calls "structural inmate communitydepended on his role there and his conformityto its norms," "Inmate culture stressed the goals of adjustment within the walls "On the Character- 1Erving Goffman, and the rejection of outside contacts," istics of Total Institutions,"Chapters 1 and 2 in Donald R. Cressey,Editor, The Prison: and "Status has been geared to ad- Studies in Institutional Organization and justment in the prison."' Change, New York: Holt, Rinehart and The idea that the prison produces Winston, 1961, pp. 22-47. its own varietiesof behavior 2 RichardA. Cloward,Donald R. Cressey, represents George H. Grosser, Richard McCleery, a break with the more traditionalno- Lloyd E. Ohlin, and Gresham M. Sykes tion that men bring patterns of be- and Sheldon L. Messinger, Theoretical haviorwith themwhen theyenter pris- Studies in Social Organizationof the Prison, New York: Social Science Research Coun- on, and use them in prison. Despite cil, 1960, p. 9. their emphasis on "prisonization" of 3 Ibid., pp. 15, 19. See also Gresham M. newcomers,even Clemmerand Riemer Sykes, "Men, Merchants, and Toughs: A noted that of to of Reactions to So- degree conformity Study Imprisonment," in cial Problems,4 (October, 1957), pp. 130- prison expectations depends part 138; and Gresham M. Sykes, The Society of Captives,Princeton: Princeton University 4 Cloward, et al., op. cit., pp. 21, 35-41. Press, 1958, pp. 79-82. 5 Ibid., pp. 58, 60, 73.

This content downloaded from 160.94.50.114 on Wed, 28 Aug 2013 20:41:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 144 SOCIAL PROBLEMS on prior, outside conditions." Schrag of the various inmate types: has for some years been studyingthe social backgroundsand careersof vari- Schraghas furthersuggested that all ous of inmates.7Unlike of inmatesface a numberof commonprob- types any as the authors he has collect- lems of adjustment a consequenceof cited above, imprisonmentand that social organiza- ed data on both the pre-prisonexperi- tion developsas a consequence.When ences and the prison experiences of two or morepersons perceive that they He relatesthe actions of in- sharea commonmotivation or problem prisoners. inter- as of action,a basis formeaningful mates to the broader community action has been established,and from well as to the forces that are more this interactioncan emergethe social indigenous to prisons themselves.8Of positions,roles, and normswhich com- most relevancehere is his that prise social organization.Schrag sug- finding thatthe common of ad- anti-social gests problems inmates ("right guys") "are justmentwhich become the principal reared in an environmentconsistently axes of prisonlife are relatedto time, oriented toward illegitimate social food,sex, leisure,and health.12 norms,"9and frequentlyearn a living via contactswith organized crime but Garrityhimself uses the "indigenous do not oftenrise to positions of power origin" notion when he says that "the in the field.In contrast,asocial inmates axial values regardingshared problems ("outlaws") are frequentlyreared in or deprivationsprovide the basis for institutions: "The careers of asocial articulation of the broad normative offendersare marked by high egocen- systemor 'prison code' which defines trismand inabilityto profitfrom past positions and roles in a general way mistakes or to plan for the future."10obut allows enough latitudeso thatposi- However,despite these research find- tions and roles take on the character ings, even Schrag has commented as of social worlds themselves."13 How- follows: "Juxtaposedwith the official ever, he also points out that some organizationof the prison is an unoffi- prisoners'reference groups are outside cial social system originating within the prison, and he characterizesthe the institutionand regulating inmate "rightguy" as an "anti-socialoffender, conduct with respect to focal issues, stable,and orientedto crime,criminals, such as length of sentence, relations and inmates."14 "The 'rightguy' is the among prisoners, contacts with staff dominantfigure in the prison,and his membersand othercivilians, food, sex, reference groups are elite prisoners, and health, among others."11Garrity sophisticated,career-type criminals, and interpretsSchrag's theory in the fol- other'right guys.' "15 Cresseyand Kras- lowing terms,which seem to ignore sowski,similarly, seem confusedabout the findingson the pre-prisoncareers any distinctionbetween a criminalsubculture and a prison subculture.They mention that many inmates of Soviet 6 Donald Clemmer,The Prison Commu- labor "know and main- Re-issued New York: Rine- camps prisons nity, Edition, criminalistic and that the hart, 1958, pp. 229-302; Hans Riemer, tain values," "Socialization in the Prison Community," inmatesare bound togetherby a "crim- Proceedings of the American Prison Asso- ciation, 1937, pp. 151-155. SSee Clarence Schrag, Social Types in a Prison Community,Unpublished M.S. Thesis, Universityof Washington, 1944. 12 Donald R. "The Prison as a 8 Garrity, ClarenceSchrag, "Some Foundationsfor RehabilitationAgency," Chapter 9 in Cres- a Theory of Correction," Chapter 8 in sey, op. cit., pp. 372-373. Cressey,op. cit., p. 329. 13 373. 350. Ibid., p. 9Ibid., p. 14 1o Ibid., p. 349. Ibid., p. 376. 11 Ibid., p. 342. 15 Ibid., p. 377.

