Wernher Der Gartenaere and the Arthurian Romance: The

Beihefte zur Mediaevistik: Band 28 2015

Andrea Grafetstätter / Sieglinde Hartmann / James Ogier (eds.), Islands 2015 · and Cities in Medieval Myth, Literature, and History. Papers Delivered at the International Medieval Congress, Univer-sity of Leeds, in 2005, 2006, and 2007 (2011) Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), „vmbringt mit starcken turnen, murn“. Ortsbefesti- Band 28 gungen im Mittelalter (2010)

Hiram Kümper (Hrsg.), eLearning & Mediävistik. Mittelalter lehren und lernen im neumedialen Zeitalter (2011)

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), Symbole der Macht? Aspekte mittelalterlicher und frühneuzeitlicher Architektur (2012)

N. Peter Joosse, The Physician as a Rebellious Intellectual. The Book of the Two Pieces of Advice or Kitāb al-Naṣīḥatayn by cAbd al-Laṭīf ibn Yūsuf al-Baghdādī (1162–1231) (2013)

Meike Pfefferkorn, Zur Semantik von rike in der Sächsischen Weltchronik. Reden über Herrschaft in der frühen deutschen Chronistik - Transforma- tionen eines politischen Schlüsselwortes (2014)

Eva Spinazzè, La luce nell'architettura sacra: spazio e orientazione nelle chiese del X-XII secolo tra Romandie e Toscana. Including an English summary. Con una introduzione di Xavier Barral i Altet e di Manuela Incerti (2016)

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen LANG MEDIAEVISTIK

MEDI 28-2015 83024-160x230 Br-AM PLE.indd 1 11.04.16 KW 15 16:55 Beihefte zur Mediaevistik: Band 28 2015

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), „vmbringt mit starcken turnen, murn“. Ortsbefesti- Band 28 gungen im Mittelalter (2010)

Hiram Kümper (Hrsg.), eLearning & Mediävistik. Mittelalter lehren und lernen im neumedialen Zeitalter (2011)

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), Symbole der Macht? Aspekte mittelalterlicher und frühneuzeitlicher Architektur (2012)

N. Peter Joosse, The Physician as a Rebellious Intellectual. The Book of the Two Pieces of Advice or Kitāb al-Naṣīḥatayn by cAbd al-Laṭīf ibn Yūsuf al-Baghdādī (1162–1231) (2013)

Meike Pfefferkorn, Zur Semantik von rike in der Sächsischen Weltchronik. Reden über Herrschaft in der frühen deutschen Chronistik - Transforma- tionen eines politischen Schlüsselwortes (2014)

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen LANG MEDIAEVISTIK

MEDI 28-2015 83024-160x230 Br-AM PLE.indd 1 11.04.16 KW 15 16:55 Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen

Band 28 · 2015 Hl. Leonhard, S. Maria della Carità, Venedig

Auch in Italien fand der heilige Leonhard von Limoges, Patron der Gefangenen und Viehpatron, seine Verehrer. Dieses mit 1377 da- tierte Hochrelief zu Seiten des Eingangs zur (heute profanierten) Kirche S. Maria della Carità am Canal Grande zeigt ihn mit einem byzantinischen Vortragekreuz und eisernen Fesseln als Attributen. Zu seinen Füßen knien zwei Angehörige einer Bruderschaft, „con- fraternita“, die sich als „penitenti“ mit ihren Geißeln abbilden ließen. Ihm gegenüber ist ein gleichzeitig entstandener und in die gleiche Umrahmung gestellter heiliger Christophoros angebracht. Über beiden Heiligen thront die Jungfrau Maria. (Bild und Text: Peter Dinzelbacher)

ISSN 0934-7453 ISSN-Internet 2199-806X © Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Frankfurt am Main 2016 Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Peter Lang Edition ist ein Imprint der Peter Lang GmbH. Peter Lang – Frankfurt am Main · Bern · Bruxelles · New York · Oxford · Warszawa · Wien Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. www.peterlang.com Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 1

Inhalt

Aufsätze Herausgegeben von Werner Heinz

Werner Heinz, Eine Festschrift für Albrecht Classen 11 Peter Meister, The Scholar as Poet 15 Andrew Breeze, The Name of King Arthur 23 Connie L. Scarborough, The Disabled and the Monstrous: Examples from Medieval Spain 37 Cristian Bratu, Prologues as Locus Auctoris in Historical Narratives: An Overview from Antiquity to the Middle Ages 47 Penny Simons, Geographies in Aimon de Varennes’ Florimont 67 Sibylle Jefferis, The Influence of the Trojan War Story on theNibelungenlied : Motifs, Characters, Situations 87 Peter Dinzelbacher, „strîtes êre“ – über die Verflechtung von Ehre, Schande, Scham und Aggressivität in der mittelalterlichen Mentalität 99 Christopher R. Clason, A “Courtly” Reading of Natural Metaphors: Animals and Performance in Gottfried’s Tristan 141 Alan V. Murray, Wernher der Gartenaere and the Arthurian Romance: The Intertextuality of Helmbrecht’s Cap 161 Karen Pratt, Adapting the Rose for New Manuscript Contexts: the Case of Poitiers, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 215 175 William C. McDonald, Red Jews and the Antichrist as the Jewish Messiah: Michel Beheim’s Endicrist (c. 1455). With a Translation 195 Andrew Weeks, Deutsche Mystik und mystisches Deutschtum 217 Winfried Frey, Die versäumte Gelegenheit zur Toleranz gegenüber den Juden: Anselms von Canterbury Cur deus homo. Eine Skizze 233 Birgit Wiedl, ...und kam der jud vor mich ze offens gericht. Juden und (städtische) Gerichtsobrigkeiten im Spätmittelalter 243 Thomas Willard, Beya and Gabricus: Erotic Imagery in German Alchemy 269 Reinhold Münster, Die Pilger und die Fleischeslust. Zur Ideengeschichte von Erotik, Kunst und Religion 283 Werner Heinz, Heilige Längen: Zu den Maßen des Christus- und des Mariengrabes in Bebenhausen 297 2 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Martha Moffitt Peacock, Mirrors of Skill and Renown: Women and Self-Fashioning in Early-Modern Dutch Art 325 Berta Raposo, Der Gegensatz Nord/Süd als Seitenentwurf in der Mittelalterrezeption Friedrich de la Motte Fouqués 353 William McDonald, A Short Introduction to George F. Jones, Eine Kugel kam geflogen 361 George Fenwick Jones, Eine Kugel kam geflogen (A bullet came a-flying.) 363

Rezensionen Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen

Gesamtes Mittelalter

Aborte im Mittelalter und der Frühen Neuzeit: Bauforschung, Archäologie, Kulturgeschichte, ed. Olaf Wagener (A. CLASSEN) 371 Emily Albu, The Medieval Peutinger Map: Imperial Roman Revival in a German Empire (A. CLASSEN) 372 La Fascination pour Alexandre le Grand dans les littératures européennes (Xe–XVIe siècle): Réinventions d’un mythe, ed. C. Gaullier-Bougassas (R. J. CORMIER) 374 Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, Tim Neu, Christina Brauner (Hgg.), Alles nur symbo- lisch? Bilanz und Perspektiven der Erforschung symbolischer Kommunikation. Symbolische Kommunikation in der Vormoderne (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB) 376 The Arma Christi in Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture. With a Critical Edition of ‘O Vernicle’, ed. by Lisa H. Cooper and Andrea Denny-Brown (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 379 Barlaam und Josaphat: Neue Perspektiven auf ein europäisches Phänomen. Hg. von Constanza Cordoni und Matthias Meyer, unter Mitarbeit von Nina Hable (A. CLASSEN) 380 Georg Scheibelreiter, Wappen im Mittelalter (H. BERWINKEL) 382 Thomas Wozniak, Sebastian Müller, Andreas Meyer (Hg.), Königswege. Festschrift für Hans K. Schulze zum 80. Geburtstag und 50. Promotionsjubiläum (H. BERWINKEL) 384 A Catalogue of Western Book Illumination in the Fitzwilliam Museum and the Cambridge Colleges, Part IV: The British Isles. Volume I: Insular and Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, ed. N. Morgan and S. Panayotova, with the assistance of Rebecca Rushforth (S. BRUCE) 386 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 3

