BABESCH 90 (2015), 99-107. doi: 10.2143/BAB.90.0.3089915

The impact of on luci (sacred glades, clearings and groves) in

L. Bouke van der Meer

Abstract

Luci in Italy are mentioned in ancient literary sources and inscriptions. Usually they were sub- or extra-urban, poly-functional, sometimes even multi-functional sacred places. After an initial stage of being a sacred glade, clearing or grove where votive gifts could be deposited, a could be monumentalized by the addition of altars, statue bases, votive cippi and temples. Some luci were used as secret meeting places by leagues for preparing their defense against Rome in the sixth, 5th and 4th centuries BC.1 This paper investigates the effects of Rome’s conquest of Italy on the development of luci.

INTRODUCTION the historicity of events before ca 600 may be doubtful. The following is an attempt to examine Since the publication of Les bois sacrés edited by Rome’s impact on twelve luci in Italy from the Olivier de Cazanove and John Scheid in 1993 no end of the 6th century until ca 80. The question is synthesizing publication on luci in Italy has been how Romans dealt with Italic luci5 and whether written, while various articles and book-chapters they created luci, where and under which condi- on individual luci did appear. Short lemmata have tions. been written by Annamaria Comella in the Thes- CRA2 and by Fritz Graf in Brill’s New Pauly. The LUCI IN VETUS latter deals indiscriminately with Greek alse and Italic luci.3 In general luci are defined as sacred Luci in Latium Vetus were present to the south glades, clearings and groves. In this article I focus and north of , two near Aricia, one on luci in Italy, outside Rome. Some of them date at Corne near Tusculum, and one at Lanuvium. to the period before the Romans intervened. Luci A grove near Aricia is mentioned in Cato’s Ori- are a typical Italic phenomenon. The sacred, gines fragment 58 Peter (cf. Festus 128L): Lucum numinous places were important mini-land- Dianium in nemore Aricino Egerius Baebius Tuscu- scapes which were not dedicated to one particu- lanus dedicavit dictator Latinus. Hi populi communiter: lar deity. As regional meeting places they played Tusculanus, Aricinus, Lanuvinus, Laurens, Coranus, a role in the creation of social bonding and eth- Tiburtis, Pometinus, Ardeatis, Rutulus (‘Dictator Lati- nicity. The original meaning of lucus is glade or nus Egerius Baebius Tusculanus dedicated the clearing since the older form *loucos, derives from lucus of in the wood of Aricia. These people the Indo-European root *louc- which means ‘(to) (cooperated) together: people from Tusculum, Ari- light.’ The nominative *loucos is reconstructed cia, Laurentum, Cora, Tibur, Pometia, Ardea and the from the accusative loucon in two inscriptions Rutulian (people)’). Tusculanus is a cognomen or from Spoleto (see below). Identification and local- it means ‘from Tusculum’ Dictator Latinus is the ization of luci can only be based on ancient liter- title of the highest magistrate of a league. Since ary and epigraphic sources, and Italian place- Rome is not mentioned, most scholars hold that names containing the word luco (e.g. Monteluco). the lucus was used by an anti-Roman league of The inscriptions indicate the presence of a sacred Latini which came together before the Battle of glade, clearing or grove. Probably no inscription Lake Regillus in 499.6 In addition, Pometia was can be dated before the 4th century BC. From the occupied by the Volscians at the beginning of the Augustan period onward Latin poets often do 5th century.7 Coarelli incorrectly presumes that not make a distinction between lucus, nemus, silva the lucus was a ‘quid’, in other words something and saltus, all words which mean grove, forest or substantial.8 He makes an anachronistic com- wood.4 Therefore, authors from the Republican parison with the sanctuary (probably of Juno) at and Early Imperial period like Cato, Varro, Cicero Gabii which was built around 150. Trees, pre- and give more useful information although sumed to have belonged to a lucus, would have

