Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020)

SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES

Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/

Contending and Compromising: The Formation of Eastern Indonesian Identity During the Revolution (1945–1950)

Dwi Mulyatari Department of History, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas , 16424 Depok, Indonesia

ABSTRACT This study examines the process of shaping the political identity of Eastern Indonesia in 1945–1950, which was a dynamic change due to Eastern Indonesia’s pluralistic character and different historical experiences. The dynamic aspects were spurred by the competition between new national identities promoted after the Proclamation of Independence on August 17, 1945, wherein pre-national identities were merged, both local and regional, that were deeply rooted in society. Interestingly, the identity issue during this period has been freely and transparently discussed in the public sphere. The issue to be addressed is to what extent local political figures played a role in establishing process of political identity in Eastern Indonesia, so that it could be incorporated into the country’s historiography, which had lacked space in Indonesia’s national history for more than fifty years. The sources used included the speeches of local political figures published in local newspapers and magazines during the revolution and archives of the . Using the historical method these primary sources would be examined along with secondary sources. This study argued that among the people of Eastern Indonesia, the multi-political identities – national and pre-national – could co-exist harmoniously without contesting one another. This is different from the political identity supported by the Republic of Indonesia after the Proclamation of Independence, as pre-national identity was to be eliminated since it was considered as countering Indonesian revolution. This leads to the lack of Eastern Indonesian perspectives in Indonesia

ARTICLE INFO national historiography, particularly in the Article history: historiography of the revolution era. Received: 28 March 2019 Accepted: 06 April 2020 Published: 25 December 2020 Keywords: Eastern Indonesia, Indonesian DOI: https://doi.org/10.47836/pjssh.28.4.48 historiography, political identity, revolution period

E-mail address: [email protected]

ISSN: 0128-7702 e-ISSN 2231-8534 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Dwi Mulyatari

INTRODUCTION Timur [NIT]) covering most of Eastern During the Indonesian War for Independence Indonesia. Each state had political autonomy (1945–1950) the very idea of ​​Indonesia and sought to promote the identity of became part of the struggle, both politically, each region. This period added important diplomatically and militarily. At this time, elements to the discussion of how the NIT there were two main parties involved in government and pro-republican groups in the conflict, spreading their influence and Eastern Indonesia championed national, political control: The Republic of Indonesia regional and local identities. It is also (RI) and the Dutch. RI wished to extend important to analyze the extent to which its political control throughout the former there were efforts to promote the identity , while the Dutch wanted of Eastern Indonesia in addition to the local identities of each region. Within the federal to retain their political and economic system, it is possible for people to express influence within an independent Federal their local identities parallel to regional and State. In other words, the competition of national ones. ideas about Indonesia became a part of the During the time of 1945–1950, the political struggle during the revolution. development of Indonesia’s national identity On one hand, RI viewed Indonesia as an was challenged by the existence of pre- independent, unitary state in which there national, regional and local identities. As was a strong, centralized, government far as we know, the conflict between RI and system and sought to reduce Dutch influence the resulted in the recognition in the society. On the other hand, the of the sovereignty negotiated at the Round Netherlands offered a form of a federal state Table Conference (Konferensi Meja Bundar of Indonesia wherein the Dutch continued [KMB]) in 1949. However, issues related to exert their influence but at the same time, to national and pre-national identity and local people were allowed to maintain their regional autonomy were still not resolved ethnic, cultural, religious and local identity within the KMB, but had continued to autonomously. the present day to be beleaguered by The Revolution was also a time when regional resistance movements in Eastern competition between national and pre- Indonesia, such as the Andi Aziz rebellion national identity was a very important issue, (1950) in South , South Maluku especially in Eastern Indonesia. In this Republic (RMS) (1950–1951) in Maluku, period, competition was relatively open in Kahar Muzakkar (1951–1961) in South terms of political mobilization and freedom Sulawesi and Pemerintahan Revolusioner of expression. At this time, Indonesia was Republik Indonesia/Perjuangan Rakyat divided into sixteen states under a system Semesta (PRRI/Permesta) 1958–1962 in of federal political government promoted North Sulawesi (Soejono & Leirissa, 2009). by the Netherlands, one of which was the Although these rebellions were suppressed, State of East Indonesia (Negara Indonesia they demonstrated at the development of