This content downloaded from 160.94.50.114 on Wed, 28 Aug 2013 20:41:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Thieves,Convicts and the InmateCulture 145 inalistic ideology,"16 but they fail to derstandingof inmate conduct cannot deal theoreticallywith the contradic- be obtainedsimply by viewing "prison tion betweenthese statementsand their culture"or "inmate culture"as an iso- observationthat the inmate leaders in lated systemspringing solely fromthe the labor camps are "toughs"or "goril- conditions of imprisonment.Becker las" ratherthan "rightguys" or "poli- and Geer have made our point in more ticians."Conceivably, leadership is vest- general terms: "The members of a ed in "toughs"to a greaterextent than group may derive theirunderstandings is the case in American prisons be- from cultures other than that of the cause the orientationis more that of group theyare at the momentpartici- a prison subculturethan of a criminal pating in. To the degree that group subculture in which men are bound participantsshare latent social identi- togetherwith a "criminalisticideolo- ties (related to their membership in gy. the same 'outside' social groups) they It is our contentionthat the "func- will share theseunderstandings, so that tional" or "indigenous origin" notion there will be a culture which can be has been overemphasizedand that ob- called latent, i.e., the culture has its servers have overlooked the dramatic origin and social support in a group effectthat external behavior patterns other than the one in which the mem- have on the conduct of inmatesin any bers are now participating."18 given prison. Moreover,the contradic- We have no doubt that the total tory statementsmade in this connec- set of relationshipscalled "inmate so- tion by some authors,including Cres- ciety" is a response to problems of sey,17seem to stem from acknowledg- imprisonment.What we question is ing but then ignoringthe deviant sub- the emphasis given to the notion that cultureswhich exist outside any given solutions to these problems are found prison and outside prisons generally. within the prison,and the lack of em- More specifically,it seems rather ob- phasis on "latentculture"-on external vious that the "prison code"-don't experiences as determinants of the informon or exploit another inmate, solutions.We have found it both nec- don't lose your head, be weak, or be a essary and helpful to divide inmates sucker,etc.-is also part of a criminal into three rough categories: those ori- code, existingoutside prisons. Further, ented to a criminal subculture,those many inmatescome to any given pris- oriented to a prison subculture,and on with a record of many terms in those oriented to "conventional" or correctional institutions.These men, "legitimate"subcultures. some of whom have institutionalrec- THE Two DEVIANT SUBCULTURES ords dating back to early childhood, bring with them a ready-madeset of When we speak of a criminal sub- patternswhich they apply to the new culturewe do not mean to imply that situation,just as is the case with par- there is some national or international ticipantsin the criminalsubculture. In organizationwith its own judges, en- view of these variations,a clear un- forcementagencies, etc. Neither do we

16 Donald R. Cressey and Witold Kras- 18 Howard S. Becker and Blanche Geer, sowski, "Inmate Organization and Anomie "Latent Culture: A Note on the Theory in American Prisons and Soviet Labor of Latent Social Roles," AdministrativeSci- Camps," Social Problems,5 (Winter, 1957- ence Quarterly,5 (September, 1960), pp. 58), pp. 217-230. 305-306. See also Alvin W. Gouldner, 17 Edwin H. Sutherland and Donald R. "Cosmopolitans and Locals: Toward an Cressey, Principles of Criminology,Sixth Analysis of Latent Social Roles," Adminis- Edition, New York: Lippincott, 1960, pp. trative Science Quarterly,2 (1957), pp. 504-505. 281-306 and 2 (1958), pp. 444-480.

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imply that every person convicted of ture religiously,give lip service to its a crime is a memberof the subculture. values and evaluate theirown behavior Nevertheless,descriptions of the val- and the behavior of theirassociates in ues of professional thieves, "career termsrelating to adherence to "right- criminals," "sophisticated criminals," ness" and being "solid." It is probable, and other good crooks indicate that further,that use of this kind of values there is a set of values which extends is not even peculiarly "criminal,"for to criminals across the nation with a policemen,prison guards,college pro- good deal of consistency.1'To avoid fessors,students, and almost any other possible confusion arising from the categoryof persons evaluate behavior fact that not all criminalsshare these in termsof in-group loyalties.Whyte values, we have arbitrarilynamed the noted the mutual obligations binding systema "thief" subculture.The core corner boys together and concluded values of this subculture correspond that status depends upon the extent closely to the values which prison ob- to which a boy lives up to his obliga- servers have ascribed to the "right tions, a form of "solidness."20 More guy" role. These include the important recently,Miller identified"toughness," notion thatcriminals should not betray "smartness,"and "autonomy" among each other to the police, should be the "focal concerns" of lower class reliable, wily but trustworthy,cool adolescent delinquent boys; these also headed, etc. High status in this sub- characterizeprisoners who are oriented cultureis awarded to men who appear to the thief subculture.21Wheeler to follow these prescriptionswithout foundthat half of the custodystaff and variance.In the thiefsubculture a man sixtyper cent of the treatmentstaff in who is known as "right" or "solid" one prison approved the conduct of is one who can be trustedand relied a hypotheticalinmate who refused to upon. High status is also awarded to name an inmate