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998228_Babesch_90(2015).indd8228_Babesch_90(2015).indd 9999 331/08/151/08/15 13:2013:20 stood behind the temple, judged by the presence strategy.19 In both cases the rulers tried to estab- of pits. However, they rather attest to the pres- lish good relations with the Latini. ence of a sacred garden. Incorrect too is Coarelli’s The lucus Ferentinae probably was another comparison with the incompletely quoted defini- grove in the neighbourhood of Aricia. Its history tion in Origines (Etymologies) 14.8.30 (cf. 17.6.3) of goes back to the end of the 6th century if we may Isidorus of Seville (Cartagena) who lived between believe Livy (1.50.1-2):20 Iam magna Tarquini auc- AD 560 and 636: lucus est locus densis arboribus toritas inter Latinorum proceres erat, cum in diem septus (‘a lucus is a place densely surrounded with certam ut ad lucum Ferentinae conveniant indicit: trees’). Coarelli leaves out the following words: esse, quae agere de rebus communibus velit. (‘Tar- solo lucem detrahens (‘(the place) that keeps light quinius (sc. Superbus) had already won great from (reaching) the ground’). There is, however, influence with the Latin nobles, when he gave no literary or epigraphic evidence that the Gabian notice that they should assemble on a certain day sanctuary, its temple or trees were called lucus. A at the grove of Ferentina, saying that there were better explanation is that the lucus near Aricia matters of common interest which he wished to was a secret open place in a wood for assemblies. discuss’). As for 348 Livy (7.25.5) writes: Inter hos There are no traces of buildings from the 6th or 5th longe maximus exstitit terror concilia populorum Latino- century on the northern shore of Lake , a rum ad lucum Ferentinae habita… (‘but by far the place called Il Giardino.9 Some votive gifts there greatest of these alarms was occasioned by coun- can be dated to the archaic period.10 The oldest cils of the Latin tribes, assembled at the grove of inscriptions date to the 3rd century.11 The oldest Ferentina…’). The grove evidently had a politi- terracotta votives date to the end of the 4th and cal-military function. 3rd centuries12 and the oldest roof terracottas to ca Regarding a lucus at Lanuvium Livy (8.14.2-3) 300.13 The latter may have belonged to the first writes: Lanuvinis civitas data sacraque sua reddita stone temple. The second, monumental stone cum eo, ut aedes lucusque Sospitae Iunonis communis temple dates to ca 150-100.14 Judged from the Lanuvinis municipibus cum populo Romano esset inscriptions the stone sanctuary seems to have (‘The Lanuvini were given citizenship, and their been used until the Antonine period.15 The oldest worship was restored to them, with the stipula- sculptures from the sanctuary date from ca 150 tion that the temple and grove of Juno Sospita and the most recent from around AD 150.16 should be held in common by the inhabitants of Archaeological material from ca 500/480 until ca the municipium of Lanuvium and the Roman Peo- 330/300 is absent. ple’). This happened after Rome’s conquest of According to Pliny (NH 16.242) there was Latium in 338. The sacred place has a long his- another lucus of Diana in Latium: Est in suburbano tory. The temple dates from 500-480 and it got a Tusculani agri colle, qui Corne appellatur, lucus anti- facelift at the end of the 4th century. It had one or qua religione Dianae sacratus a Latio…(‘There is on two predecessors. An oikos from ca 625-600 was the suburban hill of the ager of Tusculum, which built upon a rectangular, possibly cultic, hut which is called Corne, a lucus in accordance with ancient is dated ca 800-750.21 In 90, after the Social War, the religion dedicated to Diana by Latium…’). The temple was restored once more, this time by the grove, maybe a copy of the one at Aricia (Nemi), Senate of Rome. Celia E. Schultz suggests that the may have had a federal function too.17 Pliny tells restoration took place with the same intention as that the consul and orator Passienus Crispus who after 338: to strengthen the bond with Juno, Lanu- lived in the time of Nero, used to embrace an old vium and the .22 The Romans probably used tree in it, to sleep under it, and to libate wine on a similar integration policy regarding the sanctu- it. No epigraphic and archaeological traces of this ary of Iuppiter on Monte Albano, and the sanctu- lucus have been left. The idea of a contemporary ary of the Thirteen Altars at Lavinium. This may spread of the Diana cult may be confirmed by be inferred by a statement of Livy (5.52.8): Et videte fragments of a late archaic bronze statue of Diana quid inter nos ac maiores intersit. Illi sacra quaedam in from a temple tympanum at Sillene, a place named monte Albano Laviniique nobis facienda tradiderunt after Greek Selene (Moon), near Chianciano Terme (‘See, too, how great the difference is between us in Etruria. Claudia Giontella suggests that king and our ancestors. They left to us certain rites Porsenna of Chiusi adopted the cult for political and ceremonies which we have to perform on the reasons.18 Earlier, king Servius Tullius who dedi- Alban Mount and at Lavinium’). cated a fanum of Diana on the Aventine, probably shortly before 535 BC, may have used a similar