3376 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020) Contending Identity in Eastern Indonesia in 1945-1950 a cohesive national identity had yet to be and facilitated the re-establishment of completed. the Dutch administration. Moreover, as The 1945–1950 revolution was also Kahin (1985) argued, the history of the an important period for understanding the revolutionary period in Indonesia tended dynamic competition between national and to be generalized and only reflected the pre-national identities. It is also important perspective and attention of the national to analyze how this contest was debated government alone. In other words, that relatively openly in the political life of lens opened an opportunity to write an Eastern Indonesia, in which no single party assessment of Indonesia’s struggle for was more dominant than the others, either independence from a regional point of view. the Dutch, the NIT government, or pro- The nation-building agenda during the Republican forces. Competition between reign of and Suharto attempted to Indonesian, national and pre-national ideas minimize and set aside discussions relating and the struggle for political control became to pre-national identity issues and regional a part of public debate in the society of differences, both in public discussion Eastern Indonesia. and in official national/government There are two important concerns history. Sukarno (1945–1965) strongly that make the Eastern Indonesian region promoted Indonesian unity starting from appropriate for this research. First, in this the Proclamation of Independence. Sukarno region, there was a competition between was convinced that the revolution had not two identities: national identity promoting been completed until the entire territory the Republic of Indonesia, supported by pro- of the former Dutch Indies was under the Republican groups in Eastern Indonesia on control of the Indonesian Nation. This effort the one hand; and strong local identity on was followed by Suharto (1966–1998) by the other. Second, in this region there was applying Suku, Agama dan Ras (SARA) also a competition between two versions i.e., ethnic, religious and race policies, of Indonesia: the centralized Republic of which prohibited discussion of sensitive Indonesia and a system of federal states, ethnic, religious and racial issues. Both wherein each enjoyed political autonomy, of Sukarno and Suharto used military force which NIT was one of the largest and most to control the insurgencies and other forms powerful federal states in Eastern Indonesia. of resistance. After Suharto’s rule, SARA’s According to Kahin (1985), at least policies had been maintained, although when compared to and , the some taboos may, at least, be more openly nationalists in Eastern Indonesia have fewer discussed, such as religious issue that was opportunities in realizing an independent not used as a political term. Indonesia’s political position after the Japanese political system became more open to occupation. This was due to the strength of discussions related to decentralization the Australian military that in a short time and local autonomy policies, which had had occupied much of Eastern Indonesia

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020) 3377 Dwi Mulyatari grown tremendously since 1999, while the sources. This collection stage was based discussion of sub-national identity remained on a wide range of Dutch archives and limited by the government, if not completely Indonesian local newspapers as primary closed. By considering the background and sources, while the secondary sources were the context discussed above, the main issue derived from books and journals. The to be discussed was, to what extent did local primary sources were mainly the material political figures play a role in establishing of Indonesian origin from that period a political identity in Eastern Indonesia. (1945–1950). For instance, the Archives of The central argument of this study was that Government of East Indonesia in Makassar; among the people of Eastern Indonesia, Notulen (Hansard) and speeches of the multi-political identity, both national and East Indonesian Parliament and regional pre-national, could be maintained together councils; local newspapers and magazines, without opposing one another. This is which contained not only news and articles different from national identity championed on political issues but also stories, opinions by the Republic of Indonesia after the and interpretations of Indonesians reflecting Proclamation of Independence, which was upon their experiences during the period. to eliminate the pre-national identities that In the criticism stage, the diverse range were considered as opposing the Indonesian of primary and secondary sources were revolution. examined critically and skeptically. By having regard for the position, political and MATERIALS AND METHODS institutional interests of the writer, as well The approach for this research is qualitative as the potential readers of both government in nature, pursued by critically using a wide and public documents, the data would be range of primary and secondary historical interpreted into useful facts that could sources, such as the NIT archives, local support the paper. In the interpretation newspapers, the Dutch intelligence reports stage, all the selected data were verified and as well as relevant books, which had interpreted to develop facts to support the been less frequently used in mainstream case that should be constructed logically and national historiography. Hopefully, the objectively. The last stage is historiography internal point of view of the local political where the facts were reconstructed into an leaders may be derived from these kinds analytical and systematic writing. of sources to balance the Republic of Indonesia’s government’s point of view as RESULT AND DISCUSSION generally reflected in national Indonesian National and Pre-National Identities historiography. In the period of the Indonesian struggle The research method used was for independence, political identity was historical, through four stages. The heuristic always associated with a political struggle stage was used to collect relevant historical (Soejono & Leirissa, 2009). After August