Daniel O’Sullivan, ed., Chess in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age. A Fundamental Thought Paradigm of the Premodern World (S. LUCHITSKAYA) 387 Handbook of Medieval Culture: Fundamental Aspects and Conditions of the European Middle Ages. Ed. Albrecht Classen (W. C. JORDAN) 390 Paul M. Cobb, Der Kampf ums Paradies: Eine islamische Geschichte der Kreuzzüge (A. CLASSEN) 392 Alexander Demandt, Der Baum: Eine Kulturgeschichte (A. CLASSEN) 394 Marina Münkler, Antje Sablotny und Matthias Standke, Hgg., Freundschaftszeichen: Gesten, Gaben und Symbole von Freundschaft im Mittelalter (A. CLASSEN) 396 Kerstin Hundahl, Lars Kjær, and Niels Lund, eds. Denmark and Europe in the Middle Ages, c. 1000–1525: Essays in Honour of Professor Michael H. Gelting (L. TRACY) 399 Jan Keupp und Romedio Schmitz-Esser, Hrg., Neue alte Sachlichkeit: Studienbuch Materialität des Mittelalters (A. CLASSEN) 401 Gerhard Karpp, Mittelalterliche Bibelhandschriften am Niederrhein (C. GALLE) 402 Katalog der mittelalterlichen Helmstedter Handschriften der Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Teil 1: Cod. Guelf. 1 bis 276 Helmst (C. GALLE) 404 Katalog der mittelalterlichen Handschriften in Salzburg. Stiftsbibliothek Mattsee, Archiv der Erzdiözese Salzburg, Salzburger Landesarchiv, Archiv der Stadt Salzburg, Salzburg Museum. Katalogband. Unter Mitarbeit von Beatrix Koll und Susanne Lang bearbeitet von Nikolaus Czifra und Rüdiger Lorenz. Registerband. Bearbeitet von Nikolaus Czifra und Rüdiger Lorenz (J. JEEP) 405 Anne Kirkham and Cordelia Warr, ed., Wounds in the Middle Ages. The History of Medicine in Context (L. TRACY) 407 Christina Mochty-Weltin, Karin Kühtreiber, Thomas Kühtreiber und Alexandra Zehetmayer, Wehrbauten und Adelssitze Niederösterreichs, Bd. 3: Das Viertel unter dem Wienerwald (R. WAGENER) 409 Hiram Kümper, Materialwissenschaft Mediävistik: Eine Einführung in die Historischen Hilfswissenschaften (A. CLASSEN) 411 Erik Kwakkel, Manuscripts of the Latin Classics, 800–1200 (S. BRUCE) 412 Literatur- und Kulturtheorien in der Germanistischen Mediävistik: Ein Handbuch. Hrsg. von Christiane Ackermann und Michael Egerding (A. CLASSEN) 414 Mächtige Frauen? Königinnen und Fürstinnen im europäischen Mittelalter (11.–14. Jahrhundert). Hrsg. von Claudia Zey. Unter Mitarbeit von Sophie Caflisch und Philippe Goridis (A. CLASSEN) 416 4 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Matter of Faith: An Interdisciplinary Study of Relics and Relic Veneration in the Medieval Period, ed. by James Robinson and Lloyd de Beer with Anna Harnden (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 417 The Meanings of Nudity in Medieval Art, hrsg. von Sherry C. M. Lindquist (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 419 Medieval Clothing and Textiles, ed. Robert Netherton and Gale R. Owen-Crocker, with the assistance of Monica L. Wright (A. CLASSEN) 421 The Medieval Way of War: Studies in Medieval Military History in Honor of Bernard S. Bachrach, ed. by Gregory L. Halfond (W. SAYERS) 422 Rudolf Simek, Monster im Mittelalter: Die phantastische Welt der Wundervölker und Fabelwesen (A. CLASSEN) 423 Muslim and Christian Contact in the Middle Ages: A Reader, ed. Jarbel Rodriguez (A. CLASSEN) 428 Jean Passini, The Medieval Jewish Quarter of Toledo (R. CORMIER) 429 Georg Patt, Studien zu den Salzehnten im Mittelalter, 2 Bde. (H. KÜMPER) 430 Polemic: Language as Violence in Medieval and Early Modern Discourse. Eds. Almut Suerbaum, George Southcombe, and Benjamin Thompson (F. ALFIE) 431 Thomas Wozniak, Quedlinburg. Kleine Stadtgeschichte (D. NICHOLAS) 433 Suzanne Reynolds, A Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library at Holkham Hall. Volume I. Manuscripts from Italy to 1500. Part I. Shelfmarks 1–399 (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB) 434 Barbara H. Rosenwein, Generations of Feeling: A History of Emotions, 600–1700 (A. CLASSEN) 437 Michael Mitterauer, St. Jakob und der Sternenweg. Mittelalterliche Wurzeln einer großen Wallfahrt (C. GRAFINGER) 439 Robert Bartlett, Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things? Saints and Worshippers from the Martyrs to the Reformation (S. BRUCE) 441 John Carey, Emma Nic Cárthaigh, and Caitríona Ó Dochartaigh, with a fore- word by Bernard McGinn, The End and Beyond: Medieval Irish Eschatology (E. GARDINER) 442 The Medieval Chronicle IX, ed. Erik Kooper and Sjoerd Levelt (A. CLASSEN) 445 Von achtzehn Wachteln und dem Finkenritter: Deutsche Unsinnsdichtung des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit. Mittelhochdeutsch / Frühneuhochdeutsch / Neuhochdeutsch. Hrsg., übersetzt und kommentiert von Horst Brunner (A. CLASSEN) 446 Vergessene Texte des Mittelalters, hrsg. von Nathanel Busch und Björn Reich (A. CLASSEN) 448 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 5

Katie L. Walter, Ed., Reading Skin in Medieval Literature and Culture. The New Middle Ages (J. BARR) 451 Dorothea Weltecke, Ulrich Gotter und Ulrich Rüdiger (Hg.): Religiöse Vielfalt und der Umgang mit Minderheiten. Vergangene und gegenwärtige Erfahrungen (C. SCHOLL) 453 Siegfried Wenzel, Medieval Artes Preaedicandi. A Synthesis of Scholastic Sermon Structure (C. GALLE) 455

Frühmittelalter

Kristján Ahronson, Into the Ocean: Vikings, Irish, and Environmental Change in Iceland and the North (W. SAYERS) 457 Anthologia Latina. Eingeleitet, übersetzt und kommentiert von Wolfgang Fels (A. CLASSEN) 458 The Dating of “Beowulf”: A Reassessment, ed. Leonard Neidorf (A. BREEZE) 460 Luigi Andrea Berto, In Search of the First Venetians: Prosopography of Early Medieval Venice (A. THALLER) 461 Constance Brittain Bouchard, Rewriting Saints and Ancestors. Memory and Forgetting in France, 500–1200 (E. MEGIER) 463 Claire Breay and Bernard Meehan, The St. Cuthbert Gospel: Studies on the Insular Manuscript of the Gospel of John (S. BRUCE) 465 Peter Brown, The Ransom of the Soul: Afterlife and Wealth in Early Western Christianity (S. BRUCE) 467 Michael D. C. Drout, Tradition & Influence in Anglo-Saxon Literature: An Evolutionary, Cognitivist Approach (J. HILL) 468 Ego Trouble: Authors and their Identities in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Richard Corradini, Matthew Gillis, Rosamond McKitterick, and Irene van Renswoude (C. LANDON) 470 Janine Fries-Knoblach and Heiko Steuer, with John Hines (eds.), The Baiuvarii and Thuringi. An Ethnographic Perspective (M. PIERCE) 472 Clemens Gantner, Freunde Roms und Völker der Finsternis. Die päpstliche Konstruktion von Anderen im 8. und 9. Jahrhundert (C. GRAFINGER) 474 Tim Geelhaar, Christianitas: Eine Wortgeschichte von der Spätantike bis zum Mittelalter (E. MEGIER) 475 Die Gumbertusbibel: Goldene Bilderpracht der Romanik. Hrsg. von Anna Pawlik und Michele C. Ferrari (A. CLASSEN) 479 6 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Die Kaiserchronik: Eine Auswahl. Mittelhochdeutsch / Neuhochdeutsch. Übersetzt, kommentiert und mit einem Nachwort versehen von Mathias Herweg (A. CLASSEN) 480 Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München. Die Handschriften aus Regensburg. Band 4. Clm 14401–14540. Neu beschrieben von Friedrich Helmer und Julie Knödler unter Mitarbeit von Günter Glauche (J. JEEP) 481 Arnulf Krause, Lexikon der germanischen Mythologie und Heldensage (W SCHÄFKE) 483 Derek Krueger, Liturgical Subjects: Christian Ritual, Biblical Narrative, and the Formation of Self in Byzantium (V. MARINIS) 486 Natalie Maag, Alemannische Minuskel (744–846 n. Chr.) Frühe Schriftkultur im Bodenseeraum und Voralpenland (J. JEEP) 487 Richard Marsden, The Cambridge Old English Reader (A. CLASSEN) 489 Valerie L. Garver and Owen M. Phelan, ed., Rome and Religion in the Medieval World: Studies in Honor of Thomas F.X. Noble (S. BRUCE) 490 Otfrid von Weißenburg, Evangelienbuch. Aus dem Althochdeutschen übertragen und mit einer Einführung, Anmerkungen und einer Auswahlbibliographie versehen von Heiko Hartmann (A. CLASSEN) 491 Michael Philip Penn, Envisioning Islam: Syriac Christians and the Early Muslim World. Divinations: Rereading Late Antique Religion (S. BOYD) 493 The Old English Martyrology: Edition, Translation and Commentary, ed. Christine Rauer (S. GODLOVE) 495 Markus Schiegg, Frühmittelalterliche Glossen. Ein Beitrag zur Funktionalität und Kontextualität mittelalterlicher Schriftlichkeit (J. JEEP) 497 Juan Signes Codoñer, The Emperor Theophilos and the East, 829–842 (W. TREADGOLD) 500 Victoria Zimmerl-Panagl, Lukas J. Dorfbauer and Clemens Weidmann, ed., Edition und Erforschung lateinischer patristischer Texte: 150 Jahre CSEL: Festschrift für Kurt Smolak zum 70 (S. BRUCE) 502 Anders Winroth, The Age of the Vikings (A. SAUCKEL) 503

