DOI: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.1.3Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Hungarian Geographical Geographical Bulletin Bulletin 6565 2016(2016) (1) (1) 27–42. 27–42.27

Narrative interviews in research on post-war socio-historical processes as formative factors of regional identity of the population – Case study of the region,

Pavlína SLOVÁKOVÁ1 and Miloslav ŠERÝ2

Abstract

The aims of the paper are twofold. The fi rst aim is a methodological one, the article presents the possibili- ties of using narrative interviews in research on post-war socio-historical development. The second aim is to evaluate the experiences of eyewitnesses who experienced the expulsion of the German-speaking population and the process of resett lement in the distinctive region of Svitavy. Being the largest migratory population movement in the 20th century in the Czech lands, the displacement of the Germans and the subsequent process of resett lement brought signifi cant social, cultural, and economic consequences. Their infl uence on the inhabitants of the aff ected regions and regional identities of these inhabitants is evident even now. The method of narrative interviews contributes to unveiling the importance of these processes in witnesses´ minds. The successful fulfi lment of both objectives allows evaluation of the appropriateness of the methods applied in research on regional identities of the population, as well as a bett er understanding of the importance of post-war events for the eyewitnesses to them. As these events occurred in a specifi c region (Svitavy), it is possible to identify important factors that contributed to the formation of regional identities of these wit- nesses. The article is a contribution to the existing knowledge about the phenomenon of regional identity of populations, which is understood as a process. In addition, it also contributes to a deeper knowledge of the role of the (dis)continuity of sett lement in this process.

Keywords: narrative interview, regional identity of population, migration, Svitavy region, Czech Republic, transfer of Germans from Czechoslovakia

Introduction cultural, and economic consequences of the largest migratory movements of the popula- The transfer of the German population from tion in the Czech Republic in recent history. A Czechoslovakia and the subsequent reset- partial interest in the evaluation of the possi- tlement of the borderland by inhabitants of ble consequences of such continuity up to the mostly Czech nationality is a subject that present day is also evident within Czech geo- is still to some extent controversial and is graphical research projects (Daněk, P. 2000; widely discussed (Staněk, T. 1991; Kural, Chromý, P. and Skála, J. 2010; Kučera, Z. and V. 1994; Beneš, Z. 2002; Čapka, F. et al. 2005; Kučerová, S. 2012; Šerý, M. and Šimáček, P. von Arburg, A. and Staněk, T. 2010). In ad- 2013; Šerý, M. 2014). dition to debates about the correctness of the However, research on the very develop- transfer of the German citizens, its manner ment and immediate effects of the above and course, and the possibly rather chaotic migratory movements has remained some- course of the subsequent resett lement, recent what out of the spotlight of Czech geogra- discussions have also focused on the social, phers. For research on the actual intensity

1 Department of Geography, Faculty of Science, Masaryk University, Kotlářská 2, 611 37 Brno, Czech Republic. E-mail: [email protected] 2 Department of Geography, Faculty of Science, Palacký University , 17. listopadu 12, 771 46 Olomouc, Czech Republic. E-mail: [email protected] 28 Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.

of the migration fl ows and their spatial dif- symbolism that represents this living space. ferences, as well as the social and economic Similarly, the post-war experience may have structure of the population that participated aff ected the willingness of individuals to par- in these migrations, the statistical sources of ticipate in the organisation and functioning data from the pre-war and post-war periods of institutions that are linked to their living are very important. Here we mean primarily space. If we start from the intentions of the three censuses in the Czechoslovak Republic new regional geography (Thrift, N. 1983; (1 December 1930, 1 March 1950 and 1 March Pred, A. 1984), all these aspects can be un- 1961) (State Statistical Offi ce 1935a,b, 1955, derstood as essential dimensions of the phe- 1966), the Survey of Municipalities in the nomenon of regional identity of the popula- Bohemian and Moravian-Silesian lands of tion (Paasi, A. 1986, 2002), which has been December 1, 1945 (State Statistical Office developed, reproduced, and transformed on 1946), and, last but not least, the Registers a long-term basis (Macleod, G. 1998). of Citizens in Czechoslovakia in 1946 and Despite the potential of narrative inter- 1947 (State Statistical Office 1951). Using views to facilitate the understanding of the these resources of aggregate, quantitative formative factors of regional identity of a data we can gain a general idea of the above- population (Houžvička, V. and Novotný, L. mentioned processes and these ideas can be 2007), this method does not have a strong combined with archival research, which is position in research carried out in the frame- particularly desirable at regional level. This work of Czech geography so far. Therefore, approach, which allows us to create a more the fi rst (methodological) objective of this synoptic image of the post-war development, paper is to evaluate the importance of narra- has been used by authors (Skřivánek, M. tive interviews for research on the formative 1995; Káňa, O. 1976) who strove to analyse factors of regional identity of population. the issue in question within their case studies The second objective of the paper is then of selected border regions. to assess the specifi c formative factors of re- However, if we seek a more comprehensive gional identity of population, which include understanding of the processes of the trans- the experience of eyewitnesses of the reset- fer of the German-speaking citizens and the tlement of the German-speaking population resett lement, the specifi c regional features, and the colonisation process in the Svitavy and the consequences so far, we have to region. extend the above-mentioned methods. We To meet the above objectives successfully, consider one of the alternative approaches we will seek answers to the following re- to be the method of narrative interview with search questions: people who lived through these processes, or a) To what extent is the narrative interview at least were aff ected by these processes. The an appropriate method to gain qualitative method of narrative interview has the po- data on phenomena shaping the process of tential to identify phenomena that are hard regional identity of the population? to understand. Here we mean primarily the b) What is the opinion of witnesses to the perception of post-war processes by eyewit- post-war resett lement of the German-speak- nesses to them, mostly based on their own ing population? Did they maintain friendly experience of these processes, which deter- relations with the German-speaking inhabit- mines the future development and formation ants before the war and aft er it? of a number of aspects. c) Did the respondents themselves par- These must include the relationship of in- ticipate in the colonisation process? How do dividuals to the area they live in, or the level they evaluate this process? of identifi cation with the community which We believe that by fulfi lling the objectives the individual is a part of. We should not for- of the paper, we can methodologically and get the perception and understanding of the factually enrich the existing geographic re- Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. 29