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17, 1945, Indonesia’s national identity—as century, either as an idea or as a territory. a new national political identity—grew and However, localism had already existed as developed through physical, diplomatic an important key in political and cultural and political struggles. The existence of RI identity in Indonesia. Communities in with its supporters in Eastern Indonesia, Indonesia had a long history of the times of the formation of NIT and the presence of empires and sultanates and other political local political elements that were still very structures before the formation of colonial strong and real, shows that the formation rule. Although the idea of ​​Indonesia grew of political identity in Eastern Indonesia slowly after the turn of the twentieth century, involved some competition for political Indonesia was successfully proclaimed to be identity, both national and pre-national. a unified nation on August 17, 1945. Sukarno Most of the political struggles in the region and , who proclaimed were packaged within the framework of Indonesian Independence, sought to unite an identity contestation, promoted by the population of the Indonesian archipelago each group, namely the pro-Indonesian as a new nation. They sought to realize republican group, the federalist group, and the national idea based on the differences local elites. Each competing group strove to of ethnic groups, languages, religions and promote their respective political identity cultures that already existed in Indonesia. to the people of Eastern Indonesia and to This nation-building effort was continued mobilize support for their political agenda. by later presidential efforts. Although Eastern​​ Indonesian area was not According to Henley (1996), although the center of the Indonesian independence some “dreamers” of the concept of Indonesia movement, in almost all of its areas there are not from Eastern Indonesia and in were political groups favoring Indonesian this region, there are a few branches of independence. During the period of the War nationalist organizations before World for Independence, the administration of War II, but Minahasa is an exception. The the Eastern Indonesia region took the form educated leaders of Minahasans managed to of the federal government. Nevertheless, build and envision the concept of Minahasan local political organizations in the region nationalism within the larger framework of were still very strong in competing for Indonesia. Henley (1996) stated that during power, both against the power of the RI the colonial period, regional nationalism government and the power of the Dutch- was conditioned by the Dutch colonial formed government. experience and retained, although some For Indonesia, national identity can be of the Minahasans thought they were said to be a relatively new concept, when Indonesians. In the pre-war Minahasa case, compared with local cultural, religious and the concept of regional nationalism did ethnic identities. According to Elson (2008), not conflict with the development of the there is no Indonesia before the twentieth Indonesian national idea (Henley, 1996).

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020) 3379 Dwi Mulyatari

He further argued that, in essence, naturally, the Japanese in March 1945. The leaders these regions were relatively immeasurable of Java became its members, who then when compared to the territory of the reached an agreement for a new constitution nation. This provided an opportunity for in which Indonesia was designated as these regions to attain a certain quality of the Republic of Unity. Shortly before its dynamism and flexibility that might take on independence, a new preparatory committee a form of territorial patriotism and generated for independence was announced. Ratulangi a regional political phenomenon. and other representatives of the outer islands The two identities, Indonesian national then became members. This committee had identity and NIT regional identity, both a function to proclaim the existence of a acknowledged ethnic, cultural, and religious new Indonesian state (Schefold, 1995). The diversity as Indonesia possesses rich cultural, notion that the defeat of the Japanese by ethnic, and religious diversity. The diversity the Allies on August 15, 1945, led to a new is even greater compared to western parts Indonesian state supported by , but of Indonesia. The similarity is today known it has no factual basis. Instead, prominent as “Bhinneka Tunggal Ika” (Unity in Indonesian figures gathered in Jakarta, Diversity). What significantly distinguishes took the initiative to declare Indonesia’s the two is when identity is used in political independence on August 17, 1945. terminology. The national identity supported The involvement of Eastern Indonesian by pro-Republican groups is unitarian as a representatives in Panitia Persiapan form of state administration. However, the Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI, which regional identity supported by pro-federal was the crucial committee replacing groups is the federal state. In a unitary BPUPKI) in representing the interests of state, the role of central government is very Eastern Indonesia was very important in the dominant. On the other hand, in the federal preparation for Indonesian Independence. system, each Zelfbestuur region (self-local The presence of Sam Ratulangi, who was government/ kingdom) has considerable appointed by the Republic of Indonesia sovereignty while still supporting the as the governor of Sulawesi after the proclamation in Makassar, did not last long. federal-state system and does not mind This change was due to the Dutch Linggajati being in it. Agreement (NICA), which was considered legitimate outside of Java, Madura and Promoting National Identity Sumatra. The arrival of Australian troops At the end of the Japanese occupation of on behalf of the Allies in Makassar was Indonesia, an investigative committee exploited by the Dutch to re-establish their was established to prepare for Indonesian power and administration in the region. In independence (Badan Penyelidikan April 1946, Ratulangi and six members Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia of the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI), [BPUPKI]), having been announced by who were members of the pro-Republican