with whom he had those who possess skill as thieves,but been engaged in a knife fight.22A re- to be just a successful thief is not cent book has given the name "moral enough; there must be solidness as courage" to the behavior of persons well. A solid guy is respected even if who, like thieves,have shown extreme he is unskilled, and no matter how loyaltyto their in-groups in the face skilled in crime a stool pigeon may be, of real or threatenedadversity, includ- his status is low. ing imprisonment.23 Despite the fact that adherence to Imprisonment is one of the re- the norms of the thief subculture is curring problems with which thieves an ideal, and the factthat the behavior must cope. It is almost certain that a of the great majorityof men arrested thief will be arrested from time to or convicted varies sharply from any time, and the subculture provides "criminalcode" which migh be identi- members with patternsto be used in fied, a proportion of the persons arrested for "real crime" such as bur- 20 William Foote Whyte, "Corner Boys: glary,robbery, and larcenyhave been A Study of Clique Behavior," American in close contactwith the values of the Journal of Sociology, 46 (March, 1941), subculture. while not pp. 647-663. Many criminals, 21 Walter B. Miller, "Lower Class Cul- following the precepts of the subculture as a GeneratingMilieu of Gang De- linquency," Journal of Social Issues, 14 19 Walter C. Reckless,The Crime Prob- (1958), pp. 5-19. lem, Second Edition,New York: Appleton- 22Stanton Wheeler, "Role Conflict in Century-Crofts,1945, pp. 144-145; 148- Correctional Communities,"Chapter 6 in 150; Edwin H. Sutherland,The Profesisonal Cressey,op. cit., p. 235. Thief,Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press, 23 Compton Mackenzie, Moral Courage, 1937. London: Collins, 1962.

This content downloaded from 160.94.50.114 on Wed, 28 Aug 2013 20:41:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Thieves,Convicts and the InmateCulture 147 order to help solve this problem. the "hard core" lower class in the Norms which apply to the prison sit- United States,and most prisonerscome uation, and informationon how to from this class. After discussing the undergo the prison experience-how importance of toughness, smartness, to do time "standingon your head"- excitementand fatein this group,Mil- with the least sufferingand in a mini- ler makes the followingsignificant ob- mum amount of time are provided. servation: Of the subcultureitself is both course, In lower class culture a con- nurturedand diffusedin the different close ceptual connectionis made between"au- jails and prisons of the country. thority" and "nurturance." To be re- or controlled is to be in strictively firmly There also exists prisons a sub- cared for. Thus the overtly negative culture which is by definitiona set of evaluation of superordinateauthority fre- patternsthat flourishesin the environ- quently extends as well to nurturance, ment of incarceration.It can be found care, or protection.The desire for per- sonal independenceis often expressedin wherever men are confined,whether terms such as "I don't need nobody to it be in city jails, state and federal take care of me. I can take care of my- prisons, army stockades, prisoner of self!" Actual patternsof behavior, how- war concentration or ever, reveal a marked discrepancybe- camps, camps, tween expressed sentimentsand what is even mental hospitals. Such organiza- covertlyvalued. Many lower class peo- tions are characterizedby deprivations ple appear to seek out highly restrictive and limitations on and in social environments wherein stringent freedom, external controls are maintained over them available wealth must be com- their behavior. Such institutionsas the peted for by men supposedly on an armed forces, the mental hospital, the equal footing.It is in connectionwith disciplinary school, the prison or cor- the maintenance not rectional institution, provide environ- (but necessarily ments which a strictand de- with incorporate the origin) of this subculturethat tailed set of rules definingand limiting it is appropriate to stress the notion behavior, and enforcedby an authority that a minimum of outside status cri- systemwhich controls and applies coer- teria are carried into the situation. cive sanctions for deviance from these rules. While under the jurisdictionof Ideally, all status is to be achieved by such systems, the lower class person the means made available in the prison, generally expresses to his peers con- throughthe displayedability to manip- tinual resentmentof the coercive, un- ulate the win just, and arbitraryexercise of authority. environment, special Having been released,or having escaped privilegesin a certainmanner, and as- from these milieux, however, he will sert influence over others. To avoid often act in such a way as to insure confusion with writings on "prison recommitment,or choose recommitment voluntarilyafter a temporaryperiod of culture"and "inmateculture," we have "freedom."24 arbitrarilynamed this systemof values and behavior patternsa "convict sub- In the second place, the "hard core" culture."The centralvalue of the sub- membersof this subcultureas it ex- culture is utilitarianism,and the most ists in American prisons for adults are manipulative and most utilitarianin- likely to be inmates who have a long dividuals win the available wealth and record of confinementin institutions such positions of influence as might for juveniles. McCleery observed that, exist. in a periodof transition,reform-school It is not correct to conclude, how- graduatesall but took over inmate so- ever, that even these behavior patterns ciety in one prison. These boys called are a consequence of the environment themselvesa "syndicate"and engaged of any particular prison. In the first in a concentratedcampaign of argu- place, such utilitarianand manipulative behavior probably is characteristicof 24 Op. cit.,pp. 12-13.