Hochmittelalter

Aelred de Rievaulx, Sermons. La Collection de Reading (C. GALLE) 507 Hartmann von Aue, Der arme Heinrich. Mittelhochdeutsch/Neuhochdeutsch. Hrsg., übersetzt und kommentiert von Nathanael Busch und Jürgen Wolf (A. CLASSEN) 509 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 7

Philippe Buc, Holy War, Martyrdom, and Terror: Christianity, Violence, and the West (E. KUEHN) 510 Lothar Voetz, Der Codex Manesse. Die berühmteste Liederhandschrift des Mittelalters (A. CLASSEN) 512 Helge Eilers, Studien zu Sprache und Stil in alt- und mittelhochdeutscher Literatur (M. PIERCE) 513 Heiko Hartmann, Einführung in das Werk Wolframs von Eschenbach (A. CLASSEN) 515 Joachim Heinzle, Traditionelles Erzählen. Beiträge zum Verständnis von Nibelungensage und Nibelungenlied (M. PIERCE) 516 Eduard Hlawitschka, Die Ahnen der hochmittelalterlichen deutschen Könige und Kaiser und ihrer Gemahlinnen (A. WOLF) 518 Mirabilia Urbis Romae: Die Wunderwerke der Stadt Rom. Einleitung, Übersetzung und Kommentar von Gerlinde Huber-Rebenich, Martin Wallraff, Katharina Heyden und Thomas Krönung (A. CLASSEN) 523 Jan-Dirk Müller, Das Nibelungenlied. 4. neu bearbeitete und erweiterte Aufl. (A. CLASSEN) 524 Rupert T. Pickens, Perceval and Gawain in Dark Mirrors: Reflection and Reflexivity in Chrétien de Troyes’s Conte del Graal (A. CLASSEN) 525 Christine Putzo, Konrad Fleck, ‘Flore und Blanscheflur’ (A. CLASSEN) 526 The Romance of Tristran by Beroul and Beroul II: A Diplomatic Edition and a Critical Edition by Barbara N. Sargent-Baur (A. CLASSEN) 529 Larissa Schuler-Lang, Wildes Erzählen – Erzählen vom Wilden: Parzival, Busant und Wolfdietrich D. (A. CLASSEN) 530 Solomon ibn Abirol (Avicebron), The Font of Life (Fons Vitae). Trans. from the Latin with an Introduction by John A. Laumakis (A. CLASSEN) 531 Die jüngere Translatio s. Dionysii Areopagitae, hg. von Veronika Lukas (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB) 532 Verena Türck, Beherrschter Raum und anerkannte Herrschaft (H. BERWINKEL) 535 John Tzetzes, Allegories of the Iliad. Translated by Adam J. Goldwyn and Dimitra Kokkini (R. CORMIER) 537 Bernardus Silvestris, Poetic Works, .ed. and trans. by Winthrop Wetherbee (R. CORMIER) 538 Chris Wickham, Sleepwalking into a New World: The Emergence of the Italian City Communes in the Twelfth Century (F. ALFIE) 540 Wigamur, ed. and trans. by Joseph M. Sullivan (A. CLASSEN) 542 8 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

The Histories of a Medieval German City, Worms, c. 1000-c. 1300. Translation and Commentary. Trans. by David S. Bachrach (A. CLASSEN) 543 Roland Zingg, Die Briefsammlungen der Erzbischöfe von Canterbury, 1070–1170 (M. WITZLEB) 545 Christopher Tyerman, The Practices of Crusading. Image and Action from the Eleventh to the Sixteenth Centuries (S. LUCHITSKAYA) 547

Spätmittelalter

Die Augsburger Cantiones-Sammlung. Hrsg., übersetzt und kommentiert von Michael Callsen (A. CLASSEN) 551 Steven Bednarski. A Poisoned Past: The Life and Times of Margarida de Portu, a Fourteenth-Century Accused Poisoner (W. PFEFFER) 551 John Page’s “The Siege of Rouen”, ed. Joanna Bellis (A. BREEZE) 554 Vasil Bivolarov, Inquisitoren-Handbücher (A. KOBAYASHI) 555 Undine Brückner, Dorothea von Hof: “Das buoch der götlichen liebe und summe der tugent” (A. CLASSEN) 559 The Book of Gladness / The Livre de Leesce, trans. annotated, and with an Introduction by Linda Burke (A. CLASSEN) 561 Gisela Drossbach und Gerhard Wolf (Hrsg.), Caritas im Schatten von Sankt Peter (P. DINZELBACHER) 561 Christine de Pizan, Le Livre des epistres du debat sus le Rommant de la Rose (A. CLASSEN) 562 The Complete Harley 2253 Manuscript. Vol. 2 and 3. Ed. and trans. by Susanna Fein with David Raybin and Jan Ziolkowski (A. CLASSEN) 564 Der Stricker, Daniel von dem Blühenden Tal. 3., überarbeitete Aufl. Hg. von Michael Resler (A. CLASSEN) 565 Death, Torture and the Broken Body in European Art, 1300–1650, ed. John R. Decker and Mitzi Kirkland-Ives (A. CLASSEN) 566 Deutsches Literatur-Lexikon: Das Mittelalter. Hrsg. von Wolfgang Achnitz (A. CLASSEN) 568 Clayton J. Drees, Bishop Richard Fox of Winchester (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB) 570 Nikolaus Andreas Egel, Die Welt im Übergang. Der diskursive, subjektive und skeptische Charakter der Mappamondo des Fra Mauro (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 572 Arnold Esch, Die Lebenswelt des europäischen Spätmittelalters: Kleine Schicksale selbst erzählt in Schreiben an den Papst (A. CLASSEN) 574 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 9