search focused on the possibility of under- resources of the researcher. As Dunn, K. (2005: standing the above-mentioned formative fac- 79) states, interviews are verbal interchanges tors in the process of the creation of regional where one person, the interviewer, att empts identity of the population. In addition, one to elicit information from another person. On part of the Svitavy region faced the post-war the one hand, we can use a precisely struc- migrations while another part of it was not af- tured questionnaire, which results in easily fected by these transfers, and, on the contrary, comparable answers; on the other hand, a free served as the source area for the resett lement. interview without a predetermined structure Thanks to this, it is possible to understand and with only a primary topic of conversa- Svitavy as a distinctive region with an inter- tion may also be an appropriate method nally diff ering continuity of socio-historical (Hendl, J. 2005). A compromise between these development. As a result of this nature of the two methods is a semi-structured interview region in question, the fulfi lment of the above (Longhurst, R. 2010). objectives may also contribute to a bett er un- A narrative interview is based on the free derstanding of the role of the dis-/continuity narration of the person being interviewed, of sett lement in the process of the creation of with important information being refl ected regional identity of the population. by the interviewer only during the interview. This open type of interview is based on the assumption that narration has been an es- Methodological aspects of narrative sential component of human communication interviews since the very beginning of modern civili- sation and describes the everyday activities In the social sciences, qualitative research in- and problems of an individual in the best dicates the type of research that focuses on possible way. how individuals and groups perceive, under- As already mentioned, the narrative in- stand, and interpret the world. According to terview can be structured, semi-structured, other criteria, qualitative research is research or completely unloaded with any structure, that does not use statistical methods or tech- with the interviewer responding exclusively niques. In this concept, it is contrasted with to the narration of a particular respondent quantitative research, which is not suitable (Given, L.M. 2008). The nature of the narra- for research conducted on a smaller scale, tive interview is strongly interdisciplinary. when the categories and theories applied The respondents‘ experience and the infor- by a researcher may not correspond to lo- mation obtained during the interview are a cal particularities or the knowledge that is useful source of data for sociology, psychol- acquired is too abstract and general for direct ogy, geography, philosophy, and cultural application in local conditions. A researcher studies, but, in a sense, also for economic and may also be limited by a reductive method marketing disciplines (Wengraf, T. 2001). of data acquisition (Hendl, J. 2008). According to Schütze, F. (1987), who was The most widely used qualitative methods the fi rst to describe the narrative interview in geographical research include direct ob- method, the form of the interview consists servation, participant observation, grounded of several stages. First, it is important to in- theory, keeping a research diary, and, especial- form the respondent about the topic of the ly, interviewing subjects. These methods are interview and the reason why it is being con- potentially able to provide the data needed for ducted. It is necessary to inspire confi dence a research study (Hendl, J. 1997). The way in and make the interviewee interested so that which the subjects are interviewed may vary, he/she tries to recall events that might not be depending on the object and purpose of the mentioned in direct questioning. research, the nature of the survey data, or, for At the stage of the actual narration, the example, on the time capacity and fi nancial interviewer should not interrupt the inter- 30 Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.