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ment and intimidationdirected toward men as "ungrouped,"and his statistics capturing the inmate council and the have often been interpretedas mean- inmate craft shop which had been ing that the prison containsmany men placed under council management. not oriented to "inmate culture" or "The move of the syndicate to take "prison culture"-in our terms, not over the craftshop involved elements oriented to either the thief subculture of simple exploitation,the grasp for a or the convict subculture.This is not status symbol, and an aspect of eco- necessarily the case. There may be nomic reform."25 Persons with long sociometricisolates among the thief- histories of institutionalization,it is orientedprisoners, the convict-oriented important to note, might have had prisoners,and the legitimatelyoriented littlecontact with the thiefsubculture. prisoners.Consequently, we have used The thief subculturedoes not flourish the "legitimatesubcultures" terminolo- in institutionsfor juveniles,and grad- gy rather than Clemmer's term "un- uates of such institutionshave not nec- grouped." Whether or not men in this essarilyhad extensivecriminal experi- category participate in cliques, ath- ence on the outside. However, some letic teams, or religious study and formof the convictsubculture does ex- hobby groups,they are orientedto the ist in institutionsfor juveniles,though problem of achieving goals through not to the extentcharacterizing prisons means which are legitimate outside for felons. Some of the newcomersto prisons. a prison for adults are, in short,persons who have been oriented to the BEHAVIOR PATTERNS IN PRISON convictsubculture, who have foundthe utilitariannature of this subcultureac- On an ideal-type level, there are differencesin the behavior ceptable,and who have had little con- great prison tact with the thief subculture. This of men oriented to one or the other makes a differencein theirbehavior. of the three types of subculture.The hard core member of the convict sub- The category of inmates we have culture findshis reference in- characterized as oriented to "legiti- groups mate" subculturesincludes men who side the institutionsand, as indicated, are not members of the thief subcul- he seeks statusthrough means available the environment.But it is ture upon entering prison and who in prison for the of in- reject both the thief subculture and important understanding mate conduct to note that the hard the convict subculturewhile in prison. core member of the thief subculture These men present few problems to seeks status in the broader criminal prison administrators.They make up of which is a a large percentageof the population of world prison only part. His reference include any prison,but theyisolate themselves groups people -or are isolated-from the thief and both inside and outside prison,but he convict subcultures. Clemmer found is committedto criminallife, not prison life. From his of it is that fortyper cent of a sample of the point view, adherence to a criminal men in his prison did not consider widespread code that wins him not themselvesa part of any group, and high status, adherence to a narrowerconvict code. another fortyper cent could be con- Convicts him status sidered a member of a "semi-primary might assign high because admire him as a or group" only.26 He referredto these they thief, because a good thief makes a good but the thief does not 25 convict, play Richard H. McCleery, "The Govern- the convicts' a man mental Process and Informal Social Con- game. Similarly, a is trol,"Chapter 4 in Cressey,op. cit., p. 179. oriented to legitimate subculture 26 Op. cit., pp. 116-133. by definitioncommitted to the values

This content downloaded from 160.94.50.114 on Wed, 28 Aug 2013 20:41:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Thieves,Convicts and the InmateCulture 149 of neitherthieves nor convicts. prison are somewhatrepresentative of status members of the convict On the otherhand, withinany given high subculture.One was the prison, the men oriented to the con- prison's top vict subculture are the inmates that gambler, who bet the fights,baseball football ran etc. seek positions of power, influence,and games, games, pools, His cell full of sources of information,whether these was always cigarettes, he did not smoke. He had a men are called "shots," although "politicians," in the cell block care of the "merchants,""hoods," "toughs,""goril- job taking and this him las," or somethingelse. A job as sec- laundryroom, job gave time to conducthis activities. retaryto the Captain or Warden, for gambling It also allowed him to commissions example, gives an aspiring prisoner get for the of inmates information and consequent power, handling clothing and enables him to influencethe as- who paid to have them "bonarooed," or who had friendsin the who signment or regulation of other in- laundry did this for them free of in mates. In the same way, a job which charge, returnfor some service.The "commis- allows the incumbentto participatein the inmate received for a racket,such as clerk in the kitchen sions" doing storeroomwhere he can steal and sell this service were not always direct; the "favors"he did him influence food, is highly desirable to a man gave oriented to the convict subculture. with many of the inmatesin key jobs, and he could With a steady income of cigarettes, reputedly easily arrange cell and ordinarilythe prisoners'medium of ex- changes job changes. Shortly after he was he was arrested change, he may assert a great deal of paroled and returnedto for a influence and purchase those things prison robbing store.The other inmate was the which are