3380 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020) Contending Identity in Eastern Indonesia in 1945-1950 group, were captured by the Dutch and A. Koroh Raja of Amarasi, . At a exiled to Serui (Papua) until August 3, 1948 meeting in Malino, Doko and Koroh were (Ministry of Information of The Republic sent by Partai Demokrasi Indonesia- of Indonesia, 1953). However, before they Timor (PDI-Timor) as Timorese-nationalist were arrested, Governor Ratulangi, the representatives. In the meeting of Malino pro-Republican group in Sulawesi, used the and Denpasar, Doko demanded the right of opportunity to spread and campaign for the self-determination (zelfbeschikkingsrechts) idea of the Republic of Indonesia throughout for the whole of Indonesia. He argued that Sulawesi Island, particularly in Makassar regarding the format of Indonesia’s future, and Minahasa, and to mobilize community be it a federation or a unitary state, Timor’s support for the new republic. The formation representatives must leave the final decision of the People’s Service of Indonesian- to Sukarno and Hatta (Agung, 1993; Doko, Sulawesi (Kebaktian Rakjat Indonesia 1981). As a temporary NIT member of Sulawesi [KRIS]) and the People’s Security parliament, Doko was affiliated with the Force of Sulawesi (Pasukan Keamanan National faction as the secretary. The faction Rakjat Sulawesi [PKRS]) by pro-Republican aimed at sovereignty and independence organizations encouraged young people to in the Republik Indonesia Serikat (RIS). resist the Dutch government’s propaganda Based on his experience during the Japanese on the federal administrative system for occupation, which indirectly promoted Eastern Indonesia. One example of the “Nationalism” within the framework of Ratulangi campaign was depicted in his “Asia for Asia” and his political role in letter to the Minahasans while he was in the early revolution in Java, the origins of Makassar. The letter was brought by a Doko’s nationalist sentiment were quite courier, Miss W. B. Politon, and then read clear. in a meeting to announce the formation of Indonesian Youth Association (Perhimpunan Regionalism as an Option Indonesia Muda [PIM]). The letter stated Similar to national identity, the development that Ratulangi called on the Minahasa people of regional identity in Eastern Indonesia was to avoid thinking about the province and also relatively new. According to Chauvel that the people should unite in fighting for Indonesian independence as it did in Java. (1996) de Groote Oost (the Great East), One of Ratulangi’s statements to encourage a new autonomous administrative unit people, especially the Minahasans, to in Eastern Indonesia, was formed by the defend the republic was to call themselves Dutch in 1938 to support trade by promoting “Indonesians and not Minahasans” (Wowor, efficient governance. This act was likely 1977). to be sustainable with the formation of Other efforts of local figures to build NIT (a.k.a. the State of East Indonesia) in a national identity in Eastern Indonesia the form of a federal government in 1946. were conducted by I. H. Doko and H. However, there were rational differences