viewee‘s monologue, but only listen intently, formation or opinions on phenomena that and use gestures or not to invoke a feeling of are not related directly to the respondent and concernedness and being interested in the his/her story. The essence of a narrative in- story being narrated. Aft er the end of the nar- terview is his/her experience and subjective ration, it is appropriate to use narrativising perception of facts that infl uenced the inter- questions that respond to the events men- viewee to some extent and to which he/she tioned by the interviewee and aim to develop att aches some weight. The advantage of the them in a certain direction. narrative interview is in its putt ing the em- The prerequisite for these questions is the phasis on the individual and his/her subjec- expectation of further narration. From the ex- tive perception of processes and phenomena perience of other interviews, the questions in time and space, against the background of can be formulated in a way that takes into a characteristic social framework. account the information received from the Jovchelovitch and Bauer (2000) pointed other interviewees, but has not been men- out two problematic aspects of narrative in- tioned by the current respondent. Aft er all terviews. The person being interviewed can the topic-related questions have been ex- create his/her own hypothesis about what the hausted, the interview should continue with interviewer wants to hear and what he/she additional descriptive characteristics of the probably already knows. persons presented in the story, with an ef- The consequence can be partially conscious fort to relate the events that have been de- non-disclosure of information which would scribed and their possible consequences to represent a contribution to the research. They the present (Jovchelovitch, S. and Bauer, may also show some doubts about the phases M.W. 2000; Bates, J.A. 2005). of a narrative interview. In particular, diffi - The purpose of the narrative interview is culty in stimulating the interest of the person the rejection of the classical scheme of the being interviewed in the topic relates largely question-answer type of interview and, on to the experience of the interviewer and the the contrary, minimum communicative in- narrative part itself is then heavily infl uenced volvement of the interviewer in the narra- by the confi dence in the researcher and his/ tion. The positive eff ect of the narrative in- her work. terview is the presentation of events in the It is also important to understand that for life of the interviewee in his/her own words, many people the narration itself, on which the which, according to the supporters of the whole interview is based, may be an unnatu- narrative interview approach, could not be ral activity that is not easy to manage. Another covered during a normal structured inter- important factor is the process of forgett ing, view (Jovchelovitch, S. and Bauer, M.W. which is influenced by many factors, e.g. 2000; Atkinson, R. 2001). protection of mental capacity from overload The narrative interview is primarily used and congestion, a long period of time having to capture the course of events that took place passed since the event happened, or an eff ort in the past, which develops in a certain way. to displace unpleasant memories (Čermák, I. This is an important feature of the method et al. 2007). with regard to the fact that regional identity The data processing (time-consuming tran- of the inhabitants is always rooted in the past scription) and especially the evaluation of the (Graham, B. 2000) and its formative factors interviews are relatively diffi cult. From the are subjected to developmentally continuous huge amount of the texts of the interviews, reproduction and transformation (Vainikka, it is necessary to select only those pieces of J. 2012). information that are relevant for the research, On the contrary, the narrative interview which are then broken down in an appropri- approach is totally inappropriate if the re- ate manner according to their content and searcher requires obtaining quantitative in- compared with each other (Bates, J.A. 2005). Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. 31

Narrative interview and geographical research of its German inhabitants with regard to the on regional identity of populations number that were transferred and a few ref- erences on the course of the displacement In geography, qualitative research methods found in archival materials or a secondary are relatively widespread and the qualita- publication that deals with this topic. tive approach is certainly not unknown to The narration of the witnesses may to geographers interested in issues of regional some extent explain the course and the cir- identity (Kneafsey, M. 2000; Everett, S. and cumstances of the involuntary exodus of Aitchison, C. 2008; Antonsich, M. 2010; the German population, especially in those Zimmerbauer, K. 2011). According to Wiles, cases where the statements of individual in- J.L. et al. (2005), semi-structured interviews terviewees overlap or coincide. The experi- are widely used, while much less att ention is ences and memories of witnesses are oft en paid to alternative methods of investigation. the only source of information and, though These methods include the narrative inter- they should be treated with critical distance, view, which is suitable for the detection of are priceless for research on the conditions facts that are unobtainable from other avail- under which regional identity of the popula- able sources. tion was formed. Because of this feature and the characteris- tics of the method described in the previous chapter, we att empted to use the narrative in- Regional identity of inhabitants terview approach in our research on regional identity of the population of the Svitavy re- From a broader perspective the very exist- gion. More precisely, this method was used ence of regional identity of a population can to identify the way in which the post-war be understood as a manifestation of human experience can infl uence the process of the needs, specifi cally, the need to belong some- creation of regional identity of the inhabit- where, which Maslow, A.H. (1943) sees as ants of the area concerned. the most important social need of any indi- The specifi c features of the coexistence of vidual. two or more nationalities in certain regions Through a successful fulfilment of this have their roots in the distant past and have need, a person gets an idea of his/her posi- undergone many changes during the devel- tion and role in a complex environment and opment of the region. builds and realises his/her own identity. If The form of a free and open interview can the sources of the identity of individual per- help to gain an understanding of the unique sons and the process of the creation of these feelings, perceptions, and opinions of the in- identities show the same characteristics, we habitants of the border areas regarding the can talk about the generation of collective dramatic post-war events that are oft en dif- identity. fi cult to describe objectively and analyse as The concept of collective identities and the a result of the lack of a suffi cient amount of processes of their formation are tackled by data and sources. Cerulo, K.A. (1997: 386), who suggests that, Although the subjectivity of those inter- so rooted, the notion addresses the “we-ness” of viewed is considerable, the information ob- a group, stressing the similarities or shared at- tained through narrative interview can para- tributes around which group members coalesce. doxically be used to add greater objectivity The above-mentioned att ributes can be de- to the research (Jovchelovitch, S. and Bauer, termined, for example, by ethnicity, religios- M.W. 2000). ity, sexuality, cultural characteristics, and, last For example, we can start from the assump- but not least, by spaciousness. Spaciousness tion that we have only inaccurate statistics consists of the daily activities of people on a certain village aff ected by the transfer within the various spatial categories, either 32 Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.