symbols of status among liquor most notorious or persons oriented to the convict sub- prison's "fag" culture. Even if there is no well-de- "queen." He was femininein appearance and and wax had been veloped medium of exchange, he can gestures, under the skin on his chest barter goods acquired in his position injected to the of breasts. At for equally-desirablegoods possessed give appearance firsthe was in a cell block iso- by otherconvicts. These include infor- kept lated from the rest of the mation and such things as specially- prisoners, but later he was released out into the starched,pressed, and tailored prison main He soon went to clothing, fancy belts, belt buckles or population. work in a and became billfolds, special shoes, or any other captain's office, a in the convict subculture. type of dress which will set him apart key figure and will indicate that he has both the He was considered a stool pigeon by the but he held status influenceto get the goods and the in- thieves, high in the convictsub- fluence necessaryto keeping and dis- among participants culture. In the first he was the playing them despite prison rules place, most desired in the In the which outlaw doing so. In California, fag prison. second he was to have special items of clothing,and clothing place, presumed considerableinfluence with the officers that is neatly laundered, are called who the office. "bonaroos" (a corruption of bonnet frequented captain's He "married" another who rouge, by means of which French pris- prisoner, also was oriented to the convict sub- on trusties were once distinguished culture. from the common run of prisoners), and to a lesser even the degree per- Since prisonersoriented either to a sons who wear such clothingare called subcultureor to a thiefsub- "bonaroos." legitimate culture are not seeking high status Two inmates we observed in one within any given prison, they do not

This content downloaded from 160.94.50.114 on Wed, 28 Aug 2013 20:41:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 150 SOCIAL PROBLEMS look for the kinds of positionscon- In one prison,a man servinghis sideredso desirableby the members second sentencefor selling narcotics of the convictsubculture. Those ori- (he was notan addict) workedin the ented to legitimatesubcultures take bakeryduring the entireterm of his prison as it comes and seek status sentence.To him,a thief,this was a throughchannels provided for that "good job," for the hourswere short purpose by prison administrators- and the bakersate verywell. There runningfor electionto the inmate weresome rackets conducted from the council,to theeditorship of theinstitu- bakery,such as sellingcocoa, but the tional newspaper,etc.-and by, gen- man neverparticipated in theseactivi- erally,conforming to whatthey think ties. He was concerneda littlewith administratorsexpect of "goodprison- learninga trade,but notvery serious- ers."Long beforethe thiefhas come ly. Most of all, he wantedthe eating to prison,his subculturehas defined privilegeswhich the bakeryoffered. A properprison conduct as behaviorra- greatdeal of his timewas spentread- tionallycalculated to "do time"in the ing psychology,philosophy, and mysti- easiestpossible way. This means that cism.Before his arresthe had been a he wantsa prisonlife containingthe readerof tea leaves and he now was best possiblecombination of a maxi- workingup some plans foran illegal mum amountof leisuretime and a business involvingmysticism. Other maximumnumber of privileges.Ac- thanthis, his mainactivity was sitting cordingly,the privileges sought by the withother inmates and debating. thiefare differentfrom the privileges Justas both thievesand convicts soughtby the man orientedto prison seek privileges,both seek the many itself.The thiefwants things that will kindsof contrabandin a prison.But makeprison life a littleeasier-extra again the thingsthe thiefseeks are food,a maximumamount of recreation thosethan contribute to an easierlife, time,a good radio,a littlepeace. One suchas mechanicalgadgets for heating thief servinghis third sentencefor water for coffeeand cocoa, phono- armedrobbery was a dish washerin graphsand radiosif theyare contra- the officers'dining room. He liked band or not,contraband books, food, theeating privileges, but he neversold writingmaterials, socks, etc. He may food.Despite his "low status"job, he "score" for food occasionally(un- was highlyrespected by otherthieves, plannedtheft in whichadvantage is who describedhim as "right,"and takenof a momentaryopportunity), "solid."Members of the convictsub- but he doesnot have a "route"(highly culture,like the thieves, seek privileges. organizedtheft of food). One who Thereis a difference,however, for the "scores"for food eats it, shares it with convictseeks privileges which he be- his friends,sometimes in returnfor a lieveswill enhancehis positionin the past or expectedfavors, but he does inmatehierarchy. He also wantsto do not sell it. One who has a "route"is easy timebut, as comparedwith the in the illicit food sellingbusiness.27 thief,desirable privileges are more The inmateoriented to the convict likelyto involvefreedom to amplify subculture,with its emphasison dis- one's store,such as stealingrights in playingability to manipulatethe en- thekitchen, and freedomof movement vironment,rather than on pleasure,is the inmatewith the "route."The dif- aroundthe prison.Obtaining an easy is becauseit is and ferenceis observablein the case of job managed easy an inmate to the of clerk thereforedesirable, but it also is man- assigned job forthe of the aged purpose displaying 27 See Schrag, "Some Foundations for a factthat it can be obtained. Theory of Correction,"op. cit., p. 343.