Everyday Objects. Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture and its Meanings, hrsg. von Tara Hamling und Catherine Richardson (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 576 Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French Monk (T. WILLARD) 577 Geoffrey Chaucer, Troilus and Criseyde in Modern Verse. Trans., with Notes, by Joseph Glaser (A. CLASSEN) 579 Ursula Gießmann, Der letzte Gegenpast: Felix V.: Studien zu Herrschaftspraxis und Legitimationsstrategien (1434–1451) (A. CLASSEN) 580 Bernd-Ulrich Hergemöller, Prager Köpfe von Karl IV (A. CLASSEN) 582 Die Inschriften des Landkreises Hildesheim, bearb. von Christine Wulf (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER) 583 Ulrike Jenni, Maria Theisen, Mitteleuropäische Schulen IV (ca. 1380–1400) (J. JEEP) 584 Douglas Kelly, Machaut and the Medieval Apprenticeship Tradition: Truth, Fiction and Poetic Craft (U. SMILANSKY) 587 Sari Kivistö, The Vices of Learning: Morality and Knowledge at Early Modern Universities (E. KUEHN) 590 Die Bibliothek Herzog Johann Albrechts I. von Mecklenburg (1525–1576), beschrieben von Nilüfer Krüger (H. KÜMPER) 591 Maximilians Ruhmeswerk: Künste und Wissenschaften im Umkreis Kaiser Maximilians I. Hrsg. von Jan-Dirk Müller und Hans-Joachim Ziegeler (A. CLASSEN) 592 A Middle English Medical Remedy Book Edited from Glasgow University Library MS Hunter 185, ed. Francisco Alonso Almeida (A. BREEZE) 594 „Mit schönen figuren“ Buchkunst im deutschen Südwesten. Eine Ausstellung der Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg und der Württembergischen Landesbibliothek Stuttgart. Hg. von Maria Effinger und Kerstin Losert mit Beiträgen von Margit Krenn, Wolfgang Metzger und Karin Zimmermann (J. JEEP) 596 Nils Bock. Die Herolde im römisch-deutschen Reich (D. NICHOLAS) 598 Christina Normore, A Feast for the Eyes: Art, Performance & the Late Medieval Banquet (A. RUSSAKOFF) 600 Oton de Granson, Poems. Ed. and trans. by Peter Nicholson and Joan Grenier- Winther (A. CLASSEN) 602 Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (S. BRUCE) 604 Passional. Buch I: Marienleben. Buch II: Apostellegenden. Hrsg. von Annegret Haase, Martin Schubert und Jürgen Wolf (A. CLASSEN) 605 10 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Paurnfeindts Fechtbuch aus dem Jahr 1516, hg. von Matthias Johannes Bauer (A. CLASSEN) 607 Pedro Martínez García, El cara a cara con el otro: la visión de lo ajeno a fines de la Edad Media y comienzos de la Edad Moderna a través del viaje (A. CLASSEN) 608 Perceforest. Sixième partie. Edition critique par Gilles Roussineau (A. CLASSEN) 610 Coriolano Cippico, The Deeds of Commander Pietro Mocenigo in Three Books. Introduction, translation and notes by Kiril Petkov (A. THALLER) 611 The Works of the “Gawain” Poet: “Pearl”, “Cleanness”, “Patience”, “Sir Gawain and the Green Knight”, ed. Ad Putter and Myra Stokes (A. BREEZE) 613 Wolfgang Riehle, The Secret Within. Hermits, Recluses, and Spiritual Outsiders in Medieval England (J. LUDWIKOWSKA) 615 Rosengarten. Hrsg. von Elisabeth Lienert, Sonja Kerth und Svenja Nierentz. Teilband I: Einleitung, ‘Rosengarten ‘ A. Teilband II: ‘Rosengarten’ DP. Teilband III: ‘Rosengarten’ C, ‘Rosengarten’ F, ‘Niederdeutscher Rosengarten, Verzeichnisse (A. CLASSEN) 617 Alexander Markus Schilling, Mögliches, Unwahrscheinliches, Fabelhaftes: Die “Historia trium regum” des Johannes von Hildesheim und ihre orientalischen Quellen (D. RIEDEL) 618 Sebastian Brant, Indices zu Tugent Spyl und Narrenschiff. Hrsg. von Frédéric Hartweg und Wolfgang Putschke (A. CLASSEN) 620 Gabriele Signori, ed., Prekäre Ökonomien: Schulden in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (H. KÜMPER) 621 Charlotte A. Stanford, Commemorating the Dead in Late Medieval Strasbourg: The Cathedral’s Book of Donors and Its Use (1320–1521) (A. CLASSEN) 624 Supplications from England and Wales in the Registers of the Apostolic Penitentiary 1410–1503, volume II: 1464–1492, vol. III: 1492–1503 ed. by P. D. Clark-P.N.R. Zutshi (C. GRAFINGER) 625 Volker Stamm, Grundbesitz in einer spätmittelalterlichen Marktgemeinde: Land und Leute in Gries bei Bozen Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte (A. RAFFEINER) 627 Horst Rupp, Hrsg., Der Waltensburger Meister in seiner Zeit (A. CLASSEN) 629 Rainer Welle, ... vnd mit der rechten faust ein mordstuck. Baumanns Fecht- und Ringkampfhandschrift. Edition und Kommentierung der anonymen Fecht- und Ringkampfhandschrift Cod. I.6.4o2 der UB Augsburg aus den Beständen der Öttingen-Wallersteinischen Bibliothek (A. CLASSEN) 631 William Langland, Piers Plowman: A Modern Verse Translation, trans. Peter Sutton (A. CLASSEN) 632 Der Wunderer, hrsg. von Florian Kragl (A. CLASSEN) 634 10.3726/83024_161 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 161

Alan V. Murray

Wernher der Gartenaere and the Arthurian Romance: The Intertextuality of Helmbrecht’s Cap

The meaning of the Middle High German poem Helmbrecht, the sole known work of the poet Wernher der Gartenaere, is straightforward and transparent. The young Helmbrecht, son and grandson of peasants (both also named Helmbrecht), aspires to leave his lowly yet ordered and reasonably comfortable life in the country. Against the advice of his father, but with the misguided encouragement of his mother and sister, he takes up with a band of robbers, and after a short career of violence, theft and extortion he is caught, tried and condemned to mutilation by the forces of justice; finally he is seized and hanged by a group of peasants whom he has previously despoiled. He has been punished for attempting to overturn the social order.1 Germanists have been intrigued and, I suspect, often delighted by Helmbrecht’s many allusions to other works of literature, whether explicit or implicit. However, these cases of intertextuality have produced little agreement as to their significance. For example, in one of the standard histories of medieval German literature, Helmut de Boor stated that the cautionary tale of Helmbrecht derived from the parable of the Prodigal Son (Luke 15.11–32).2 Yet, as Jackson later pointed out, the biblical parable involves a father, a loyal son and a rebellious son; by contrast, the German poem involves not only a father and a rebellious son, but also several other children, one of whom, the protagonist’s sister Gotelint, follows her brother in rejecting their father’s values and lifestyle.3 Thus, while Helmbrecht may contain resonances of the story of the Prodigal Son, the parable can hardly be considered as a key to it. Both Luise Berthold and Kurt Ruh separately identified several parallels with the courtly romance Gregorius by Hartmann von Aue. In this work the young man Gregorius wishes to leave the monastery where he has grown up in order to follow a life of knighthood and adventure. A key development is a scene between in which Gregorius demands and receives suitable equipment from the abbot, who nevertheless tries to persuade him to stay. This dialogue has a clear similarity with a conversation before Helmbrecht’s first departure, in which he demands and receives a fine horse from his father, who also attempts dissuasion. One of the most striking and convincing aspects of this parallel occurs in the very similar wording of appeals made by the two older men. Thus the abbot exhorts Gregorius: noch belîp, lieber sun, bî mir (‘stay, dear son, with me’); Helmbrecht Senior says to his son: Lieber sun, belîp bî mir! (‘Dear son, stay with me!’).4 162 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