in particular places (Tuan, Y.-F. 1974; Relph, formation of regional identity of the local E. 1976) or regions (Paasi, A. 2002).3 Spatial residents. categories are then used in the process of Besides the idea of community, the individual building human identities. In this context, re- components of regional identity of the popu- gional identity of a population can therefore lation also include the process of the iden- be understood as one of the essential forms tifi cation of the population with the region. of collective identity. This process helps the residents to att ribute Regional identity of a population is a rela- the role of the region in regional hierarchy of con- tively complex and elusive phenomenon. In sciousness, which Paasi, A. (1986) considers to this paper, we start from the conceptualisa- be a second subset of regional identity of the tion established by Paasi, A. (1986). Its es- inhabitants of the region. The third formative sence is the classifi cation of this phenomenon subset of regional identity is the so-called im- within three subsets. The fi rst one is identifi - age of the region. This subset is formed not cation with regional group or community. This only by the population of a particular region subset consists of both the factual identifi cation but also by the communities living outside and the ideal identifi cation. the region, which logically leads to discrep- The former is based on actual relation- ancies: the image of a region sensed inside ships between individuals who are in some the region usually diff ers from the external way connected with the region. In this case image of the region. However, these diff erent of community, an important fact is that the images infl uence the broader concept of re- individuals are acculturated and are famil- gional identity rather than regional identity iar with structures of expectations. In the latt er of the population of a particular region. case we are talking about a certain image of None of the three above-mentioned com- identifi cation, which is communicated and ponents of regional identity of the popula- represented in the institutional practice of the tion can be understood as static entities. On region and its community. In the latt er case, the contrary, they are dynamic aspects that the purpose is the reproduction of awareness develop in a long-term process, in the course of regional community. of which the fi nal form of regional identity Typically, these two types of identifi cation of the population can consciously or uncon- are not in agreement, but this discrepancy sciously (Zich, F. 2007) be consolidated or does not preclude their importance for the transformed, or even cease to exist in ex- formation of regional identity of the popu- treme cases. Regional identity as a process lation. In the post-war period, it is possible is shaped by a number of formative factors. to observe tangible diff erences between the These factors include the experience of post- factual identifi cation and ideal identifi cation of war migration events. These seemingly dis- the population in a number of Czech regions. tant experiences in fact virtually continue to These were mainly the border regions aff ect- function in the minds of individuals in the ed by the replacement of their residents. form of individual historical consciousness, This process brought about a transforma- which has an obvious relationship to the for- tion of the factual identifi cation with the com- mation of regional identity of the population munity, as well as of the ideal identifi cation (Houžvička, V. and Novotný, L. 2007). with the community, in the latt er case mostly as a result of the infl uence of regional institu- tions (the press, etc.) that responded to the Brief characteristics of the region under study newly created conditions. These transforma- tions signifi cantly determined the further The Svitavy region, a district offi cially es- tablished in 1960, was chosen as the area 3 For the conceptualisation of the relationship between a region and a particular place, see, for example, of interest for several reasons. Svitavy is an Paasi, A. 1986, 2002; Chromý, P. 2003; Šerý, M. 2014. example of an area that is historically hetero- Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. 33

geneous, with diff erent territorial, adminis- established. One of them was the Svitavy dis- trative and linguistic affi liations. Half of its trict, into which all the above-mentioned po- territory was part of the largest German lan- litical districts (Litomyšl, , guage island in the Czechoslovak Republic and Polička) were integrated. Therefore, the (hereinaft er CSR) called Hřebečsko, while the new district of Svitavy was crossed by the Czechs and Germans coexisted here from relict land border (Figure 1). the mid-13th century (Fikejz, R. 2003). The In Figure 2 it can be seen clearly that the area of interest is crossed by the relict land linguistic border, which has been also relict border between and . The but was not, however, identical with the land political districts of Litomyšl and Polička border, because there were also German mu- lay in Bohemia, while the political district of nicipalities located on the Bohemian side of Moravská Třebová, which was formed by the the area of interest. cannot sub-districts of Svitavy, Moravská Třebová, be described as a “typical” border or inland and Jevíčko, belonged to Moravia (Macková, district (according to various defi nitions only M. 2009). The border was deinstitutionalised a part of the today’s district was defi ned as in 1949 in connection with extensive admin- a borderland). istrative changes (Daniel, J. 2013). From a historical point of view, the Czech border- The above-mentioned political districts land may be defi ned as an area of pre-war German were maintained, while the boundary be- settlement. According to the Decree of President tween Bohemia and Moravia, which was Beneš no. 121/1945 Coll. on the territorial organisation deinstitutionalised at the same time, was re- of administration carried out by national committ ees, spected. With eff ect from 1960, when a ma- as well as according to a defi nition of borderlands jor administrative reform was adopted, the by the Resett lement Offi ce in June 1946, the political district of Moravská Třebová was included in the bor- existence of the relict land border was not derland, while the districts of Polička and Litomyšl respected and a new district structure was were not (Velešík, V. 2000).

Fig. 1. The area under study. Source: Čapka, F., Slezák, L. and Vaculík, J. 2005. Authors´ own processing 34 Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.