This content downloaded from 160.94.50.114 on Wed, 28 Aug 2013 20:41:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Thieves,Convicts and the InmateCulture 151 in the dental officeof one prison. This accorded high statusin the prison,be- man was known to both inmates and cause "rightness"is revered there as stafflong before he arrived at the in- well as on the outside,but to him this stitution,for his crime and arrestwere is incidental to his being a "man," highlypublicized in the newspapers.It not to his being a prisoner. also became known that he had done Members of both subcultures are time in another for penitentiary "real conservative-they want to maintain and that his criminal crime," exploits the status quo. Motivation is quite had taken him from one frequently different,however. The man oriented side of the United States to the other. to the convict subcultureis conserva- His to the dental office assignment tive because he has great stock in the occurred soon after he entered the existingorder of things,while the man prison, and some of the inmates be- who is thieforiented leans towardcon- lieved that such a highly-desirablejob servatism because he knows how to could not achieved without "influ- be do time and likes thingsto run along ence" and It was an ideal "rep." spot smoothlywith a minimumof friction. for conducting a profitablebusiness, It is because of this conservatismthat and a businesswas in factbe- profitable so many inmates are directly or in- conductedthere. In orderto on ing get directlyin accommodationwith prison the list to see the an inmate dentist, officialswho, generally speaking, also had to a in to two pay price cigarettes wish to maintain the status quo. A membersof the convictsubculture who half dozen prison observers have re- were the dental office.This running cently pointed out that some prison practicesoon changed,at least in refer- leaders-those oriented to what we ence to inmateswho could show some call the convict subculture-assist the contact with our man's criminal officialsby applyingpressures that keep in or out of If a friend friends, prison. other inmates from causing trouble, for a man he was vouched by saying while other prison leaders-those ori- "right" or "solid" the man would be ented to what we call the thief sub- in the dental chair the next sitting culture-indirectlykeep orderby prop- free of day, charge. agating the criminal code, including admonitions to "do own time," Generally speaking, an inmate ori- your "don't interferewith others'activities," ented to the thiefsubculture simply is "don't 'rank' another criminal." The not interestedin high status gaining issue is not whetherthe thief subcul- in the He wants to get out. prison. ture and convict subcultureare useful Moreover, he is likely to be quietly and used administrators;it is amused the concern some prisoners to, by, by whetherthe observedbehavior have forsymbols of status,but he pub- patterns exhibits neither disdain nor en- originate in prison as a response to licly officialadministrative thusiasm for this concern.One excep- practices. tion to this occurred in an institution There are othersimilarities, noted by where a thief had become a fairly many observersof "prison culture" or close friendof an inmate oriented to "inmate culture." In the appropriate the prison. One day the latter showed circumstances,members of both sub- up in a freshset of bonaroos, and he cultures will participate in foment- made some remark that called atten- ing and carryingout riots. The man tion to them.The thieflooked at him, orientedto the convict subculturedoes laughed, and said, "For Christ's sake, this when a change has closed some Bill, they're Levi's (standard prison of the paths for achieving positions blue denims) and they are always go- of influence,but the thiefdoes it when ing to be Levi's." The thief may be privileges of the kind that make life

This content downloaded from 160.94.50.114 on Wed, 28 Aug 2013 20:41:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 152 SOCIAL PROBLEMS easierare takenaway from him. Thus, easy time. Some thievesadapt in a when a "prisonreform" group takes moregeneral way to the waysof con- overan institution,it may inadvertent- victs and assimilatethe prisonized per- ly make changeswhich lead to alli- son's concernfor makingout in the ances betweenthe membersof two institution.On an ideal-typelevel, subcultureswho ordinarilyare quite however,thieves do not sanctionex- indifferentto each other. In more ploitationof otherinmates, and they routinecircumstances, the thief ad- simplyignore the "do rights,"who are heresto a tightsystem of mutualaid oriented to legitimate subcultures. for other thieves-personswho are Nevertheless,their subculture as it op- "right"and "solid"--a directapplica- eratesin prison has exploitativeef- tionin prisonof thenorms which ask ects.28 thata thiefprove himself reliable and Numerouspersons have documented trustworthyto other thieves. If a man the fact that "rightguys," many of is "right,"then even if he is a stranger whomcan be identifiedas leadersof one musthelp him if thereis no risk the thieves,not of the convicts,exer- to himself.If he is a friend,then one cise the greatestinfluence over the must,in addition,be willingto take totalprison population. The influence some risk in orderto help him. But is the long run kind stemmingfrom in the convictsubculture, "help" has theability to influencenotions of what a price; one helps in orderto gain, is rightand proper,what McCleery whetherthe gain be "pay"in theform calls the formulationand communica- of cigarettes,or a guaranteeof a re- tion of definitions.29The thief,after turn favorwhich will enlargeone's all, has the respectof manyinmates area of power. who are not themselvesthieves. The rightguy carriesa set of attitudes, RELATIONSHIPSBETWEEN THE values and normsthat have a great Two SUBCULTURES deal of consistencyand clarity.He acts, forms and evaluatesevents in In the routine the opinions, prison setting, theprison according to them,and over two deviantsubcultures exist in a bal- a of timehe in this anced It is thistotal set- long period way relationship. determinesbasic behaviorpatterns in tingwhich has been observedas "in- theinstitution. In whatthe thief thinks mate culture."There is some conflict of as "small becauseof the in some matters,"however-get- greatdisparity transfers, of the valuesof thievesand ting job enforcingpayment convicts, of gamblingdebts, making cell assign- but the two subculturesshare other ments-membersof the convictsub- values.The thiefis committedto keep- culturerun things. ing his handsoff other people's activi- It is difficultto assessthe direct lines ties,and the convict,being utilitarian, of influencethe two deviantsubcul- is likelyto know thatit is betterin tureshave overthose inmates who are the long run to avoid conflictwith notmembers of either subculture when thievesand confineone's exploitations theyenter a prison.It is truethat if to the"do rights"and to themembers a newinmate does nothave definitions of his own subculture.Of the course, to applyto the new prisonsituation, thiefmust deal withthe convictfrom one or the otherof the deviantsub- timeto and whenhe does so he time, culturesis likelyto supplythem. On adjuststo thereality of thefact that he is imprisoned.Choosing to followpris- on definitions means for 28See Donald R. Cressey,"Foreword," usually paying to Clemmer,op. cit.,pp. vii-x. some servicein cigarettesor in a re- 29"The GovernmentalProcess and In- turnedservice; this is thecost of doing formalSocial Control,"op. cit.,p. 154.