This strong similarity makes a resonance with Hartmann’s poem highly likely, yet less than ten years after the publication of Ruh’s essay, Ingrid von Tippelskirch pointed out that that there are in fact a greater number of similarities between Helmbrecht and Wolf- ram von Eschenbach’s Arthurian romance Parzival, again relating to the circumstances in which both protagonists leave home: the young Parzival is dressed by his mother in the garb of a fool (in the hope that he will abandon his desire to gain knighthood), while the peasant’s son Helmbrecht is given clothing suitable for a nobleman by his mother and sister, while his father provides him with an expensive riding horse. Both protagonists wish to break out of their familiar and familial environments, but in both cases their ancestry and the qualities bound up with it prove decisive in determining their fate. After many travails, Parzival succeeds in attaining the rank of knight at the court of King Ar- thur (despite his mother’s intentions) but Helmbrecht, whose career as a robber is a perversion of knightly values, is brought down and punished by the forces of law and order.5 The strongest exposition of parallels between Parzival and Helmbrecht has been given by Bernhard Sowinski. He stresses four main aspects which he identifies as cases of model (Parzival) and imitation (Helmbrecht): (1) the attempt of the protagonist to abandon his surroundings in order to attain knighthood (Parzival) or a life at court (Helmbrecht), (2) physical beauty as the basis for the protagonist’s attempt to gain a new and different social status, (3) the fitting out of the protagonist by his mother, (4) the guilt which is involved in the departure from home and the transition to a new form of life. Sowinski’s main point is to bring out the importance of the literary motif known by the Greek term kalokagathia, that is, the belief that external beauty was a reflection of inner goodness, nobility or morality, which is a particular characteristic of the young Parzival.6 The arguments of both Tippelskirch and Sowinski are quite convincing, but I believe that it is possible to go much further. In this paper I will argue for more detailed and wider parallels between the two works. In particular, I believe that intertextual references to the Arthurian romance are not confined to those scenes in which the young Helmbrecht announces his ambitions and prepares to leave his home and family, but are actually implicit from the very beginning of the poem. * * * After six opening lines in which the narrator of Helmbrecht describes other forms or genres of narrative, he stresses that he wishes to tell of events of which he has personal knowledge (lines 1–8), and moves on to a description of the personal appearance of Helmbrecht. The first piece of description relates to Helmbrecht’s luxuriant hair, which is fair, curly and of shoulder length. However, most of the following ninety lines describe the huobe (cap or bonnet) which covers most of his hair. Apart from the conspicuous amount of detail devoted to its description, this cap plays a major structural role in the Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 163 plot. Its splendid decoration, along with Helmbrecht’s hair and the fine clothing he is given by his mother and sister, is linked to his refusal to remain in his inherited social position. To his father’s appeal to him to remain on their farm, Helmbrecht replies that the work of ploughing with oxen or sowing barley ‘does not suit my long fair hair and my curly locks, or my finely cut coat and my beautiful cap, on which ladies embroidered silken doves’.7 Helmbrecht retains the cap for the duration of the poem, even after his trial and condemnation, until it is finally torn to shreds during his lynching by the furious peasants, to be scattered on the road along with his torn locks. Thus, while it is clear that the cap is central both to Helmbrecht’s character and self-image, it is less obvious how it relates to the overall meaning of the poem. In what follows I will attempt to produce an interpretation which gives due weight to the significance of the scenes depicted on the protagonist’s headgear. Helmbrecht’s textile cap can be envisaged as covering most of his head and hanging down behind as far as his shoulders. It is decorated with five distinct elements which are each described in turn.8 The first is found on the seam which goes up the back, which is adorned with birds: these are first described as parrots and doves (line 18: siteche unde tûben), while larks (line 1886: galander) and sparrowhawks (line 1887: sparwære) are mentioned later in the poem. From a direct reference in the poem it is evident that Wer- nher der Gartenaere was familiar with the works of the poet Neidhart, who had been active in Bavaria and Austria but had died by the time that Helmbrecht was composed.9 It is likely that the association of a hubristic peasant with luxurious locks and a cap adorned with birds probably derives from one of Neidhart’s Winter Songs. This tells of a peasant named Hildemar who has a cap embroidered with silken birds and has the temerity to imagine himself the equal of those at court. Neidhart warns that if these people catch him, they will tear his cap apart so that the birds will fly away.10 The closeness of this imagery to Wernher’s descriptions of Helmbrecht and his headgear suggest that Neidhart’s song provided the germ of the idea of the hubristic peasant and his likely fate, but it does not explain why Neidhart’s generic birds should have been transformed into recognisably different species; nor does it account for the other detailed scenes on Helmbrecht’s cap. Helmut Brackert produced a highly detailed interpretation of the species as symbols, deriving primarily from descriptions in the Buch der Natur of Konrad von Megenberg. Thus the dove was seen as symbolising innocence and purity, while the parrot symbolised falsity and lack of chastity.11 As Sieglinde Hartmann later pointed out, it is difficult to see how such antithetical and contradictory symbolism might provide any clue to understanding the character of Helmbrecht in any meaningful way. Hartmann herself shows convincingly that birds, especially parrots, were well known in the Middle Ages as decorative elements of a courtly lifestyle, but in addition suggests that those mentioned in the poem can be understood as heraldic symbols with an allegorical meaning.12 Certainly the adoption of heraldry as one of the most characteristic attributes of nobility would be appropriate to Helmbrecht’s presumption in attempting to rise above the ordo into which he was born. Hartmann points to various exegetical texts as evidence that the dove often figures as a symbol of the Virgin Mary, in particular for the Immaculate 164 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Conception, such as its use as a symbol by the Grail Knights in Wolfram’s Parzival. She claims a similar symbolism for the parrot, adducing the example of the Psittacher, a knightly society based in Basel. With a name derived from the Latin word psitacus (parrot), this association used the arms of a green parrot on a white field, and had the Virgin Mary as its patron. Having thus identified both doves and parrots as symbols of sacral idea of knighthood, she goes on to argue that Wernher der Gartenaere intended Helm- brecht’s adoption of them as a sign of hubris which bordered on blasphemy.13 Hartmann’s interpretation thus places a religious significance on the very secular semiotic system of heraldry, which raises the question whether the birds on the cap can be understood as heraldic devices. In heraldry animals are normally shown in a highly stylised, that is unrealistic, form and in a limited number of attitudes. Thus the lion is most commonly shown in the atti- tude described as rampant (Ger. steigend), that is, standing on its two hind legs with its front paws high in the air, with an open mouth, extended tongue and tail pointing upright. An eagle is normally shown displayed, that is from the front, with its wings extended, but most other birds such as the raven or crow (corbel), stork, heron, martlet or parrot are shown standing, rather than in flight. Helmbrecht’s cap shows four different types of bird, arranged along the seam and thus separating the other pictorial scenes. By contrast, heraldic beasts normally appear singly, or grouped in three (or less commonly, five or six) of the same, in order to fill the space available in optimal fashion. It is highly unusual for different animals to be shown together, unless this arises through marshalling, that is, the combination of originally different coats of arms as a result of marriage or inheritance. Colour is also an essential element in heraldry, used to provide clear definition and visi- bility. This means that beasts are not shown in their natural colourings, but in the restrict- ed range of tinctures, that is the colours red, blue, green and black, and the metals gold and silver.14 Thus a lion rampant might appear in black with red tongue and claws (arms of the count of Flanders) or in red with blue tongue and claws (the king of Scotland), or even in stripes of different colours (landgrave of Thuringia). Eagles may be black (the Holy Roman emperors) or red (counts of Tirol and margraves of Brandenburg). Yet no colours are mentioned in connection with any of the birds named by Wernher der Garte- naere. This is strange, since he is capable of introducing colour as a descriptive element when he wishes. We are told that Helmbrecht’s mother makes him a coat (warkus) from expensive blue cloth; it is fastened with golden buttons, while its breast is covered in smaller shining buttons in yellow, blue, green, brown and red as well as black and white.15 There is no reason why the poet could not have introduced colours in his descriptions of the cap, but the absence of colour suggests that the birds have a decorative, yet non-heraldic character. This is confirmed by the statement that they looked ‘as if they had flown from the Spessart forest’, which would seem to indicate that they are depicted in flight rather than standing, and in naturalistic, rather than heraldic colours. Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 165