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020) 3381 Dwi Mulyatari underlying the formation of the two regional change at national and international levels. entities. NIT was established as a Dutch Almost all parts of Eastern Indonesia strategy in loading its political authority were fully represented at the Denpasar and influenced onto the territory of RI Conference. However, the presence of local on August 17th, 1945, so that the Dutch political elites at the conference might be were able to rerun their control in Eastern considered to have represented groups Indonesia. Meanwhile, de Groote Oost (the deemed “agreed” with the formation of Great East) was formed as part of the Dutch NIT—as planned by van Mook as the administrative reform effort on the islands purpose of the conference. outside of Java. Although, in general, the representatives The Denpasar Conference of 1946, of the special district at the Denpasar which resulted in the creation of NIT in Conference could also have been divided into early 1947, offered a new regional identity pro-Republican and pro-Federal categories, as a state. However, the body of NIT still it should be noted that pro-Republican showed its dominant local identity and thus groups could be said to be relatively willing wanted to be maintained by its supporters to cooperate with the Dutch federal idea, as within the NIT federal framework. This evidenced by their willingness to be present fact was evident from the hearing before at a conference whose idea was promoted the Denpasar Conference. The conference by van Mook. This idea was reinforced by participants supported at least two different their later participation in the NIT cabinet. political aspirations, pro-Federal groups On the other hand, the pro-Federal and pro-Republicans. Nadjamoedin Daeng group at the conference was then willing Malewa, a representative from South to support the Republic and refused to Sulawesi, and Anak Agung Gde Agung cooperate with Beel’s plans for a transitional from Bali, for example, represented the pro- government under an Indonesian-Dutch Federalist position. Meanwhile, Tadjoeddin Union, after the Dutch launched its second Noor from South Sulawesi and I. H. Doko military action against the RI in December from Timor supported the Republic. In 1948. Nadjamoedin Daeng Malewa, a addition, the interests of local and regional local leader from South Sulawesi, was groups seem to be a strong choice. This one of the examples of the pro-Federal was evident from the aspirations articulated group. As a member of the South Celebes by this elite political group, presented Council, he was appointed to represent through their speeches (Van Goudoever, South Sulawesi at the Malino and Denpasar 1947). Prominent local leaders tried to Conferences (Penjoeloeh Bali, 21 March accommodate local interests within the NIT 1947). Nadjamoedin was very enthusiastic governance structure. During the Denpasar about the concept of a federal state, a Conference, local political elites in Eastern feeling which he expressed in his speech Indonesia wanted to respond to political at the Denpasar Conference. Although this

3382 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020) Contending Identity in Eastern Indonesia in 1945-1950 concept did not involve secession from of having the same feelings, but we Indonesia, from his point of view the Federal also have a great desire to pursue State was the most appropriate form for the our own needs. No Balinese wants future of the people in South Sulawesi and to be ruled by the ideologies of for other Indonesians. He believed that a the Minahasa, no Makassarese country of thousands of isolated islands would submit to the Ambonese’ should be managed by recognizing the notions, and vice versa. However, diversity of all ethnic groups, especially if each person saw that his authority in Eastern Indonesia. He argued that with was already guaranteed in their the form of federal administration, the own backyard, the people of East interests of each region would be assured. Indonesia would shake hands with This sentiment was conveyed during his one another to work together in speech at the Denpasar Conference (General such a state…]. (“Pidato P.J.M. Government Commissariat for and Nadjamoedin… (Part 1)”, 1947). the Great East, 1946) wherein the idea was Nadjamoedin’s commentary reflected later repeated at the first meeting of the NIT his view that different ethnic and religious Parliament on April 22, 1947. Nadjamoedin groups needed to feel that they were well- (“Pidato P.J.M. Nadjamoedin… (Part 1)”, recognized in their respective political units 1947) said that: because of the differences between the two [Translation: ...as a result of this sides. From his experience, he felt that any geographical condition—our group like the Minahasans or the Balinese country is inhabited by those groups needed to have the most appropriate degree of diversified residents...in addition, of autonomy within the federal system for those who pay attention, there rather than reached a compromise on a set are so many religions in the country, of agreed-upon principles for the whole of they are certainly aware, that a the proposed Republic. Our country in this country like this cannot be formed speech referring to NIT and Nadjamoedin based on common similarities like seemed to describe the centralized structure it can in Java, for example...then, of NIT, of which thirteen regions had because it consists of several areas, considerable autonomy. Through the it should be established on the basis character of Nadjamoedin we can see of a federation and because of that two identities that must be developed at the autonomy of these areas must once, namely strong local identity and the be held in high respect. With that demands of the federal government that format of the state, the progress guarantee each local area its autonomy. of each region can be guaranteed Participants of the Denpasar Conference according to its nature and their then chose Nadjamoedin Daeng Malewa own needs...We are a nation despite for the position of Prime Minister of

