Haji Omar Said Tjokroaminoto: Islam and Socialism (Indonesia, 1924/1963)

2.03 Haji Omar Said Tjokroaminoto: Islam and Socialism (Indonesia, 1924/1963)

Introduction

Haji Omar Said (HOS) Tjokroaminoto (1882–1934), the author of Islam and Socialism, was a prominent Indonesian figure who played a leading role in the Indonesian nationalist movement of the early twentieth century. He was a leader of (the) Sarekat Islam/Islamic Association (SI)1—an organisation which served as a medium for those who held that Islamic religious sentiment and nationalist consciousness could be combined to voice their disappoint- ment with the Dutch colonial rule in the archipelago. The SI attracted a sig- nificant number of followers, who envisaged the independence of the nation. This organisation was a transformation of (the) Sarekat Dagang Islam/Islamic Trade Association (SDI) founded by Samanhudi (1868–1956)2 in 1911 in Solo,

1 In both Indonesian and non-Indonesian languages, much has been devoted to the study of Tjokroaminoto and the SI. See, e.g. Amelz, HOS Tjokroaminoto Hidup dan Perjuangannya (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1952); M. A. Gani, Cita Dasar dan Pola Perjuangan Syarikat Islam (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984); Timur Jaylani, “The Sarekat Islam Movement: Its Contribution to Indonesian Nationalism” (MA thes., McGill Unviersity, 1959); Bernard Dahm, History of Indonesia in the Twentieth Century (New York: Preager Publisher, 1971). For the biography of Tjokroaminto, see e.g. Anhar Gongong, HOS Tjokroaminoto (Jakarta: Depdikbud, 1985); M. Masyhur Amin, Saham HOS Tjokroaminoto dalam Kebangunan Islam dan Nasionalisme di Indonesia (Yogyakarta: Nur Cahaya, 1983); Donald Eugene Smith, ed., Religion and Politics, and Social Change in the Third World (New York: The Free Press, 1971), 109; HOS Tjokroaminoto, Tafsir Program-Asas dan Program Tandhim Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia (Jakarta: Lajnah- Tanfidziyah PSII, 1958), 30; Ensiklopedi Islam 5 (Jakarta: Ichtiar Baru van Hoeve, 1993), 108–110. 2 Haji Samanhudi was only concerned with economic endeavor, i.e. trading competition against the Chinese domination. It is not surprising that he gained less reputation than Tjokroaminoto, who was more skillful and charismatic in managing the organisation. For more on Samanhudi see, e.g. Denys Lombard and Claudine Salmon, “Islam and Chineseness,” Indonesia 57 (1993): 127; G. W. J. Drewess, “The Struggle Between Javanism and Islam as Illustrated by the Sĕratdĕrmagandul,” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 122 (1966): 315; Shiraishi Takashi, “The Disputes between Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo and Soetatmo Soeriokoesoemo: Satria vs. Pandita,” Indonesia 32 (1981): 97; Ruth McVey and Comrade Semaun, “An Early Account of the Independence Movement” Indonesia 1 (1966): 54–55.

Central Java. The SDI was aimed at increasing the self-esteem of the ’common’ Indonesians in confronting at least two challenges—the harsh competition in the batik industry particularly with Chinese traders and the Javanese noble class who merely supported the interests of the Dutch colonial regime.3 The SDI focused on its role in economy. However, thanks to Tjokroaminoto’s leadership of the organisation,4 its vision and scope of activities were broad- ened. Economy was not the only domain to which attention should be paid. In Tjokroaminoto’s hands, the SI was transformed into a mass organisation with social and religious dimensions, and political ambition. Thus, the figure of Tjokroaminoto cannot be detached from the history of the SI and vice versa. Whereas the SI can be regarded as the first mass movement which planted the seeds of nationalism in the hearts of common Indonesians, Tjokroaminoto, as its leader, merits credit for playing a vital role in this process by using Islamic religious sentiment in attracting the followers. It is true that the Budi Utomo/ Prime Philosophy (BU), founded by Dr. Sutomo in 1908, cultivated the sense of nationalism among Indonesians earlier than the SI did.5 However, the scope of membership and activities of the BU was limited to the elite circle of aris- tocratic educated Javanese people and local bureaucrats.6 Low-class people, whose number was large compared with the few educated people, were beyond the BU’s reach. After all, the BU was not initially aimed at becoming a nationalist mass movement or a political organisation at all. Rather, the BU’s activities focused on education and culture. It is therefore unsurprising that in the early years of its development the Dutch colonial government allowed room to this ‘elite’ forum to exercise its cultural programs. All in all, the BU deserves credit for inspiring other Indonesian leaders to found organisations

3 M. A. Gani, “Cita Dasar,” Mansur, Sejarah Sarekat islam dan Pendidikan Bangsa (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2004), 10; Hasnul Arifin Melayu, “Islam and Politics in the Thought of Tjokroaminoto (1882–1934),” (MA thes., McGill University), 3; Latiful Khuluq, “Sarekat Islam: Its Rise, Peak and Fall,” Al-Jamiah, Journal of Islamic Studies 60 (1997): 252; Michael Charles Williams, Communism, Religion and Revolt (Ohio: Ohio University, 1990), 114–115. For more on the way in which the Dutch cooperated with the Javanese upper class in ruling people, see, e.g. George McTurner Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1952), 162. 4 Harry J. Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, Indonesian Islam under the Japanese Occupation 1942–1945 (New York: W. van Hoeve, 1958), 42–43; Ahmad Syafiʾi Maarif, Islam dan Masalah Kenegaraan (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1985), 79–85; Melayu, “Islam and Politics.” 5 See e.g. Bernard H. M. Vlekke, Nusantara: A History of Indonesia (The Hague: W. van Hoeve Ltd., 1965), 348. 6 Alisa Zainuʾddin, A Short History of Indonesia (New York: Preager Publisher, 1970), 174–175; L. M. Sitorus, Sedjarah Pergerakan Kebangsaan Indonesia (Jakarta: n.p., n.d.), 10–11.