A further weakness of Hartmann’s interpretation of the siteche unde tûben is that it fails to account for the other two species which appear on the cap. In total, the birds are specifically identified on four separate occasions: sô manegen vogel ûf hûben: siteche unde tûben die wâren al dar ûf genât.16 und mîner wæhen hûben und den sîdînen tûben die dar ûf nâten frouwen.17 sô hüete dîner hûben und der sîdînen tûben18 siteche und galander, sparwære und turteltûben, die genâten ûf der hûben, die wurden gestreut ûf den wec.19 If the doves and parrots are indeed intended as symbols of Helmbrecht’s hubris, then it is surely also necessary to account for the larks and sparrowhawks, which are included in the list of embroidered avian pictures which are torn apart at the time of his death. In Parzival, the sparrowhawk is mentioned as a prize at a tournament at Kanedic, in which Orilus, duke of Lalander, defeats several knights of Arthur’s Round Table (strophe 135,7–12).20 Can Wernher’s mention of sparwære be taken as a specific reference to this event, or is it more likely that the hawk is simply mentioned as an attribute of noble lifestyle, in which falconry was the principal leisure pursuit, as reflected frequently in Par- zival?21 Doves (tûben) are the only species to figure on each of these four occasions, but it is immediately noticeable that this word only occurs in final position in each line. From a poetic perspective, it has the advantage of providing a rhyme for the oblique cases of the word for cap or bonnet (hûben), and it fulfils this metrical function on each occasion. While Wernher der Gartenaere was a competent poet, he had nothing of the rhyming abil- ity of Wolfram von Eschenbach or Gottfried von Straßburg.22 So we may conclude that the birds cannot be regarded as conforming to the conventions of heraldry, but may simply reflect a secular, decorative motif which was associated with courtly culture, while the different names of the birds on the cap were selected primarily for metrical purposes rather than for any deeper symbolism associated with individual species. In fact, the clearest avian symbolism occurs when Helmbrecht’s father reveals a prophetic dream in which his son is hanging from a tree; a raven and a crow (ein rabe, ein krâ da bî) descend from the branch where they are sitting to rake his hair, the implication being that he is already dead (lines 623–28). There is a long literary tradition which as- sociates carrion-eating birds with gallows, executions and corpses. One such example is the Scottish ballad The Twa Corbies, in which two corbies (crows) conduct a dialogue while overlooking a newly slain knight. After revealing that he has been abandoned by 166 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 his lady, and even his hawk and hounds, they look forward to feasting on the corpse and thatching their nest with its golden locks: Ye’ll sit on his white hause-bane, And I’ll pike oot his bonny blue een, Wi ae lock o’ his gowden hair We’ll theek our nest when it grows bare.23 It is thus plausible that, as Tippelskirch suggests, the raven and the crow are introduced as an antithetical parallel to the siteche unde tûben on the cap. Yet even if this is the case, it is puzzling that these symbols of death only appear in the original revelation of the dream, but not in the final hanging scene, even though this is explicitly described as the fulfilment of the dream (lines 1909–11). 24 Since the first scene on the cap yields so little to elucidate the deeper meaning of the poem, I believe that it is more important to find a satisfactory interpretation of the remaining four pictorial scenes. All of these other scenes show human figures rather than animals, and in three of them the figures are identified by name. The right-hand side above Helmbrecht’s ear shows the siege of Troy after the abduction of Menelaus’s wife by Paris, as well as the fall of the city and the flight of Aeneas over the sea (lines 45–53). The left-hand side shows the wars of Charlemagne, Roland, Turpin and Oliver against the heidenschaft (i.e. the Muslims) in Spain (lines 57–71). The back of the cap between the ears shows the Raben- schlacht, the battle in which Diether von Bern and the sons of Etzel and Helche are killed by the warrior Witege (lines 72–84). All three scenes are clearly literary in content. The first relates to the Matter of Troy, first represented in German literature by the Eneid by Heinrich von Veldeke, which draws largely on the Old French Roman d’Eneas. However, this early courtly epic tells of the long journeys of Aeneas from his flight from Troy up to his settlement in Italy, rather than the siege of Troy itself, which is represented more obviously by the Lied von Troja by Herbort von Fritzlar. The description thus suggests that this scene (and probably the others) is not necessarily intended to refer to individual works, but rather to complete literary constellations involving linked actions and characters. The second scene shows the stories of Charlemagne and Roland, represented by the Rolandslied, a reworking of the Old French Chanson de Roland by the priest Konrad, but also by Der Stricker’s Karl der Große. The third scene is more problematic. At first glance, the relatively specific reference to the deaths of the sons of Helche would seem to apply only to a single work, namely the Rabenschlacht, dealing with the great battle at Ravenna in which the hero Dietrich von Bern, the literary embodiment of the historical Theoderic the Great, returns with his brother Diether from exile at the court of the Hun- nish king Etzel to combat his uncle Ermanerich. The defeat of Dietrich in this work provides an explanation for his return to Etzel’s court and thus forms a link to other works in which he figures as an exile. Thus the case of the death of Diether could be understood as a reference pars pro toto to a vast range of heroic epics linked through the character of Dietrich von Bern, ranging from the Nibelungenlied to König Laurin.25 These works Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 167 were especially associated with the Bavaria-Austrian area where it is generally agreed that Wernher’s poem originated. These scenes thus represent three of the main constellations of literature current in the third quarter of the thirteenth century, when Helmbrecht was composed. However, the most obvious constellation is missing. This is the Arthurian romance, which had first been introduced in the form of adaptations of Old French works of Chrétien de Troyes by Hartmann von Aue and Ulrich von Zatzikhoven, and which reached its peak with Wolfram’s Parzival and Titurel. The popularity of the Matter of Britain, and the tow- ering centrality of Wolfram von Eschenbach within it, can be seen from the derivative romances current in Germany such as Wigalois by Wirnt von Grafenberg and Der Aven- tiure Krône by Heinrich von dem Türlin. For any listener or reader conversant with the German literary landscape in the period when Helmbrecht was composed, the sequential description of scenes relating to the Matter of Rome, the Matter of France and the Ger- manic heroic epic would immediately create an expectation that these would be followed by the single most popular genre of the time, namely the Arthurian romance. This genre may even be hinted at in the final scene of the cap which shows knights and ladies, girls and young men all dancing to the accompaniment of fiddlers (lines85–103 ), but there is nothing as specific as in the three previous scenes. This scene can also be considered as a prefiguration of part of the conversation between Helmbrecht and his father after the robber’s first return, when the older man reminisces about the courtly customs he knew in his youth. Here he fondly remembers knights dancing with ladies, as well as squires and maids (juncherren unde meide), all to the music of fiddles. It is of course courtly pursuits such as dancing and tournaments which Helmbrecht scorns in favour of robbery and binge drinking (lines 913–54). I would argue that the expectation of an Arthurian theme created by the description of the cap is actually fulfilled by the subsequent account of the career of Helmbrecht. Let us consider the most obvious parallel. In Wolfram’s romance, the young Parzival is brought up by his mother Herzeloyde in a desert place, with only a few servants to attend to them. She is determined to keep her son away from society in order that he might avoid the fate of his father Gahmuret, who has been killed as a result of his determination to follow a life of knighthood. Yet Parzival’s ancestry asserts itself despite unfavourable circumstances. He is in the habit of hunting birds in the forest with bow and arrows, yet their deaths cause him grief, since the sweetness of their song produces an emotional reaction in him, which as Herzeloyde recognises, derives from his ancestry and innate nobility: eins tages si in kapfen sach ûf die boume nâch der vogele schal, si wart wol innen daz zeswal von der stimme ir kindes brust. des twang in art und sîn gelust.26 Herzeloyde realises that this emotional conflict occasioned by the birdsong will bring out a desire in Parzival to fulfil his ancestry, and orders her servants to silence the birds, which 168 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 proves fruitless since they simply fly off. Here we have the idea of birds and their song as an expression of nobility and joy, which is the first outward indication of Parzival’s noble ancestry. This motif thus constitutes an obvious point of contact with the scene of birds in flight depicted on Helmbrecht’s cap.27 Soon afterwards Parzival meets the knight Karnahkarnanz and his companions in pursuit of two evildoers who have abducted a lady from his lands. The magnificent appearance of the knights and the information they tell him about the court of King Arthur implant within the boy a desire to leave his home in order to attain knighthood himself. Herzeloyde attempts to sabotage her son’s attempt to go to Arthur’s court by dressing him in the garb of a fool (tôren kleider) in the hope that this will subject him to ridicule; yet even before this point Parzival is described in terms of folly: der knappen der vil tumpheit wielt (the boy who wielded great folly) and der knappe tump unde wert (the boy, foolish yet worthy). The quality described here is not to be understood as idiocy, but rather Parzival’s naïvety and inexperience as a result of growing up in isolation. A particular facet of this lack of knowledge is his inadequate understanding of God.28 Thus he first learns the name of God during the incident with the birds, and on learning of the Devil, imagines that he can kill the Evil One with his javelin. Yet while one of the knights dismisses him as a ‘foolish Waleis’ (dirre tœrsche Wâleise), Karnahkarnanz recognises his physical beauty as proof of his noble ancestry (strophes 121,5–126,18). Parzival’s callow and gullible nature also causes him difficulties in attempting to follow literally the advice his mother has given him, as when he seeks to embrace the Lady Jeschute on en- countering her in a pavilion in the forest. This assault, in which Parzival takes Jeschute’s ring and brooch and consumes her food and drink, causes her husband Orilus de Lalander to mistakenly suspect her of infidelity (strophes 129,27–137,30). In a similar fashion, Helmbrecht is repeatedly described in terminology relating to fools and folly: geutôr (bumpkin), narre (fool), gouch (gowk), affe (ape) and tumbe (in- experienced, silly), often in combinations which intensify their basic meaning. These words occur during descriptions of his first departure and the scene where he returns home to tell of his subsequent activity, which is revealed to be a perversion of courtly life.29 Yet Helmbrecht’s folly is not to be understood as a lack of intelligence, since his criminal activities show a certain amount of low cunning which enables him to profit from them for a time. Rather, it relates to his complete lack of morality despite ample opportunities (such as his father’s experience and advice) to distinguish the good from the bad. He is completely lacking in the virtue of mâze (moderation or self-restraint). We thus have a contrast between two forms of folly. Parzival is foolish because of his lack of experience, which he overcomes through his innate nobility and virtue. Helm- brecht is foolish because of his lack of morality, which ultimately brings about his own destruction. This contrast is, I believe, the key to an understanding of Wernher’s work. As the studies by Tippelskirch and Sowinski have suggested, the most obvious parallels occur in those scenes in which the protagonist leaves home. However, one can find addi- tional points of contact. These can be clearly illustrated in tabular form: Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 169