% were of German nationality. Aft er the war, in the summer months of 1945, about 21,000 Germans became victims of unorganised transfer, which, from regional perspective, was part of the “cleanup” of the Hřebečsko linguistic island. During the “organised transfer” which took place in the period 1946–1947, about 46,000 German inhabitants left the area in three stages (Skřivánek, M. 1995). Simultaneously with the transfer, the region was resett led with a new population. However, the overall quota set for the newly arriving inhabitants was not fulfi lled and in certain municipalities there was a lack of inter- est in resett lement. In May 1947, only 119,147 inhabitants lived in this territory, which is a Fig. 2. The proportion of German speaking population quarter less than in 1930. In resett led munici- in the municipalities of the area under study in 1930. palities, the population was 43 percent lower Source: State Statistical Offi ce 1934, 1935. Authors´ own processing than before the war. The number of inhabit- ants also dropped in Czech municipalities not aff ected by the transfer as a result of their In connection with the borderland, the participation in the resett lement process and terms or external border regions ongoing urbanisation trends (Table 1). are also used to describe the area affi liated to Between 1930 and 1961 the area in question the German Reich (the district of Moravská underwent complex economic, social, and Třebová). (The term Sudetenland has a demographic changes and also, as a result more complicated history and is used in of some administrative changes, suff ered a diff erent contexts, see Král, V. 1992.) The loss of about a third of its population, which complicated history, heterogeneous nature turned out to be permanent, with the num- of the region, and uneven development of bers remaining more or less the same until its nationalities together created the distinc- today. Considering the fact that this region is tive nature of the region, lying in the inner partly infl uenced by the historical factor of a dichotomy of the continuity of its socio-his- population exchange aft er the Second World torical development (Figure 2). War and the resett lement of municipalities In 1930 the districts of Moravská Třebová, and homesteads whose previous owners Svitavy, Jevíčko, and Litomyšl were inhabited diff ered from the new sett lers in terms of by 156,506 people in total, of whom 72,400 nationality, way of life, internal culture, and

Table 1. Number of inhabitants in selected districts

Number of inhabitants 1961/1930 Administrative district 1930 1947 1950 1961 rate in % Litomyšl 46,690 29,336 28,763 24,586 52.7 Polička 33,070 28,734 28,309 20,864 63.1 Moravská Třebová 37,797 32,695 32,393 29,125 77.1 Svitavy 38,949 28,382 29,641 30,767 79.0 Total 156,506 119,147 119,106 105,342 67.3 Total Czech lands 10,674,936 8,765,230 8,896,133 9,756,429 91.4 Source: State Statistical Offi ce, 1935a,b, 1955, 1966; Census of Population in Czechoslovakia in 1946 and 1947, 1951; Modifi ed by the author. NB: Districts in administrative organisation as of 1949. Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. 35

economically and socially, the diversity of the of Svitavy and seven came from more distant population in a previously ethnically mixed regions of the country and participated in the area off ers an opportunity to compare and resett lement of the district aft er the war. confront ideas. The quality of the interviews varied because of the poor memory of some respondents, or their unwillingness to talk about certain top- Narrative interviews: conditions, course ics (especially about events shortly aft er the and fi ndings Second World War and the relations with the Germans). It turned out that the biggest Within the qualitative research, a total of problem was the large amount of irrelevant twenty individual narrative interviews with information stemming from the need of the eyewitnesses were carried out, mostly in nurs- respondents “to tell the tale”. Other issues ing homes in Svitavy, Moravská Třebová, that could have had a negative impact on the Litomyšl, and Polička. The potential commu- performance of the narrative interviews in- nication partners were selected on the basis cluded the inadequate verbal skills associated of the recommendations of hospital att end- with the advanced age of the respondents ants, according to their health and willing- and possible partial errors in the processing ness to communicate. About one third of the and interpretation of the interviews. We tried respondents, suggested by medical offi cers as to eliminate any potential errors occurring appropriate people to carry out the interviews within the processing and interpretation of with, refused to participate in the interviews. the interviews by a careful study of methodo- The interviews took place in the aft ernoon (be- logical procedures and thorough inspection tween 1 and 5 hours pm), usually in the room of the transcripts of the interviews. of the respondent or in the common room of The face-to-face interviews provided us a nursing home. So it was their natural envi- with the following information. All the wit- ronment, to which they were accustomed and nesses, except for one, agreed with the trans- which did not put them in a stressful situation. fer of the Germans from Czechoslovakia, in Aft er being informed of the purpose of the accordance with public opinion at that time, interview for the needs of scientifi c research, which strongly supported the transfer of the and the anonymisation of sources, the com- , regardless of their political munication partners gave us their consent to affi liation. The nature of their statements indi- the realisation of the interviews. The average rectly indicates the importance of the role of length of the interviews was three quarters of the structures that had command of the mech- an hour up to an hour. Then the interviews anisms helping to infl uence the views of the were transcribed using the Atlas.ti soft ware population in general at that time. Obviously, and the large amount of data thus acquired the aim of these structures was to substantiate, was further processed and fi ltered. justify, and defend the mass deportation. All the recordings and transcripts of the interviews are stored in the archive of the au- “Transfer was righteous, it was not vengeance and it contributed to calming the situation down. It was a dif- thors. From the large amount of information fi cult time for the citizens of German nationality, but it was collected during the interviews we selected not easy even for people who came and took a step into the as relevant information only that related to unknown.” (male, b. 1914, Moravská Třebová). “I do the research topic. Any information concern- not think that the transfer was fair; it was mostly those who ing the personal life of the communication were not at fault who had to leave – old men, women, and partners (many of them started talking about children. The Czechs plundered their assets, ravaged the borderlands, and displaced the experts. It was not right, but their youth, former occupation, family, etc.) perhaps understandable, that hatred against the Germans and are not related directly to the research was huge. Can we blame them, however, for succumbing was fi ltered out. Of the twenty communica- to totalitarianism, when we succumbed to the same thing tion partners thirteen were born in the district only ten years later?” (male, b. 1936, Polička) 36 Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.