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998228_Babesch_90(2015).indd8228_Babesch_90(2015).indd 100100 331/08/151/08/15 13:2013:20 IN THE AGER CAPENAS votives, mostly bronze statuettes, date from the archaic period. According to Massimiliano Di Fazio If we may believe Livy (1.30.5), the fanum Feroniae the lucus was a primary cult place of . From already existed in the 7th century: Utrimque iniu- there her cult may have spread to the Adriatic riae factae ac res nequiquam erant repetitae: Tullus ad coast and, maybe by the Volsci from the Sabine area, Feroniae fanum mercatu frequenti negotiatores Roma- to Anxur (Tarracina) in southern Latium. The god- nos conprehensos querebatur, Sabini suos prius in dess would be of Sabine origin.26 Terracotta votives lucum configisse ac Romae retentos (‘Each side had appear after ca 330/300.27 The remains of the old- inflicted injuries on the other and refused all est temple and a Republican building are dated redress: Tullus (sc. Hostilius (673-641)) com- to ca 250-200.28 Two inscriptions probably date to plained that Roman traders had been arrested in the same period date.29 There are no archaeological the market at the shrine of Feronia; the ’ remains from the period between ca 500/480 and grievance was that some of their people had pre- ca 330/300. viously sought refuge in the grove and been kept in Rome’). In his report of the events in 211 Livy LUCI IN UMBRIA (26.11.8-10) uses the word lucus instead of fanum: Inde ad lucum Feroniae pergit ire (sc. ), Luci in Umbria are without archaeological con- templum, ea tempestate inclutum divitiis. Capenates text. Two are known from almost identical Latin aliique qui accolae eius erant primitias frugum eo do- inscriptions on two sides of cippi, containing laws naque alia pro copia portantes multo auro argentoque of a or groves which were probably id exornatum habebant. iis omnibus donis tum spolia- dedicated to Jupiter. Both come from an extra- tum templum; aeris acerui cum rudera milites reli- urban context to the north of Spoleto. One was gione inducti iacerent post profectionem Hannibalis found built in the church S. Quirico, 2 km west of magni inuenti.--huius populatio templi haud dubia Castel Ritaldi, CIL 12.366a: honce loucom / nequs inter scriptores est (‘Thence he (sc. Hannibal) pro- violatod / neque exvehito neque / exferto quod louci / ceeded to the grove of Feronia, a shrine which at siet neque cedito, / nesei quo die res deina / anua fiet; that time was famous for its wealth. The people of eod die / quod rei dinai cau[s]a / [f]iat sine dolo cedre and others who lived near it used to carry / [l]icetod, sei quis // violasit, Iove bovid / piaclum thither first-fruits and gifts in addition according datod; / seiquis scies / violasit dolo malo, / Iovei bovid to their means, and had kept it richly adorned piaclum / datod et a(sses) CCC / moltai suntod. / eius with gold and silver. Of all those gifts the temple piacli / moltaique dicator[ei]30 / exactio est[od], and was at that time despoiled. Great heaps of bronze the other in the church S. Francesco a Picciche, 3.5 were found after the departure of Hannibal, since km northeast of Castel Ritaldi, CIL 12. 366b: [h] the soldiers inspired by religious fear deposited once loucom / nequis violato / neque exvehito / neque crude lumps. As to the spoiling of this temple there exferto / quod louci siet / neque caiditod / nesei quo die is no uncertainty among the historians’). Livy (27. res / [dei]na anua / [fiet, e]od died / [quod] rei dinai / 4.11-15) further mentions Rome’s care for the lucus [causa fi]at sine // [d]olo malo cedr[e / li]ceto sequis / in the following year: …et in agro Capenate ad advorsum ead / violasit Iovei / bovid piaclum / dato; lucum Feroniae quattuor signa sanguine multo diem ac seiquis scies / violasit dolo / malo et Io[vei] / bovid noctem sudasse. haec prodigia hostiis maioribus procu- piacl[um dato] / et a(sses) CCC mo[ltai sunto.] / eius rata decreto pontificum; et supplicatio diem unum piacli e[xactio / dicatori esto.] (‘Let nobody damage Romae ad omnia pulvinaria, alterum in Capenati agro this lucus and transport by cart or carry outside ad Feroniae lucum indicta (‘…and that in the terri- what belongs to the lucus nor fell (trees) unless on tory of Capena, at the grove of Feronia, four stat- the day which will be, once a year, divine on ues sweated much blood for a day and a night. which day it is permitted to fell (trees) for divine These prodigies were expiated with full-grown reason without ruse and bad intention. If any- victims by decree of the pontiffs. And prayers body violates against this, he must make an expi- were ordered for one day in Rome at all the pulvi- atory sacrifice with an ox. If anybody knowingly naria, and for a second day at the grove of Feronia, violates with ruse and bad intention, he must in the territory of Capena’).23 The lucus Feroniae make an expiatory sacrifice with an ox and the has been excavated at a distance of seven km fine will be 300 a(sses). Let the exaction of this south-east from Capena and one km from the expiatory sacrifice be the task of the dicator .24 Evidently it was a multi-ethnic market (probably the chief magistrate)’). The Spoleto place, asylum and sacred treasury.25 The offering inscriptions have briefly been discussed by John of the first fruits points to horticulture. Many Bodel.31 He dates them after 241 when Spoletium