Parzival Helmbrecht Parzival is brought up in circumstanc- Helmbrecht has the opportunity to continue es which are inappropriate to his noble to live in circumstances which are appro- ancestry (117,7–28). However, he wishes priate to his peasant ancestry (279–98). to leave his home and accustomed life in However, he wishes to leave his home and order to pursue a new life at court. His de- accustomed life in order to pursue a new sired goal is the attainment of knighthood life at court. His desired goal is a life of (125,26–126,18). violence and robbery (224–32, 363–88). The impetus for Parzival’s desire is the The impetus for Helmbrecht’s desire is his recognition of his physical beauty, which is ornate cap and clothing, which he claims recognised by the knight Karnahkarnanz as are appropriate to noble status (299–318). evidence of his noble lineage (123,11–19). His mother does not attempt to dissuade His father attempts to dissuade him from him from his purpose, but equips him with his purpose (without success). Mother and fool’s clothing and a horse of poor quality father equip him with expensive clothing in the hope that this will subject him to and a horse of good quality in the hope that ridicule and thus prevent him attaining the this will help him attain a position at court status of knight (126,19–127,10). (131–221, 389–402). His equipment is thus inappropriate to His equipment is thus appropriate to his his desired social status. Yet his mother’s desired social status. Yet his father’s and intentions are in vain, since he overcomes mother’s intentions are in vain, since he the disadvantages of his equipment. fails to utilise his equipment in a positive fashion. His mother gives him advice which he His father gives him a warning in the form follows slavishly, causing him several of prophetic dreams, which he fails to heed, difficulties (127,11–128,2). contributing to his own ultimate destruction (603–34). Parzival sets out in the clothing of a fool, Helmbrecht sets out in the clothing of a no- which is inappropriate to his social status bleman, which is inappropriate to his social and personal qualities. status and personal qualities. He must undergo numerous travails over He finds short-term success in his criminal many years, but ultimately attains his goal. activities, but is punished by mutilation and death. Parzival is vindicated in his attempt to Helmbrecht is thwarted in his attempt to break out of the conditions imposed by his break out of his inherited social status and mother and to fulfil his ancestry. to defy his ancestry. 170 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

Most of these parallels are inversions in which actions or qualities described in Helmbrecht are antithetical to those in Parzival. They are, however, complicated by the fact that the circumstances in which the young Parzival grows up in his wilderness hideaway are in themselves an inversion of the upbringing which would normally be expected as appropriate to someone of his noble ancestry. Unlike previous commentators, I have suggested that the descriptions of the literary scenes on Helmbrecht’s cap set up these contrasts by creating the expectation of an Arthu- rian hero: Helmbrecht fulfils this expectation by functioning as an anti-Parzival. A further intertextual confirmation of this proposed scheme can be found after Helmbrecht’s return and consequent second departure from home. His sister Gotelint is impressed by his tales of wealth and opulence, and agrees to return with him to be given in marriage to one of his fellow-robbers, nicknamed Lemberslint. By this time it has long become clear that Helm- brecht has not found a position at a court of any kind, and the wedding is celebrated at the house of Lemberslint’s father. The feast which follows the rather improvised ceremony is a parody of a formal courtly banquet, at which Helmbrecht’s companions act out the roles of the traditional aulic of- ficers who performed honorific services at court ceremonies: marshal, butler, seneschal, chamberlain, and master of the kitchen.30 In conversation with his family and others Helm- brecht has previously used the familiar second-person pronoun du (acc. dich, dat. dir), and one would expect his close-knit band of robber companions to do the same, but it is noticeable that at the feast they use the more formal second-person plural form ir (acc. iuch, dat. iu), which by the thirteenth century had become established as the polite form of address among the German nobility (lines 1487–1574). Despite the improvised nature of the feast, it is described by the narrator in a comparison with the Arthurian romance: dô der künec Artûs sîn frouwen Ginovêren nam, diu selbe hôchzît was lam bî der Lemberslintes.31 This is of course an ironic exaggeration. This reference can be seen as further confirmation of the (anti-)Arthurian character of the protagonist’s development, for which the expectation is created through the description of literary material on his cap. Wernher von Gartenaere thus turns Helmbrecht into an antithetical Parzival, in a work in which folly is a major theme. While Parzival’s folly is his inexperience and ignorance of the wider world and society, Helmbrecht’s folly is his wilful ignorance of any morality and refusal to accept his inherited social status. Yet the contrast between the two is strengthened through Wernher’s application of a vocabulary of folly and foolishness which echoes that used by Wolfram: in a nutshell, Parzival is a nobleman dressed as a fool, while Helmbrecht is a fool dressed as a nobleman. For both protagonists, the consequences of each form of folly are played out within a wider world and eventually rectified. In both cases, the natural order of society is re-established. Wernher der Gartenaere’s poem is innovative in its Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 171 imaginative handling of an Arthurian theme, but in its message, it is uncompromisingly conservative in its reinforcement of the social order.

Endnoten

1 This study is offered to Albrecht Classen in recognition not only of his distinguished career, but in particular of his work in organising annual symposia at the University of Arizona. These have not only provided a pleasant and collegiate atmosphere for scholarly discussion, but produced a series of high-quality interdisciplinary volumes on the culture of the Middle Ages and the Early Modern period. Quotations from the poem analysed here are taken from the standard text edition: Wernher der Gartenaere, Helmbrecht, ed. Friedrich Panzer and Kurt Ruh, 10th edn by Hans-Joachim Ziegeler, Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 11 (Tübingen, 1993). Translations from Middle High German into English are by the present author. 2 Helmut de Boor, Die deutsche Literatur im späten Mittelalter, 3rd edn (Munich, 1967), p. 263. 3 William E. Jackson, ‘Das Märe von Helmbrecht als Familiengeschichte’, Euphorion 84 (1990), 45–58. 4 Luise Berthold, ‘Beobachtungen zum Meier Helmbrecht’, Germanisch-Romanische Monats- schrift 34 (1953), 242–44; Kurt Ruh, ‘Helmbrecht und Gregorius’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (Tübingen) 85 (1963), 102–6. 5 Ingrid von Tippelskirch, ‘Zum Helmbrecht’, Euphorion 67 (1973), 60–70: ‘In Wolframs Roman wird ein Prinz von der Mutter mit bäuerlicher Kleidung zum Narren ausstaffiert; imHelmbrecht der Bauernjunge als Ritter aufgeputzt, Mutter und Schwester geben die Kleidung, der Vater kauft ihm das Pferd. Der Ausbruch aus dem ordo ist in beiden Fällen konstitutiv für den Konflikt. Parzival wie Helmbrecht ist es unmöglich, ihren angeborenen Stand zu verleugnen; in beiden Fällen setzt sich der determinierende Charakter des ordo durch: der Erniedrigte wird erhöht, der Erhöhte fällt – der willkürlich angemaßte Rang erzwingt in potenzierter Form Rückkehr zum ursprünglichen Status’ (p. 62). 6 Bernhard Sowinski, ‘Parzival und Helmbrecht: Höfische Kalokagathie und bäurische Usurpa- tion’, in Von wyssheit würt der mensch geert …: Festschrift für Manfred Lemmer zum 65. Ge- burtstag, ed. Ingrid Kühn and Gotthard Lerchner (Frankfurt am Main, 1993), pp. 117–27. 7 daz zæme niht zewâre / mînem langen valwen hâre / und mînem reidem locke / und mînem wol stânden rocke / und mîner wæhen hûben / und den sîdînen tûben / die dar ûf nâten frouwen (lines 271–77). 8 W. Braune, ‘Helmbrechts Haube’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 32 (1907), 555–59; Erika A. Wirtz, ‘Meier Helmbrecht’s Cap’, Modern Language Review 49 (1954), 441–50. 9 her Nîthart, und solde er leben, / dem hêt got den sin gegeben, / der kunde ez iu gesingen baz / danne ich gesagen (lines 217–20). 10 Die Lieder Neidharts, ed. Edmund Wiessner, 2nd edn by Hanns Fischer, Altdeutsche Textbi- bliothek 44 (Tübingen, 1963), Winterlied 29, 86,5–86,26: seht an Hildemâren! Der treit eine hûben, diu ist innerthalp gesnüeret / und sint ûzen vogelîn mit sîden ûf genât. […] Er wil eben- hiuzen sich ze werdem ingesinde, / daz bî hoveliuten ist gewahsen unde gezogen. / begrîfents in, si zerren im die hûben alsô swinde:/ ê er waene, sô sint im diu vogelîn enpflogen.(p. 115). For commentary, see Ulrich Seelbach, ‘Hildemar und Helmbrecht: Intertextuelle und zeitaktu- elle Bezüge des Helmbrecht zu den Liedern Neidharts’, in Wernher der Gärtner, ‘Helmbrecht’: Die Beiträge des Helmbrecht-Symposions in Burghausen 2001, ed. Theodor Nolte and Tobias Schneider (Stuttgart, 2001), pp. 45–69. 172 Mediaevistik 28 · 2015