From these statements, on the other hand, us anything of value in the house; they gave the respondents’ personal experience of the it to the Germans from mixed marriages who displacement processes is felt strongly. This stayed here”). The narratives also document was refl ected, inter alia, by the fact, that al- how the post-war events in the Svitavy re- though they agreed with the displacement, gion infl uenced the subsequent development most of them sympathised with those who of one of the key dimensions of the process were displaced. For them, they were not of the formation of regional identity of the nameless people, but neighbours. They real- population, i.e. the so-called “idea of com- ised that it was mostly single-parent families munity” (Paasi, A. 1986). The transformed that were leaving, especially women, chil- post-war interaction between the Czech and dren, and old people, because the men were German-speaking natives, and especially the killed in the war, did not return, or were sent new interaction between the Czech-speaking to labour camps. natives, German-speaking natives who did In several cases, the Czech and German have to undergo resett lement (anti-fascists families lived together in one house before and Germans from mixed marriages), and the transfer, which allowed them to establish the newly incoming residents, created quite distinct bonds with each other. The above- specifi c conditions for transformation and for mentioned situation was oft en found in the the establishment and subsequent reproduc- Polička region, where a detention camp for tion of that „idea of community“, whether in Germans was established. The interviews its ideal or factual nature. also oft en showed resentment over the loot- The memories of the communication part- ing of German property immediately aft er ners were more infl uenced by their current the war, during the so-called unorganised health status and former socioeconomic sta- transfer. tus than by their age or sex. In general, the bett er-educated people provided more com- “Most Germans had already left . An old grandmother plete and accurate statements, their insight lived next to us, she could barely walk or see, her son died into both processes was not only black and in the war, but she had to go too. It was mostly the old white, and they were also able to refl ect on people, women, and kids who had to go, I felt sorry for them.” (female, b. 1936, Svitavy). “In June 1946, we the negative consequences of the transfer of moved from Borová to a semi-detached house in Pomezí. the Germans from the region. In the other part of the house, some Germans lived for a A common feature of all the interviews month and were waiting for transfer. Many other Germans was a reluctance to talk about the excesses, were haughty or angry that they had to go away. But we cruel events, and unorganised transfer. The got on well with ’our Germans’. They did not have any- communication partners preferred to talk thing valuable left in the house; they gave everything to Germans from mixed marriages who remained here. We did about the war (e.g. about the arrival of the understand this... It was the end of June and the harvest be- Russian army or the lack of food) than about gan, there was nobody to reap. Then we drudged like never the post-war events, which were harder to re- before. The fi rst year we reaped for two farms. We paid, I call. Many respondents, even aft er repeated think, 78,000 crowns for a house. But I know families who att empts to return to the theme, refused to plundered the houses, and when they were supposed to talk about the events immediately aft er the pay for them, they left .” (female, b. 1932, Pomezí). “The Germans had nice farms here. But those adventurers who Second World War, and especially those that came aft er them laid waste to them. Finally nearly all the occurred during the unorganised transfer. houses were resett led; aft er all, we are not a borderland.” However, this topic is very sensitive, and to (male, b. 1936, Polička) open it up requires the establishment of ex- traordinary confi dence, which is diffi cult to The penultimate interview also illustrates gain in the short duration of one interview. well the expectations of new sett lers regard- A signifi cant diff erence lies in the territorial ing possessions to which they felt they had diff erentiation of the respondents. The major- some legitimate right (see “they did not leave ity of the eyewitnesses were born and lived Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. 37

in the regions of Polička and Litomyšl for the fourth generation lives here and nobody knows the word most of their lives. The Moravian part of the borderland.” (male, b. 1924, Moravská Třebová) district, however, had a higher representa- tion of communication partners who came From the interviews that were accom- to the region aft er the transfer. However, the plished we can also read about the partici- frequent migration in the years 1945–1949 pation of the power structures in the proc- was typical for the whole region, as local resi- ess of identifi cation of the inhabitants with dents who were not aff ected by the transfer their region. The methods by which these of the Germans oft en participated in the re- structures modifi ed the economic character sett lement process somewhere else. of the region, especially manifested in col- We recorded a variety of views on the new- lectivisation, along with a negative att itude ly resett led population, but although the re- towards traditional cultural elements of the sett lement was fi nally successful according to region, changed the value that the inhabited the majority of the respondents, we noticed space represented for the local population. diff erences in the ratings between the resi- The transformation of the extent of the iden- dents and the new sett lers. It can, therefore, tifi cation of the inhabitants with their region be concluded that the diff erent experiences then corresponded with the symbolic shape of resett lement which are refl ected in these of the region as transformed by the power statements correlate with the length of the structures. stay of the inhabitants in the territory con- cerned. “I’ve worked as a vet in Polička since 1961. I had, I think, nine German municipalities in my working area: The newcomers usually understood the Koclířov, Opatov, , and Kamenná Horka in the resett lement as the beginning of a new life. Svitavy region and Pomezí, Květná, Stašov, Modřec, and It was an opportunity, especially for young Jedlová in the Polička region. Lots of Germans stayed in couples who got married and could get a these villages; they were either from mixed marriages or „starter“ property or for families with small they were anti-fascists. The rest of the population were the new sett lers. In Koclířov, some Greeks and Yugoslavs came children. These groups are quite fl exible and there. The communists founded collective farms, but the adaptable and from a distance they do not Germans did not want to join them. They regrett ed that recall this period in a negative manner. they had stayed. In my opinion, the success of the resett le- On the other hand, people who were born ment was mainly negatively infl uenced by the communists. there perceived the new sett lements of the re- Their government had a negative impact on the overall gion negatively and oft en pointed out that it level of the society, but in particular on the consolidation of the relationships in these municipalities. The old habits, took quite a long time (years) to consolidate customs, and traditions have never been restored, it was conditions in the region and mentioned the not desirable. And it makes a diff erence whether you are occasional emigration of newcomers back to taking care of your own property or you have to be in a the areas of the country that are remote from collective farm.” (male, b. 1930, Litomyšl) the border or the unsuccessful sett lement of several municipalities by foreign repatriated Another common feature of the inter- people. The narratives of the respondents in views was the tendency of the respondents this case partly illustrate the importance of to enumerate the events of their lives with- the length of their residence within the ter- out evaluating them. From the interviews, ritory within the process of the population we learnt where they came here from, where of the territory identifying with their lived they lived, where they then moved, who their space. neighbours were, etc., but not so much about their att itude to these events or what they “Most of the new sett lers came from Jaroměř, Vysočina, meant for them. Nové Město na Moravě, and particularly from Bystřice nad Pernštejnem. The new residents assimilated quite well with “Aft er the war, we also wanted a new house. We went each other. It was much worse in the Jeseník region, for to see Liberec. We stayed there with a German woman. She example, where the Czech minority was weak. Today, the wanted us to plead for them so that they could stay here. 38 Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.