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998228_Babesch_90(2015).indd8228_Babesch_90(2015).indd 101101 331/08/151/08/15 13:2013:20 became colonia latina. He states that ‘there was, of 4th century BC. Tabulae III-IV, dated to ca 225-200, course, no single Roman law of sacred groves.’32 describe a procession to and sacrifices in a Indeed, Cato (De agricultura 139-140) does not grove.34 The first lines read: esunu fuia herter sume mention a bos but a porcus as piaculum for an / ustite sestensiaru / urnasiaru. huntak vuke prumu unspecified god or goddess (around 149): Lucum pehatu (‘The rite should be performed on the conlucare Romano more sic oportet. Porco piaculo highest station (i.e. high moon) of the nones of facito, sic verba concipito: ‘Si deus, si dea es, quoium Urnasia; the grounds in the grove first purify!’35 illud sacrum est, uti tibi ius est porco piaculo facere Line 10 reads: inumek via mersuva arvamen etuta illiusce sacri coercendi ergo harumque rerum ergo, (‘Then along the usual road into the field go!’). sive ego sive quis iussu meo fecerit, uti id recte factum The procession continues in line 20: inenek vuku- siet, eius rei ergo te hoc porco piaculo inmolando bonas men esunumen etu (‘Then into the grove into > for preces precor, uti sies volens propitius mihi domo the rite go!’). Since the ritual ends with the puri- familaeque meae liberisque meis; harumce rerum ergo fication of the grounds, the first lines probably macte hoc porco piaculo inmolando esto.’ Si fodere have to be interpreted as a preliminary action. So voles, altero piaculo eodem modo facito, hoc amplius the text probably deals with one and the same dicito: ‘operis faciundi causa.’ Dum opus, cotidie per vuku (lucus)36 which does not belong to one deity. partes facito. Si intermiseris aut feriae publicae aut Gods to whom sacrifices had to be made are: familiares intercesserint, altero piaculo facito (‘It is iuvepatre (Iupiter Pater), puemune pupṛike (Pomo- proper to open out a grove in this way, according nus Popdicus), vesune puemunes pupṛikes (Vesuna to the Roman manner. Offer as expiation a pig, of Pomonus Popdicus), purtupite (Pordoviens), hule recite words thus: “Be you god or be you goddess, (Holus), and turse (Torsa). Michael Weiss suggests to whom this place is sacred, as it is right to offer as that the ritual is a New Year festival.37 This hypoth- expiation to you a male pig for the pruning of this esis is, however, based on his wrong reading of the sacred place, on account of these things, whether I inscription fatuus (assumed to be written dextror- or whether one ordered by me offered it, in order sus…) instead of svutaf on an Etruscan mirror from that it may have been done rightly, for the sake of Castelgiorgio near Orvieto dated to the second this thing I pray good prayers to you for the sacri- half of the 4th century.38 All inscriptions (hercle ficing of this male pig as expiation, that you may be (Herakles), fufluns (the Etruscan Dionysos), vesuna favorable and gracious to me, to my family and (the Umbrian Vesuna) and svutaf (Svutaf, a hapax house, to my children; for the sake of these things name of a male deity or personification) are writ- be honored by the sacrificing of the pig as expia- ten from right to left (notice the identical direc- tion.” If you wish to dig, offer in the same manner tion of the letters s!). It seems that the ritual was for another expiation, say this in addition: “for the rather meant to promote the fertility of fields and cause of carrying out the work.” During the work, fruits (cf. Pomonus and Lat. pomus). The Etruscan offer every day over some area. If you will break combination of Vesuna and Fufluns may point to off, or public or family festivals will interfere, offer viniculture as a vine-tendril encircles the scene. for another expiation’).33 It may be no coincidence The Expiation Ritual in Tabula 1a I-b 9 (ca 225-200 that both Spoleto inscriptions were found walled BC) and Tabula VI a 1-VI b 47 (ca 100-80) respec- into churches. They may originate from sanctuaries tively describes the taking of auspicia from above, in or at the margin of two groves or one sacred from the city, from below, from the boundaries of wood. the city, and sacrifices in front of and behind the Luci are also mentioned in the Umbrian Tabulae three city gates. Tabula I b, 1 and VI b, 43 respec- Iguvinae. The seven famous bronze tablets were tively mention sacrifices: vukukum iuviu and vocu- found in or near the Augustan amphitheatre near com ioviu (‘In the grove of Jupiter’) and Tabula I b, Gubbio (Iguvium). They are usually dated between 4 and VI b, 45: vukukum kureties and vocucum coredier the end of the 3rd century and ca 80. Some tables (‘In the grove of Coretii’). As place name it is pre- are written in the so-called national Etruscan- served in Goredie (AD 1063) which nowadays is Umbrian alphabet, to be read from right to left, called Goreggio (a place near Gubbio). The name others in the Latin one, to be read from left to may be of Sabine origin (cf. Cures and Curitis, right. The so-called Umbrian letter m of Etruscan see below).The ritual activities started in the origin (probably from Cortona), is still present in urban region and ended in groves at the periph- Etruscan inscriptions (e.g. on the Bronze Liver of ery. If something went wrong, the priests had to Piacenza) until the beginning of the 1st century. take again the auspicium and return to the porta Gubbio borrowed the Etruscan alphabet from Trebulana. Petra Amann holds that the Tabulae do Perugia, Arezzo or Cortona, after the end of the not prove that Gubbio was a city before the 3rd