11 Helmut Brackert, ‘Helmbrechts Haube’, Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum 103 (1974), 166–84. 12 Sieglinde Hartmann, ‘siteche unde tûben – zur Vogelsymbolik im Helmbrecht’, in Deutsch-fran- zösische Germanistik: Mélanges pour Emile Georges Zink, ed. Sieglinde Hartmann and Claude Lecouteux, Göppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik 364 (Göppingen, 1984), pp. 123–41. 13 Hartmann, ‘siteche unde tûben’, pp. 154–55: ‘Denn die Tatsache, daß Papageien- und Taube- nembleme die Verpflichtung auf ein sakral begründetes Ritterethos bedeuten, konnte nur den Schluß zulassen, daß ihr Träger damit den Willen offenbarte, sich auch der inneren Werte des Rittertums zu bemächtigen. Daß solch ein Unterfangen die Gefahr einer Versündigung gegen die göttliche Ständeordnung, ja sogar eine Gotteslästerung in sich birgt, signalisiert der Dichter überdies dadurch, daß er die Tauben durch das Parallelsymbol der Papageien eindeutiger als im Parzival zum Signum der Gottesmutter erhebt’. 14 On the colours and attitudes of heraldic beasts, see: Gerard J. Brault, Early Blazon: Heraldic Ter- minology in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries with Special Reference to Arthurian Heraldry (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 1972), pp. 69–70; Gert Oswald, Lexikon der Heraldik (Leipzig, 1984); Heiko Hartmann, ‘Tiere in der historischen und literarischen Heraldik des Mittelalters. Ein Auf- riss’, in Tiere und Fabelwesen im Mittelalter, ed. Sabine Obermaier (Berlin, 2009), pp. 147–80; Ralf-Gunnar Werlich, ‘Herrschaft, Bild, Figur und Farbe. Zur Konstruktion mehrfeldiger reichs- fürstlicher Wappen an der Wende vom Mittelalter zur Frühen Neuzeit’, in Farbe im Mittelalter: Materialität – Medialität – Semantik, ed. Ingrid Bennewitz and Andrea Schindler, 2 vols (Berlin, 2011), pp. 891–918; Alan V. Murray, ‘Heraldry’, in An Encyclopedia of Dress and Textiles in the British Isles c. 450–1450, ed. Gale Owen-Crocker, Elizabeth Coatsworth and Maria Hayward (Leiden, 2012), pp. 267–70. Medieval heraldry also made use of stylised furs such as ermine and vair. Paradoxically, these tend to be used for the fields (i.e. backgrounds to charges) rather than for animals themselves. 15 ein knöpfel an dem andern lac; / diu wâren rôt vergoldet. (lines 180–81); sîn buosem was al umbe / bestreut mit knöpfelînen, / diu sach man verre schînen, / gel, blâ, grüene, brûn und rôt, / swarz und wîz, als er gebôt (lines 198–202). 16 ‘so many birds upon the cap: parrots and doves were embroidered all over it’ (lines 17–19). 17 ‘[the peasant’s life is not appropriate to] my fine cap and the silken doves that ladies embroidered on it’ (lines 275–77). 18 ‘so take care of your cap and the silken doves’ (lines 429–30). 19 ‘parrots and larks, sparrowhawks and turtle doves, which were embroidered on the cap, were scattered on the road’ (lines 1886–89). 20 Wolfram von Eschenbach, Parzival: Studienausgabe, ed. Karl Lachmann, 6th edn (Berlin, 1965). It should be pointed out that this mention occurs in a conversation in which Orilus accu- ses his wife Jeschute of infidelity with the young Parzival, so the possibility of an intertextual reference should perhaps not be excluded. 21 See, for example: Dorothea Heinig, Die Jagd im Parzival Wolframs von Eschenbach (Stuttgart, 2012). 22 Charles E. Gough, ‘Notes on the Versification of the MHG PoemMeier Helmbrecht’, Procee- dings of the Leeds Philosophical and Literary Society 6 (1944), 125–35. 23 A St. Andrews Treasury of Scottish Verse, ed. Mrs Alexander Lawson [sic] and Alexander Law- son (London, 1920), p. 21. On the vocabulary: hause-bane = collar-bone; een = eyes; gowden = golden; theek = thatch. 24 Tippelskirch, ‘Zum Helmbrecht’, p. 62. 25 Joachim Heinzle, Einführung in die mittelhochdeutsche Dietrichepik (Berlin, 1999). Mediaevistik 28 · 2015 173

26 Strophe 118,24–28. Wolfram von Eschenbach, Parzival and Titurel, trans. Cyril Edwards (Ox- ford, 2006), p. 51: ‘One day she saw him gazing up into the trees, following the birds’ sound. She observed that her child’s breast swelled at the sound of their voices, compelled to it by lineage and his desire’. 27 Wolfram says that die vogele wâren baz gerîten, literally ‘they were better mounted’ (strophe 119,5) , but this expression clearly relates to their mobility which made them impossible to catch by Herzeloyde’s servants. 28 Heinz Rupp, ‘Die Funktion des Wortes tump im Parzival Wolframs von Eschenbach’, Germa- nisch-Romanische Monatsschrift 38 (1957), 97–106. 29 dem selben geutôren (line 41), der narre und der gouch (line 83), gotes tumbe (line 85), dem tumben ræzen knehte (line 106), er gouch und er tumbe (line 197), ein affe und ein narre (line 1004), vil tumber gouch (line 1161). The MHG word gouch originally meant a cuckoo, and by extension, a foolish or stupid person. Since Standard English does not have a direct equivalent I have translated gouch by the cognate modern Scots word, which also carries both meanings. 30 The first four of these were the ‘classic’ aulic offices. The office of master of the kitchenma ( - gister coquinae) was introduced to the courts of many of the ecclesiastical and secular princes of Germany around the year 1200, a development which was reflected in the depiction of the court of Worms in the Nibelungenlied: Werner Rösener, ‘Hofämter an mittelalterlichen Fürsten- höfen’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 45 (1989), 485–550; Alan V. Murray, ‘Der König und der Küchenmeister: Überlegungen zur Rolle Rumolts im Nibelungenlied’, in Nibelungenlied und Klage: Ursprung – Funktion – Bedeutung, ed. Dietz-Rüdiger Moser and Marianne Sammer (Munich, 1998), pp. 395–410. 31 ‘When King Arthur took Guinevere as his wife, that festival was wanting compared with that of Lemberslint’ (lines 1478–81).