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020) 3383 Dwi Mulyatari the first NIT and, concurrently, Minister 75% of Eastern Indonesians were governed of Economics. He conveyed a political by the traditional Swapraja government manifesto that suggested that the federal under zelfbestuurder (self-local government state system was the best solution for leader/Raja) and their existence should be Indonesia. He came to this view based accommodated within the NIT (General on his evaluation that various regions of Government Commissariat for Borneo and Indonesia had improved economically the Great East, 1946). In other words, Anak through the application of centralized state Agung agreed to develop a federative idea structures applied by the Dutch since the for Eastern Indonesia. beginning of the twentieth century. The As a representative of South Sulawesi in great distances between central and regional the Denpasar Conference, Tadjoeddin Noor governments significantly influenced the (“Sidang Parlement”, 1947) had a different amount of power that could be delegated to political view from Nadjamoedin Daeng the regions. He believed that the advantages Malewa. He clearly supported the concept of federal constitutional systems such as of a unitary state, and was thus pro-republic. Canada, the United States and Australia He supported the Linggajati Agreement as a were abundant. He argued that the federal formula for the establishment of the RIS by state was a must to realize the ideals of arguing that NIT should be granted political a country’s independence. Nadjamoedin rights at least until the establishment of RIS argued that a stronger and more prosperous and, together with RI, NIT became a state state would not have inequalities applied component in Indonesia. He expressed his others. Accordingly, equality would be opinion in his speech while leading the NIT created not only in economics but also in Parliament. culture, finance and law (“Pidato P.J.M. Although Tadjoeddin (“Sidang Nadjamoedin… (Part 2)”, 1947). Parlement”, 1947) claimed that a sovereign Similarly, Anak Agung seriously RIS was important and should be established considered the importance of maintaining soon, at least on January 1, 1949, he also the existence of zelfbestuurder (self-local believed that a sovereign NIT must be government leader/Raja) in a modern and secured within the RIS. Tadjoeddin argued democratic NIT format. As one of the that the format of bondstaat (federation traditional elites who ruled Bali’s Gianyar state) was better perceived to formulate Kingdom, he realized that the King’s a sovereign RIS than the statenbond traditional power rights would be reduced in (Unitarian state) format because in the the new format of Eastern Indonesia under bondstaat (federation state) format every NIT. Therefore, as his speech at the Denpasar state is unitary and has no sovereign rights, Conference mentioned that by giving the since the central and state governments mandate given by Paruman Agung, Anak would divide the authority. Meanwhile, Agung emphasized the important fact that in a statenbond (Unitarian state), several

3384 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020) Contending Identity in Eastern Indonesia in 1945-1950 sovereign states agree to work together to However, there were concerns among safeguard mutual interests. In other words, traditional elites that their traditional rights every state of the federation of this type has over the territories would no longer be sovereignty over its territory. guaranteed under the administration of the RIS, whereas NIT would become a Localism as the Third Layer of Identity part of it. In connection with the effort to The strength of the existence of local preserve their autonomy in their territory, identity in Indonesian society must not be the eighteen eastern kingdoms of Indonesia ignored during the development process of held a meeting in Malino, South Sulawesi in national and regional identity in the region. May 1948. It had been known as the Second Old and strongly rooted local identity in the Malino Meeting (“Senaat Sementara”, community is closely related to ethnicity, 1949). Local traditional elites feared that culture, and religion. This fact means that their authority over their territory could not the development of a national identity be maintained if the NIT had planned to varies greatly according to region. Local modernize the government. They intensively identities and political entities in Indonesia discussed their political position if the NIT developed long before the Portuguese and were to have become a part of the RIS. Dutch came to Indonesia. For example, Although the concept of a federal system the Kingdom of Gowa in South Sulawesi, for a new country in Eastern Indonesia was the Hindu Kingdoms of Bali, the Sultanate well-prepared by van Mook long before of Ternate and Tidore in Maluku. Even a the meeting in Denpasar, it was undeniable completely new Bali administration was that local identity, as a political aspiration, incorporated into the administration of was widespread during the conference. The the Dutch East Indies relatively early in majority of regional representatives used the twentieth century compared to other the meeting to convey their aspirations regions of Eastern Indonesia that had been about their respective regional autonomy integrated first. through their speeches, arguing that regional After the Denpasar Conference, the autonomy is the people’s right. This was founding of the NIT (i.e., the State of East stated among others by Katoppo and Wenas, Indonesia) became a reality in December representatives of Minahasa. Although both 1946. Internally, the NIT government agreed with the idea of “The Netherlands- implemented a democratic and modern Indonesia Union,” the self-determination government with the utmost promotion of of each region remained an important educated government officials and policies focus for the Minahasa representatives. convincing traditional elites to follow Katoppo, in his speech, mentioned that the the will of the government. Modern and new status of the State of East Indonesia democratic governments were needed to (NIT) had become strong inside and outside prepare the NIT as part of the future RIS. the country. However, he believed that