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998228_Babesch_90(2015).indd8228_Babesch_90(2015).indd 102102 331/08/151/08/15 13:2013:20 century.39 Recent research shows that there were already city walls and gates in the 4th century.40 Simon Stoddart hypothesises that the Tabulae inscriptions were ‘textually imagined landscapes.’41 There is no reason, however, to presume that the rituals are fictive. Several names mentioned in the Tabulae are preserved in place names, for exam- ple Akersonia in Middle Age Crissonia, Atiied- in Attiggio, Tessanaca in Tessanara, and Trebulana in Trebulo (Roman Trebulum).42 The Bronze Tables were made in the period after the Roman con- quest of Umbria (304) and the presence of adopted Latin words like a(sses), forum, kvestur in these texts proves Roman influence. A fine of a. CCC (300 asses) is not only mentioned in Tabula VII b but also in the inscriptions of Spoleto (see above), which may be dated after 241.43 The amount of money points to Roman influence since Table VIII of the Laws of the Twelve Tables (ca 450) reads: ‘For breaking a bone of a freeman, the fine shall be 300 asses.’ A rectangular bronze bar (incorrectly called aes signatum) with the representation of a bull on both Fig. 1 Terracotta boundary marker. Courtesy of Museo sides was found near Città di Castello (Tifernum Archeologico Oliveriano, Pesaro (inv. 3272bis). Tiberinum). Its later engraved inscription reads: vukes sestines. It has been translated in Latin as luci Sestini (‘of the grove of Sestinum’).44 The bar dates to the 3rd century and Luciano Agostiniani refines the chronology to ca 275 and 250. It has no context and so far no lucus has been found at Città di Castello or Sestinum. So we may not exclude that Sestine was the name of a male deity as no lucus in Italy bears the name of a city.

THE LUCUS PISAURENSIS IN THE AGER GALLICUS (UMBRIA)

In a sacred place about 1500 m to the south of Pesaro (ancient Pisaurum), near Santa Veneranda and an area called Sotto le Selve (‘Under the woods’) fourteen inscribed votive cippi were found by Annibale degli Abbati Olivieri-Giordani in 1737. He called the place lucus Pisaurensis though the cippi do not mention the word lucus. Later on, however, a truncated conical artefact of terra- cotta, a so-called terminus isoscelis (fig. 1), was found in the same area which seems to confirm Olievieri’s name giving. It bears a graffito read- ing (from above downward; fig. 2):45 Fig. 2 Idem, detail of the inscription. Courtesy of ∆ Museo Archeologico Oliveriano, Pesaro (inv. 3272bis). luci coiirii (‘of the grove Coiiriian > of the Coerian grove’) Emilio Peruzzi interprets the letter delta as a sym- CI LX bol known from the Corpus Agrimensorum Romano- rum indicating a lucus between a mountain, well and river. The adjective *coiirios would be of Sabine

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998228_Babesch_90(2015).indd8228_Babesch_90(2015).indd 103103 331/08/151/08/15 13:2013:20 origin, reminding us of Cures, a Sabine place near In transcription: entollouki termon, and: [ ]edios the Tiber and Curitis, an epithet of Iuno.46 Iuno is teuters. mentioned on three votive cippi which may mean that she was the main deity of the lucus. In my Entollouki may mean: *entos louki (‘inside of a opinion the numerals CI (‘101’) and LX (‘60’) may lucus’ or ‘inside-lucus’) and termon means: bound- indicate measures in feet (ca 31 and 18 m), indicat- ary (cippus). [ ]edios is the name of a gens and the ing length and width of the lucus. The area may translation of teuters (‘have (publically) placed’) be called lucus as a similar space with cippi has has been rejected by Carlo de Simone.55 Accord- been found near Capua (see below) one of which ing to Luigi Prosdocimi the word termon looks mentions the word lúvkeí (‘in the lucus’). Since like Latin termo, termen and terminus. The concept Pisaurum became colonia civium Romanorum in 184, of boundary would be typically Roman.56 So, in Paul B. Harvey Jr considers this year as a terminus principle we may not exclude Latin influence, post quem of all stelae. In addition, the orthogra- also because Padova assisted Rome against the phy of god names and the presence of a matrona Celts in 250. The terminus ante quem of the cippus would confirm this.47 However, probably not all may ca 150 when Latin replaced Venetic. dedicants were cives Romani. Some may have come from the Ager Capenas or the Sabine area, and A LUCUS IN CAMPANIA from Campania in view of the non-Roman deities Feronia48 and Marica.49 This implies that some From the suburban sanctuary fondo Patturelli, votive cippi may be older than 184. The fact that just to the east of Capua, originate twenty seven all names of deities are written in archaic datives votive cippi, some of terracotta and some of stone. (CIL 12.368-379 and 381; CIL XI.6290-6303) may also They are called iúvilas. They bear Oscan inscriptions. point to an earlier date (368: apolenei); 369: fide; 370: Michael Crawford now dates them between 330 and iunone: 371: iuno(ne) loucina; 372: mat(re) matut(a); 250. One of them reads:57 tr(ebieís). vírriieís. ken/ 373: salute; 374: dei(va) marica; 375: deiv(eis) no[v] ssurineís. ekas / iúvilas. trís[.] eh/peílatas set. ve/sul- esede(bus); 376: diane; 377: feronia; 378: iunone liaís fertalis / staflatas set. / mi(nieís). blússii(eís). re(gina); 379: matre matuta; 381: lebro).50 A bronze mi(nieís). m(eddikiaí). t(uvtikaí). / nessimas. staíet / statuette (CIL XI.6303) found near the latter cippus veruís. lúvkeí (‘Of Trebie Virriie Kenssurine. These is also inscribed: lebro (‘to Liber’). This type of three iúvilas were erected (?) during the (feast) dative is also present in inscriptions from Nemi Vesulliai Fertalis; they are fixed in place (or: guar- and Lucus Feroniae which are dated between ca 250 anteed) during the meddix tuticus-ship of Minie and 200. In addition, the oldest terracotta votives Blussiie, son of Minie. They stand next to the gates from lucus Pisaurensis date to the 3rd century.51 in the grove’). The word *luvke derives from Italic The lucus may have been a conciliabulum, a meeting *louk-. From the text we may infer that the whole place for people of different origins, before the sanctuary was a grove. According to Crawford foundation of the colonia. As Coarelli suggests, it the gates are a plural with a singular meaning. may have been created after the viritim coloniza- However, as there were three iúvilas, there may tion of the Ager Gallicus by C. Flaminius in 232.52 have been three gates. Remains of a wall have been In other places of the Marche and the Po valley, found in situ.58 Though Capua asked Rome for help sanctuaries of early colonists who probably were against the Sabellians in 343 and the Via Appia protected by the Roman army, were already pre- was built in 312, hardly any Roman influence can sent in or near places where some decades later be found in the texts of the iúvilas. Only Trebie coloniae were founded.53 Virrie Kenssurine looks Latin Trebius Verius Cen- sorinus. Censorinus is a cognomen or title. A LUCUS IN VENETO A LUCUS IN DAUNIA From a suburban lucus at Padova (Patavium), probably near ponte Tadi, originates a boundary From a suburban grove near Lucera (ancient cippus with Venetic inscriptions on both sides. It Luceria) originates a cippus with the following dates to the 4th or 3rd century. The inscriptions read:54 Latin inscription (CIL 12, 401):