This content downloaded from 160.94.50.114 on Wed, 28 Aug 2013 20:41:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Thieves,Convicts and the InmateCulture 153 the one hand, the convict subcultureis total systemof "inmateculture." It much more apparent than the thief seemsa worthyhypothesis that thieves, subculture;its roles are readily visible convictsand do rightsall bringcer- to any new arrival,and its definitions tain values and behaviorpatterns to are readilyavailable to one who wants prisonwith them,and thattotal "in- to "get along" and "make it" in a mateculture" represents an adjustment prison. Moreover, the inmate leaders or accommodationof thesethree sys- oriented to the convict subcultureare temswithin the officialadministrative anxious to get new followerswho will systemof deprivationand control.30 recognize the existing status hierarchy It is significantin thisconnection that in the prison. Thieves, on the other Wheelerhas not foundin Norwegian hand, tend to be snobs. Their statusin prisonsthe normativeorder and co- prison is determinedin part by outside hesivebonds among inmates that char- criteria,as well as by prison conduct, acterizemany American prisons. He and it is thereforedifficult for a prison- observesthat his data suggest"that the er,acting as a prisoner,to achieve these currentfunctional interpretations of criteria.At a minimum,the newcomer the inmatesystem in Americaninsti- can fall under the influence of the tutionsare not adequate,"and that thiefsubculture only if he has intimate "generalfeatures of Norwegiansociety association over a period of time with are importedinto the prison and oper- some of its memberswho are able and ate largelyto offsetany tendencies to- willing to impart some of its subtle ward the formationof a solidaryin- behavior to him. patterns mategroup. ....,1 Our classificationof some inmatesas BEHAVIOR AFTER RELEASE oriented to legitimatesubcultures im- plies that many inmates entering a If our crude typologyis valid, it prison do not findeither set of defini- shouldbe of some use forpredicting tions acceptable to them. Like thieves, the behaviorof prisonerswhen they thesemen are not necessarily"stripped" are released.However, it is important of outside statuses,and they do not to note thatin any givenprison the play the prison game. They bring a two deviantsubcultures are not neces- set of values with them when they sarilyas sharplyseparated as our pre- come to prison,and they do not leave vious discussionhas implied.Most in- these values at the gate. They are peo- matesare underthe influenceof both ple such as a man who, on a drunken subcultures.Without realizing it, in- Saturday night, ran over a pedestrian mates who have servedlong prison and was sent to the prison for man- a middle class clerkwho was slaughter, 30 "But if latent culture can restrictthe caught embezzling his firm's money, possibilities for the proliferationof the and a young soldier who stole a car in manifestculture, the opposite is also true. order to get back froma leave. Unlike Manifest culture can restrictthe operation these inmates to the of latent culture. The problems facing thieves, bring group members may be so pressing that, prison both anti-criminal and anti- given the social contextin which the group prisoner attitudes. Although it is operates, the range of solutions that will be known that most of them participate effectivemay be so limited as not to al- low for influence of variations resulting at a minimum in primarygroup rela- from culturesassociated with other identi- tions with either thieves or convicts, ties." Becker and Geer, op. cit., pp. 308- their relationships with each other 309. have not been studied. Further,crim- 31 Stanton Wheeler, "Inmate Culture in Prisons,"Mimeographed report of the Labo- inologists have ignored the possible ratory of Social Relations, Harvard Uni- effectsthe "do rights" have on the versity,1962, pp. 18, 20, 21.