She had two small children and her husband was killed they have undergone a substantial, mostly at the front. But we could not do anything for them. My power-motivated transformation, they con- father was then looking for a house near Lanškroun, but my tinue to develop in a transformed form. mother and us did not want to leave Rybná and eventually we stayed here. Many families, however, went to resett le.” The personal post-war relations between (male, b. 1924, Pustá Rybná) the Czech-speaking population and the German-speaking population had two dif- The narrative interviews brought impor- ferent forms in the Svitavy region. The fi rst tant findings for understanding whether was based on personal contacts between the respondents, before the war and aft er the Czech residents and new sett lers with it, maintained friendly relations with the the German-speaking natives who were not German-speaking citizens. The interviews resett led. The data derived from narrative showed that, before the war, the respond- interviews may imply that it was not a very ents mostly had rather neutral or negative positive interaction: relationships with the Germans; friendly re- lationships were exceptional. Some respond- “In 1961, I went to Moravská Třebová, to the coopera- tive farm. The people on the square still spoke German and ents who participated in the sett lement proc- did not want to tell me the way. That hostility was obvi- ess experienced personal contacts with the ous.” (female, b. 1941, Polička) German-speaking population only just aft er the war. The second form was based on personal contacts between Czech residents and new “My mother (born 1908, Polička) remembered how no- sett lers with the German-speaking people body liked the Germans here. They acted as if they were who were resett led aft er the war, and oc- superior to us and grumbled at the lazy Czechs. Therefore, we did not talk to them. But, of course, some respect- casionally returned to their former homes able German families lived here too.” (female, b. 1941, later on, for example, the regular visits of Polička). Another woman (b. 1922), who lived in the Sudeten Germans to their native villages (Gransdorf), where the German or the well-att ended Days of Czech-German population prevailed, said: “We had no friendly rela- Culture held annually in Moravská Třebová. tions with the Germans.” This is demonstrated by the following:

None of the respondents spoke of friendly “I also taught German children and children of mixed relations with the Germans aft er the war. marriages who were waiting for resett lement. Some of Only one woman (b. 1941, Polička) com- them still come here and come to see me.” (male, b. 1914, mented on the situation as follows: Moravská Třebová)

“In Limerk (Pomezí), there were plenty of hard-work- Therefore, it is evident that the process of ing and decent Germans. We got food from a couple of the development of one of the crucial dimen- them during the war. Aft er the war, the situation obviously sions of regional identity of the inhabitants, changed. But there were some Czechs who helped them. Mr. Dudek, an apothecary from Polička, gave them medicine the idea of community, had highly specifi c for free while they were waiting for resett lement. But he features, and not only in the period before was labelled a collaborator. He took it very hard and later, World War II and the period immediately at a trial, he committ ed suicide, he shot himself...” The following the end of the war. Similarly, in feelings of other respondents were sympathetic or the region in question, even a period quite rather negative. “Most Germans left . We lived next to an old grandmother; she could hardly walk and had poor sight, far from the end of the war is quite distinc- and her son died in the war, but she had to go, too. I felt tive regarding the coexistence of the Czech- really sorry for her.” (female, b. 1936, Radiměř) speaking and German-speaking populations. It seems that here this coexistence had a It is certain that the Czech-German rela- rather dichotomous character in the sense of tions did not defi nitively perish as a result “us” and “them.” Obviously, as a result of the of the resett lement of the Germans. Although resett lement, any interaction occurred to a Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. 39

lesser extent than it used to before. However, been surveyed using narrative interviews. the role of these interactions in the process This method, therefore, off ers great research of the establishment of a specifi c form of the potential for the future. idea of community in the Svitavy region is evident. Conclusions