Side A: e.n.θo.l.lo.u.ki / θe.r.mo.n. in hoce loucarid stircus / ne [qu]is fundatid neve cadaver / proiecitad neve parentatid. / sei quis arvorsu(m) hac Side B: [ ]etiio.s. / θe.u.θe.r.s. faxit [in] ium / quis volet pro ioudicatod n(ummum)

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998228_Babesch_90(2015).indd8228_Babesch_90(2015).indd 104104 331/08/151/08/15 13:2013:20 [L] / manum iniect[i]o estod, seive / mag[i]steratus near Spoleto may have been created under Roman volet moltare, / [li]cetod influence since some formulas in the inscriptions (‘In this *loucar let nobody dump excrement (or: have antecedents in the Laws of the Twelve refuse)59 or discard a corpse or celebrate a feast Tables. Problematic is the date of the lucus Pisau- for ancestors. / If anyone should have acted con- rensis. Most likely, some votive inscriptions, like trary to this, let there be, as for a judgment ren- some terracotta votives, date from the 3rd century dered, laying of hands upon him, to an amount as deities like Marica and Feronia are not Roman, of 50 pieces, on the part of anyone who shall so which may imply that some of the dedicants desire, (and) if a magistrate wants to fine (him), came from Campania, and the Ager Capenas or it will be permitted’). Sabine area. The inscription from Lucera is not written in pure Latin. Its Oscan elements may The inscription has been studied by John Bodel.60 show that it was made some time after the foun- He dates it after 314 when Luceria became a colo- dation of the colonia. The rituals in suburban groves nia latina. He holds that the lucus was used as at Gubbio were of local origin without apparent cemetery like the lucus Libitinae at Rome. Frag- Roman influence. However, some Tabulae Iguvi- ments of a long inscription on marble regarding nae, which are not related to luci, do mention the lucus Libitinae at Pozzuoli (Puteoli) which is words of Latin origin. The inscriptions from Pa- dated to the Augustan period, mention the same dova and Capua, respectively written in Venetic prohibitions of violation.61 Bodel presumes that and Oscan, are only very slightly, if it all, influ- the word *loucar would be a space inside the grove, enced by Rome. As far as can be seen all luci dis- the headquarters of undertakers.62 However, lucar cussed were sub- or extra-urban. As for linguis- can have the same meaning as lucus since the name tics, the root *louc- is rather of Latin than of , the festival in memory of the hiding of Umbrian-Sabellic origin judged by the fact that Romans in a lucus after the Battle of Allia in 390, the Umbrian root vuk- developed from *louk-. The has the root lucar. In addition, the word is identi- velarisation (the transition from the initial letter l cal to Latin lucar which indicates the revenues to v) may have taken place in prehistory. from a lucus (Libitinae) used for (games).63 The formula sei quis arvorsu(m) hac reminds us of NOTES the words sequis advorsum ead in the Spoleto inscrip- tions. These congruencies may point to a common 1 Henceforth all dates are before BC unless AD dates are lex luci Libitinae of Roman origin. The verbal end- mentioned. 2 Comella 2005. ings on –id on -ad in the inscription may point to 3 Graf 2013. Both F. Graf and C. Jacob in Les bois sacrés Oscan influence. Therefore, it may have made (1993, 23-29 and 31-44) define alse as less numinous some decades after 314. The lucar itself may have than luci. The first would be woods of beauty and been older since the oldest votives from the stips amenity in which gods could give oracles causing of the Belvedere date from ca 400. That place was ecstasy. Bodel (1994, 25) notes that violations of alse 64 were seen as offenses against property whilst those uninterruptedly used until ca 150. against luci were considered as religious crimes. 4 Malaspina 2003-2004. 5 CONCLUSIONS For Rome’s attitude towards Italic sanctuaries (except for luci) in the Republican period, see Stek 2009, 28-33. 6 For a recent comment, see Coarelli 2012. He reads The Lucus Dianius at Nemi and the Lucus Feroniae Ardeatis Rutulus in stead of Ardea, Rutulus. Green 2007, show the absence of archaeological evidence be- 88-89. tween ca 500/480 and ca 330/300,65 whilst the Lucus 7 Ampolo 1983 and 1993, 161-163. Coarelli 1987, 165-169. of Iuno Sospita at Lanuvium shows an uninter- 8 Coarelli 1993. The same author (1987, 174), however, more correctly interprets lucus as a clearing. rupted continuity. The reason may be that the first 9 R. Kassel, in Brandt/Touari/Zahle 2000, 131. two were considered possible places of resistance 10 Green 2007, 14 n. 18. Moltesen 1997, 36, fig. 20 (bronze and therefore forbidden areas after ca 499 or 493, head (of a statue?)). the date of the Foedus Cassianum. Nevertheless, 11 Ceccarelli/Marroni 2011, 70. M.G. Granino Cecere, in they remained in the collective memory as they Brandt/Touari/Zahle 2000, 35-44. Most interesting is the dedication reading: C. Manlios Aci(dinos) pro poplo Arime- came to life again in later centuries. Especially nesi (‘Caios Manlios Acidinos for the people of Arim- after 338, groves got a monumental appearance. inum’). Rimini was founded as colonia latina in 268. The For political and probably economic reasons some inscription may show a long distance pilgrimage of a became to be used as communal religious meet- high magistrate and probably the spread of the Diana cult ing places for both Romans and locals (Nemi, from Aricia as a primary place to the Adriatic coast. Lanuvium and Lucus Feroniae). One or two luci