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termsare likelyto move towardthe side,and even when theyare on the middle,toward a compromiseor bal- outsidethey continue to use convicts ance betweenthe directivescoming as a referencegroup. This sometimes fromthe two sources.A memberof meansthat there will be a wild spree theconvict subculture may come to see of crimeand dissipationwhich takes thatthieves are thereal men withthe themembers of theconvict subculture prestige;a memberof the thiefsub- directlyback to the prison.Members cultureor evena do rightmay lose his of thethief subculture, to whomprison abilityto sustainhis statusneeds by liferepresented a pitfall in outsidelife, outside criteria.Criminologists seem also shouldhave a highrecidivism rate. to have had difficultyin keepingthe However, the thief sometimes"re- two kinds of influenceseparate, and forms"and triesto succeedin some we cannotexpect all inmatesto be lifewithin the law. Such behavior, con- more astute than the criminologists.trary to popularnotions, is quite ac- The factthat time has a blendingef- ceptableto othermembers of thethief fect on the participantsin the two subculture,so long as the new job deviantsubcultures suggests that the and positionare not "anti-criminal" subculturesthemselves tend to blend and do not involveregular, routine, togetherin someprisons. We have al- "slavelabor." Suckers work, but a man readynoted thatthe thiefsubculture who,like a thief,"skims it offthe top" scarcelyexists in someinstitutions for is not a sucker.At any rate,the fact juveniles.It is probablealso that in thatconvicts, to a greaterextent than armystockades and in concentrationthieves, tend to evaluatethings from camps this subcultureis almostnon- the perspectiveof the prisonand to existent.In places of short-termcon- lookupon discharge as a shortvacation finement,such as cityand countyjails, fromprison life suggeststhat their theconvict subculture is dominant,for recidivismrate should be higherthan the thief subcultureinvolves status thatof thieves. distinctionsthat are not readilyob- servablein a short of confine- Althoughthe data collected by Gar- period a crudetest of these ment.At theother extreme, in prisons rityprovide only where with sen- predictions,they do supportthem. Gar- only prisoners long recidivismrates tences are confined,the distinctionsrity determined the and the tendenciesfor theserates to betweenthe two subculturesare likely to be blurred. the two sub- increaseor decreasewith increasing Probably of for each of culturesexist in theirpurest forms in length prison terms, institutions inmatesin their Schrag'sinmate types. Unfortunately, holding this does not make twenties,with varying sentences for a typology clearly of criminaloffenses. Such in- the distinctionbetween the two sub- variety of the stitutions,of course,are the cultures,probably because "typical" notedabove. prisonsof theUnited States. blendingprocess Schrag's "rightguys" or "antisocialoffenders," Despite these differences,in any thus,might include both men who per- prisonthe men orientedto legitimate ceive role requirementsin termsof subculturesshould have a low recidi- the normsof the convictsubculture, vismrate, while the highest recidivism and men who perceivethose require- rate shouldbe foundamong partici- mentsin termsof the normsof the pants in the convictsubculture. The thiefsubculture. Similarly, neither his hardcore membersof thissubculture "conpolitician" ("pseudosocial offend- are being trained in manipulation,er") norhis "outlaw"("asocial oflend- duplicityand exploitation,they are er") seemto be whatwe wouldchar- not surethey can makeit on the out- acterizeas the ideal-typemember of

This content downloaded from 160.94.50.114 on Wed, 28 Aug 2013 20:41:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Thieves,Convicts and the InmateCulture 155 theconvict subculture. For example,it systematicallywith time served. is said thatrelatively few of theformer Notingthat the origins of the thief have juvenile records,that onset of subcultureand the convictsubculture criminalityoften occurs after a posi- are both externalto a prisonshould tionof respectabilityhas alreadybeen changeour expectationsregarding the attainedin thecivilian community, and possiblereformative effect of thatpris- thateducational and occupationalrec- on. The recidivismrates of neither ordsare farsuperior to thoseof "right thieves,convicts, nor do rightsare like- guys."Further, outlaws are character- ly to be significantlyaffected by in- ized as menwho have been frequentlycarceration in any traditionalprison. rearedin institutionsor shiftedaround This is notto saythat the program of a in fosterhomes; but they also are char- prisonwith a "therapeuticmilieu" like acterized as "undisciplinedtrouble- theone theWisconsin State Reforma- makes,"and thisdoes not seem to char- toryis seeking,or of a prison like acterizethe men who seekhigh status some of thosein California,in which in prisonsby ratherpeaceful means of groupcounseling is beingused in an manipulationand exploitation.In attemptto changeorganizational struc- short,our ideal-type"thief" appears to ture, will not eventuallyaffect the includeonly some of Schrag's"right recidivismrates of themembers of one guys";the ideal-type"convict" seems or another,or all three,of the cate- to includesome of his "rightguys," gories.However, in referenceto the some of his "con politicians,"and all ordinarycutodially-oriented prison the of his "outlaws." Schrag's "square thiefsays he can do his time"standing Johns"correspond to our "legitimate on his head,"and it appearsthat he is subcultures"category. able to do the time "standingon his Garrityfound that a group of head"-except for long-termers,im- "squareJohns" had a low paroleviola- prisonmenthas little effect on thethief tion rate and thatthis rate remained one way or the other.Similarly, the low no matterhow much time was routineof anyparticular custodial pris- served.The "rightguys" had a high on is not likelyto have significantre- violationrate that decreased markedly formativeeffects on membersof the as time in prisonincreased. In Gar- convict subculture-theywill return rity'swords, this was because "con- to prisonbecause, in effect,they have tinuedincarceration [served] to sever founda homethere. And themen ori- his connectionswith the criminalsub- ented to legitimatesubcultures will cultureand thusto increasethe prob- maintainlow recidivismrates even if abilityof successfulparole."32 The rates theynever experienceimprisonment. forthe "outlaw"were veryhigh and Garrityhas shownthat it is not cor- remainedhigh as time in prisonin- rectto conclude,as reformershave so creased.Only the rates of the "con oftendone, that prisons are thebreed- politician"did not meetour expecta- ing groundof crime.It probablyis tions-the rateswere low if the sen- nottrue either that any particular pris- tenceswere rather short but increased on is the breedingground of an inmateculture that significantly increases 32 Op. cit., p. 377. recidivismrates.

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