Discussion The paper had two objectives. The fi rst was to assess the importance of the method of narra- The survey being presented here, i.e. a re- tive interviews for research on the formative search based on the experiences of natives factors of regional identity of a population. with the resett lement of the German-speak- The latt er was an evaluation of the specifi c ing population and the colonisation process formative factors of regional identity of the in the Svitavy region, is internationally rather inhabitants, represented by the experience of exceptional and entirely unique in the Czech witnesses to the resett lement of the German- context, in terms of geographical science. A speaking population and the process of new similar narrative research study took place sett lement in the Svitavy region. To meet the on the Russian-Estonian border (Pfoser, A. two objectives successfully, we formulated 2014). However, in the Czech Republic, there two research questions at the beginning of are no geographical projects that cover the the paper to which we tried to fi nd answers. personal experience of the inhabitants of the With regard to these research questions, it is resett lement and new sett lement of a specifi c possible to state the following fi ndings. region in the form of narrative interviews. Despite some negative concomitant eff ects, In the fi eld of sociology, we can fi nd sev- the use of narrative interviews in research on eral works that are directly related to the re- the formative factors of regional identity of search topic of this paper and we can say that the population seems to be an appropriate the fi ndings of our survey conducted in the complementary research method. These neg- Svitavy region correspond with the fi ndings ative eff ects include a high amount of irrel- of those works. evant information that the method generates. Houžvička and Novotný (2007) published This irrelevant information must be elimi- a study which referred to research into the nated, which quite considerably complicates mutual perception of the inhabitants of the processing of the relevant data. It is also Bavaria and Western Bohemia. The analysis necessary to mention the aspect of the (dis- of the impact of historical consciousness on )trust of respondents, which infl uences the the creation of regional identity was based on character of the required data quite signifi - an empirical survey of biographical identi- cantly. It is absolutely essential to establish ties. The forms of cross-border cooperation mutual trust between the researcher and the and the mutual perception of Czechs and interviewee, which in itself requires a certain Germans were also evaluated. The motivation time and is not always feasible. However, a of the new sett lers to come to the borderland suitable application of this method can de- instead of the former homes and the forma- tect experiences expressed in the memories tion of their regional identity are described of respondents. However, it is always an in- by Zich, F. (2007). In his earlier works, Zich dividual experience and its generalization (2000, 2006) also deals with regional iden- is quite diffi cult. Therefore, narrative inter- tity of the population on the Czech-German views cannot be considered to be a building border in connection with the origin of cross- block for research. border communities. However, the process On the other hand, the number of witness- of the formation of regional identity of the es who experienced the above-mentioned inhabitants of a particular region has never events is rapidly decreasing and we have one 40 Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.

of the last opportunities to conduct research process was not such a diffi cult task. The based on the narrative interview. It is neces- recorded statements evidence the post-war sary to keep in mind that it is a narrative of transformation of a number of key dimen- so-called “interested spectators”, i.e. people sions of the complex phenomena of regional who perceived the events of the time imme- identity. This was particularly obvious in diately and were not involved in the deci- relation to developmental changes in the sion-making process. Through interviews, process of the identifi cation of the popula- we can determine what the impact of the po- tion with their territory, or in the “idea of litical decisions taken then on citizens were at community” processes. The interviews, the local level and whether the information then, refl ect the post-war transformation of listed in the primary sources and literature the symbolic shape of the region of Svitavy. matches the statements of the witnesses. The method of narrative interview that was Considering the second research ques- applied, or rather the fi ndings that were ob- tion, we can state that the majority of the tained by this method, indicate diff erences respondents agreed with the resett lement in declared experiences in terms of the di- of the Germans; however, they did not con- chotomy of natives or indigenous inhabitants ceal their sorrow over the course of post-war vs. newcomers. This knowledge can be used events and the form of the resett lement. This in a discussion of the importance of the socio- sorrow was expressed despite the probably historical development of the region for the not very harmonious coexistence of the formation of the sense of regional identity of Czech-speaking and German-speaking in- its inhabitants. habitants of the region in the period before As a conclusion, it is clear that if we want to the post-war resett lement, which is implied get a more complete view of the process of the by the narratives of some respondents. It formation, as well as the current form, of re- is clear that for many natives, the German gional identity of the population of the Svitavy residents were not strangers but neighbours region, it is of course necessary to extend our who they knew very well. Many respondents current knowledge. The same is also true for also talked about the eff ects of resett lement more general statements relating to the role of on farming and industry and about the so- the continuity of socio-historical development called “gold-diggers” who enriched them- in the process of the formation of regional selves at the expense of the Germans. The identities of the population. Another suitable data obtained from the interviews confi rmed research approach in this context seems to that the relations between the Czech-speak- be narrative interviews with German-speak- ing and German-speaking inhabitants in ing people who were transferred from the the Svitavy region did not perish even aft er Svitavy region. It is evident that the links of the resett lement. It does not seem, however, these people to the Svitavy region have not that there were optimal relations between disappeared, but continue to develop in a the post-war Czech population and those certain form. Examples include the visits of Germans who were not resett led. The re- Sudeten Germans to their native villages and spondents showed in the interviews that for the annual days of Czech-German culture in many of them this is still a sensitive topic, Moravská Třebová. Another suitable method or even a taboo, even aft er more than sixty for the enhancement of existing knowledge years. The acquired knowledge, thus, points could be a fi eld survey of a qualitative-quan- to very specifi c conditions of the formation of titative nature of the current population of the the idea of community as a key dimension of Svitavy region. regional identity of the population. Considering the second research question, we can state that the presentation of the re- spondents’ experience of the resett lement Slováková, P. and Šerý, M. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. 41

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