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998228_Babesch_90(2015).indd8228_Babesch_90(2015).indd 105105 331/08/151/08/15 13:2013:20 12 De Cazanove (forthcoming) shows that the spread of 39 Amann 2011, 220-221. anatomical votive gifts of terracotta in Italy was due to 40 Manconi (ed.) 2008. Roman coloni. See, however, for a sceptic view Stek 2009, 41 Stoddart 2012, 185-186. 23-24, 27, 28, 34, 129, 157, 214. For the terracotta votives 42 Devoto 1948, 15-18. from Nemi, see Green 2007, 18-19, figs 7 and 8 (after p. 146); 43 For bronze coins with the legends iguvins and ikuvini Moltesen (ed.) 1997, 147, 157-165 dates the oldest ones (now (?), probably produced in Iguvium in the first half of at Rome (Villa Giulia), Copenhagen and Nottingham) to the 3rd century, see Amann 2011, 304-306, 424 and Ago- the 3rd century. Ceccarelli/Marroni (2011, 79-80) and stiniani et al. 2011, 80-81. Coarelli (1987, 170) date them probably too early, to the 44 Amann 2011, 178, fig. 70; 383-384, 421. Agostiniani et 4th century. al. (2011, 67-69) interpret vuke- as Latin vicus. 13 R. Känel, in Brandt/Touari/Zahle 2000, 131-139. 45 Museo Archeologico Oliveriano, Pesaro, inv. 3272bis. 14 G. Ghini, in Brandt/Touari/Zahle 2000, 53-64. Height: 21.3 cm. Di Luca 1995, 78-80, fig. 42. Agnati 15 M.G. Granino Cecere, in Brandt/Touari/Zahle 2000, 44. 1999, 203-204, 245-246. 16 P. Guldager Bilde, in Brandt/Touari/Zahle 2000, 46 Peruzzi 1990, 127-133. For the delta, see Gromatici, L I, 93-109, suggests that an earthquake around AD 150 325 (expositio literarum finalium): ∆ ad montem se colligit. may have caused a landslide. Inferius maiores fines habet. Ad pedem aquam vivam 17 Ceccarelli/Marroni 2011, 587; Ampolo 1993, 164-166. habet, et flumen inferius ((‘Explanation of boundary 18 Giontella 2006, 27-31. letters): ∆ refers a mountain. More below it has larger 19 Green 2007, 97-105. boundaries. At its foot it has living water, and a river 20 See also Dion. Hal. 5.61.6. Ampolo’s localization near below’). Castel Savelli (1993, 163-164) is incorrect. 47 Harvey 2008. Cf. Wachter 1987, 432. 21 Ceccarelli/Marroni 2011, 213-216. 48 Di Fazio 2012, 347-353. 22 Schultz 2006, 227. 49 Livi 2006, 105-113. 23 As for 196 Livy (33.26.8) tells: aedis Feroniae in Capenati 50 Trevisiol 1999, 94-101; Coarelli 2000, 198-199, figs 2-3 de caelo tacta erat (‘the temple of Feronia, in the ager of (facsimile of all inscriptions). Capena, was struck by lightning’). 51 Di Luca 1995, 74-82; 2004, 22-30. The oldest votive 24 Moretti Sgubini 2006. heads may date to the end of the 4th century. Harvey 25 Dion. Hal. (Ant. Rom. 3.32.1) mentions Sabines and Latins. 2008 does not mention the votives. 26 Di Fazio 2013, 39-65; 2012a and b. For the scanty 52 Coarelli 2000, 200. remains of and artefacts from the suburban lucus (also 53 Lepore 2012; Boschi et al. 2013; Locatelli et al. 203. referred to as fanum, fons or aedes) Feroniae at a distance 54 Fogolari/Prosdocimi 1988, 293-295; Padova Preromana 1976, of 3 km from Terracina, see Di Fazio 2013, 59-64 and 53-56, 205 no 78 (PA 14). Kathryn Lomas (personal com- Ceccarelli/Marroni 2011, 475-476, 482-483. munication) dates it to the end of the 5th or 4th century. 