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020) 3385 Dwi Mulyatari inter-state power, especially between the After the second Dutch military aggression Republic of Indonesia and the State of and when the objectives of negotiations East Indonesia, should be applied equally. between Indonesia and the Netherlands He also referred to Article 6 of the draft became clearer about the formation of the regulation that the respective determination RIS, The political identity developed by of each region would be guaranteed by the modern, educated local leaders seemed to state system of NIT. Meanwhile, Wenas be more nationalistic. wanted the State of East Indonesia to be To resolve the conflict, RI and the composed of dozens of self-governing Netherlands then agreed to achieve the best small kingdoms (zelfbesturende rijkjes) diplomatic solution by holding a Round that directly controlled their territory and Table Conference (Konferensi Meja Bundar would strengthen the group within the state [KMB]), which proceeded in August 1949 (General Government Commissariat for and was then signed in November 1949. Borneo and the Great East, 1946). International criticism and pressure on the Netherlands brought on the NICA, Compromise Supplies the Solution meaning that the Netherlands would not be A key turning point occurred when the Dutch staying long in Eastern Indonesia. That is, launched their second military aggression the Netherlands would leave Indonesia and against the RI in December 1948. As a result, Indonesian sovereignty would be recognized the capital of Yogyakarta was occupied by and transferred to RIS. This national political Dutch troops and the leaders of the Republic situation had an impact on changing the were arrested and exiled to Bangka. This political thinking of the Eastern leaders of aggression disappointed NIT leaders. On the Indonesia to be in line with the political one hand, the Dutch treatment of Republican opportunities offered to them, especially, leaders, especially Sukarno and Hatta, was for those who were experienced in modern deemed inappropriate and military action higher education and were involved in the was seen as Dutch intervention against administration of NIT compared to those Indonesian sovereignty. On the other hand, who had been known as a traditional elite Indonesia’s reluctance to resolve diplomatic group. The concept of regional identity of political relations with the Dutch resulted this group was becoming more nationalistic. in a protracted negotiation process and did This local group of leaders came to a new not reach the solution expected by both RI understanding that the Dutch would not and the Netherlands. Dutch military action resolve its problem with the Republic of became the most obvious of changes in the Indonesia (RI) diplomatically. In addition, political thinking of modern local leaders this military action brought international within NIT. Their views were different attention to the internal political situation in from the Denpasar Conference where local Indonesia that had brought de facto support perspectives seemed to be very common. and recognition to the RI.