27 See De Cazanove, forthcoming. Di Luca 2004, 22 (end 55 De Simone 1998. of 4th, 3rd and 2nd centuries). Di Luca 1995, 80 (ca 220- 56 Fogolari/Prosdocimi 1988, 420 n. 2. 100). Moretti 1975, 110-132. 57 Crawford 2011, I, 434-435 (s.v. Campania/CAPVA 29). 28 Moretti Sgubini 2006, 132-136. 58 Sampaolo 2010, 8, fig. 3. 29 CIL 1.2867 (from Lucus Feroniae) reads: Pesco Sal(via) / 59 The Lapis Niger inscription at Rome mentions a similar Plaria T(iti) l(iberta) / Fero(niae) don(o) // [q]uod a[f luc(o)] prohibition. / dedet libe(n)s / m(erente) mereto, and CIL 1.2869 (from 60 Bodel 1994. Capena): ]no(s) / [Feronea] af luc(o) / [dedet] mere(to). The 61 Bodel 1994, 76 dates the fragments between ca 100 and archaic formulas Feronea ab luco, translated in classic 50. The following fragment (AE 1971, 88; Bodel 1994, Latin read Feroneae ab luco, and can be translated as: ‘to 77 (II, 3-7)) reads: lucus: ….oper(ae) quae at eam r(em) Feronea (who manifests herself) from (her) lucus.’ A praeparat(ae) erunt ne intra turrem ubi ubi hodie lucus est similar inscription from Nemi (CIL I.2444), dated to the Libit(inae) habitent … (‘let the workers who will be pre- 3rd century, reads: Diana af louco. pared for this thing, not live inside (? > beyond/at the 30 Amann 2011, 279 incorrectly reads dictator. other side of?) the tower where today is the lucus Lib- 31 Bodel 1994, 24-29. Agostiniani et al. 2011, 82-84 (n. 75) itinae …’). It shows that the lucus was first on another date the cippi around 200. place, probably at the periphery of the colonia of 194. 32 Bodel 1994, 24. For the prohibition of depositing corpses, see Bodel 33 It may be no coincidence that the Acta of the Fratres 1994, 76 (I 29-II 2). Arvales mention an expiatory sacrifice of two female 62 Bodel 1994, 64-68. pigs: ((x) ante lucum in aram porcas piacu/lares duas luco 63 Festus 106L: lucar appellatur aes quod ex lucis captatur. coinquendi et operis faciendi immolavit / deinde vaccam deae 64 Sanpaolo 1999, 29-54. Diae honorariam immolavit (‘on the altar in front of the 65 The date is based on the appearance of anatomical grove x sacrificed two expiatory female pigs, subse- votives of terracotta. See De Cazanove, forthcoming. quently he sacrificed a female lamb in honour of Dea Dia’). See Scheid 1990, 554-558. 34 See Weiss 2010. BIBLIOGRAPHY 35 Tentative translation by Weiss 2010, 433. 36 According to Meiser (2010, 155) the difference is due to Agnati, U. 1999, Per la storia romana della provincia di Pesaro velarisation (v < l), in other words vuku derives from e Urbino (Genti e province d’Italia, 1), Rome. the Italic root *louc- (like *vape from lapis). This may Agostiniani, L./A. Calderini/R.Massarelli (eds) 2011, Scre- imply that *louc- is of Latin origin. See also Untermann hto est. Lingua e scrittura degli antichi Umbri, Perugia. 2000, 439-440. Amann, P. 2011, Die antiken Umbrer zwischen Tiber und 37 Weiss 2010, 236-244. Apennin under besonderer Berücksichtigung der Einflüsse 38 Weiss 2010, 243, fig. and cover illustration. aus Etrurien, Vienna.

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