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This situation urged the NIT leaders was undeveloped!] (“Menudju to consider that the main agenda at that Republik N.I.S.”, 1949, p. 2) time was to work together with RI, to Anak Agung, as the Prime Minister, was unite Indonesians under the RIS. This keen to take an important role in the KMB was demonstrated in leaders’ speeches on to convey the political interests of NIT and numerous occasions mentioned in several reposition its political role after the second local newspapers and magazines, such as Dutch military aggression. This enabled Negara Baroe (Makassar), Penjoeloeh Anak Agung to play an active role by (Bali), and Pandji Negara (Makassar) forming the Federal Consultation Meeting during 1945–1949. One of them was Anak (Bijeenkomst Federaal Overleg [BFO]), Agung, who held his position as the Prime conducting an inter-Indonesia conference Minister of NIT. He promoted a synthesis with his synthesis policy, and negotiating policy as a political agenda of the NIT in with Sukarno-Hatta in Bangka. Thus, it international relations during preparation may be said that NIT, with Anak Agung as of KMB. Negotiations with both RI and the Prime Minister at the time, developed more Netherlands benefited NIT. His political national identity than ever before, with the strategy was presented in his speech at aim of preparing an understanding with RI Radio Makassar on February 23, 1949. Anak in facing the round table conference. Agung (“Menudju Republik N.I.S.”, 1949) was said that: CONCLUSIONS [Translation: ... Part III and the The formation of Eastern Indonesia’s conclusion of the speech stated once political identity had developed through again that the politics adopted by a process of negotiation and compromise NIT that were to search for synthesis through local political figures, having in all directions in the community, adapted to political changes and political both toward the Netherlands and needs in the region. The process of its toward Indonesia, in the nation formation came with competitions between itself...This policy was used out of national, regional and local identities that conviction that the life of the nation were deeply rooted in local communities. cannot and should no longer be seen The identity that was then used and as “between us alone.” Inevitably, developed was not something that was because of historical progress, it “black and white” (and thus static) but rather must also consider its relationship dynamic in nature and having flexibility in with the Netherlands. Therefore, accordance with the political developments including the absolute conditions that occurred. Thus, the identity of East of working together with the Dutch; Indonesian politics is not necessarily however, it was not because of them depicted by one identity alone, but instead that the interest of the nation itself

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 28 (4): 3375 - 3389 (2020) 3387 Dwi Mulyatari has three layers of identity in which each government relationship rather than the NIT tier can be more dominant than the others and the local powers in Eastern Indonesia. at any one time, depending on the political This led to the disappointment of the local situation and the desired interest. elites, especially the pro-federal groups that During the peak period of the carry regional and local identities. However, establishment of the NIT, Eastern Indonesia’s the harmonization was restored after the cultural, ethnic, and religious identity could president of RIS, Sukarno, politically be harmonized through federal state policies. approached the local elites of Eastern They offered a bigger opportunity for local/ Indonesia. Meetings were conducted with regional political interests and allow each the Kings of different areas in Eastern region’s identity and personality to develop. Indonesia that eventually gained support This compromise was offered as NIT also towards RIS. needed political support from these local The connection with the historiography elites. As long as regional interests can be of the revolutionary period in Indonesia, with accommodated by NIT, the harmony could a deeper understanding of this multi-identity be maintained. The situation changed when of Eastern Indonesian politics, as developed the Round Table Conference (Konferensi by local leaders, is expected to open up Meja Bundar [KMB]) in December 1949 opportunities for franker, open discussion. resulted in an agreement that the Dutch In addition, despite the many important recognized Indonesian sovereignty by the writings pertaining to the revolution in establishment of the Federal Republic of Indonesia, there has been a lack of attention Indonesia, the Republic of the United States to discuss the dynamics of political identity of Indonesia (Republik Indonesia Serikat among local political leaders in Eastern [RIS]), in January 1950, and NIT was one Indonesia. Hopefully, this research sufficed of the states of RIS. To integrate regional to satisfy the deficiency. identity within a national framework, Prime Minister Anak Agung made a compromise ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS through an integrated policy, known as The study was supported by a grant from Synthesis. Synthesis policy had been slowly the Final Research Indexed International implemented since Anak Agung became the Publication Grant Program (PITTA) Prime Minister of NIT for 2 periods, from 15 Universitas Indonesia. December 1947 to 27 December 1949. Since the establishment of RIS, in which Anak REFERENCES Agung was appointed as Interior Minister Agung, I. A. A. G. (1993). Kenangan masa lampau: in RIS Cabinet, the synthesis policy had Zaman Kolonial Hindia Belanda dan Zaman been implemented by the NIT within RIS Pendudukan Jepang di Bali [Memories of the framework. NIT political policy was aimed past: Bali in Dutch East Indies and Japanese more at the alignment of the NIT and RIS Occupation era]. Jakarta, Indonesia: Yayasan Obor Indonesia.

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Pidato P.J.M. Nadjamoedin daeng Malewa Perdana Menteri [Speech of Prime Minister P.J.M.

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